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LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 












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LIFE 


LORENZO 


OF 


DE’ 


CALLED 



THE MAGNIFICENT. 


BY WILLIAM 11 O S C O E. 

r* 

WITH 

& f^cinotr of tfje &utf)ot\ 


EDITED BY WILLIAM IIAZLITT, j, 

i ♦ 

OF THE MIDDLE TEMPLE, BARRISTER-AT-LAW. 



LONDON: 

DAVID BOGUE, FLEET STREET. 


MDCCCXLVI. 

ifrtfjk. 





ransffc® 

20 1915 







TO 


THE PRIME MINISTER OF ENGLAND 

THE FIRST 'VOLUME. OF 

\-f. • \ * . • • ** 

. v- 

. Cl )t iEutopeaix Etbratn, 


A PUBLICATION INTENDED TO ELEVATE THE NATIONAL MIND, 


AND TO REFINE THE NATIONAL CHARACTER — 

TO 


SIR ROBERT PEEL, 


THE PATRON OF ART, THE 


BENEFACTOR OF LETTERS, 


TTIE LIFE OF LORENZO T)E’ MEDICI 


IS INSCRIBED. 





The author of the Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici presents an 
example of native energy contending, in the outset of life, 
with circumstances far from propitious, and working its way, 
by unceasing perseverance, to the highest literary eminence. 
William Roscoe was the son of a person who kept a 
small public house, called “ The Bowling Green,” on a spot 
designated “ Mount Pleasant,” near Liverpool. He was 
born on the 8th of March, 1753, and received the first 
rudiments of a very ordinary education, in reading, writing, 
and arithmetic, at the common schools in that neighbour¬ 
hood, for boys in his class of life. At twelve years of 
age, he became an assistant to his father, in the cultivation of 
a potato ground, and actually carried the produce to market, 
in a basket, on his head. “ In this and other laborious occu¬ 
pations,” says he, “ particularly in the care of a garden, in 
which I took great pleasure, I passed several years of my life, 
devoting my hours of relaxation to reading my books. This 
mode of life gave health and vigour to my body, and amuse¬ 
ment and instruction to my mind; and to this day I well 
remember the delicious sleep, which succeeded my labours, 
and from which I was called again, at an early hour.” The 
moral tone of his mind appears to have been given by 
his mother, a woman apparently of few intellectual attain¬ 
ments, but of warm affections, and pure moral feelings. She 


a 



X 


MEMOIR OF 


gently curbed the headstrong passions of his youth, and seems 
to have indelibly impressed on his mind an admiration of the 
, beauty of virtue, and a resolution to carry out his principles 
into action, so far as he was -able to perceive and to appre¬ 
ciate their consequences. 

It was probably to tliis good mother’s conversational in¬ 
struction (for she does not seem to have been capable of 
directing his reading) that he was indebted for a habit of 
meditation, which, finding little attraction in the coarse 
manners and rude sports of children of his own age and 
station, led him to seek gratification in the perusal of such 
books as accident threw in his way. He soon became a great 
reader, especially of poetry; but, as often happens to young 
persons who have none to guide their studies, his chief reading, 
at this period of life, did not lie among the best authors. 
Though he obtained several volumes of Shakspeare’s works, 
and even committed to memory several of his historical plays, 
the deeper pathos and profounder philosophy of the great 
dramatist do not seem to have arrested his attention. To the 
majesty of Milton, the prolific imagination of Spenser, or the 
lively portraitures of Chaucer, he seems, at this time, to have 
been an entire stranger. The consequence was, that his taste 
was formed on the poems of Mrs. Catherine Philips, Gray, 
Collins, and above all, Shenstone. Admiration naturally 
begets imitation, and at the age of eighteen, he addressed his 
favourite poet, in lines such as these : 

0 Shenstone, favourite of the Nine, 

What sweetly varying powers are thine! 

Through life, he continued to indulge in versification, and 
certainly improved, both in thought and style, as he became 
acquainted with better models; but his poetical productions 
would scarcely have rescued hi3 name from the oblivion, which 
soon and surely envelopes the poets of mediocrity. 

It was far otherwise with his historical labours, and especially 


WILLIAM R0SC0E. 


XI 


with the Life of Lorenzo de' Medici , which, from its first 
appearance, took rank among the standard works of English 
literature. The steps, by which he was led to this great un¬ 
dertaking, are very remarkable, and may be traced from a 
period long antecedent to the actual date of its publication. 
We have seen, that up to an advanced period of his youth 
his literary attainments had not gone beyond his native 
language. His father, though quite incapable of directing 
his son’s studies, readily and kindly acquiesced in endeavour¬ 
ing to turn them to the best account. The youth first aspired 
to be a bookseller, and was placed with a respectable trades¬ 
man in that line, but soon grew disgusted with the dull routine 
of attendance in a shop. Shortly afterwards (in the year 1769) 
the father found means to pay the necessary premium for 
binding him as articled clerk to an attorney at Liverpool. 
This occupation was, no doubt, more laborious than the former, 
and, to a mind like Roscoc’s, equally uninviting; but the 
correct and honourable feelings which he had imbibed from 
his early years, forbade his withdrawing from his new engage¬ 
ment. He could not but feel, that his father had made a great 
exertion to raise the money required for this object; that he 
had been treated most indulgently, in being allowed to repu¬ 
diate a former pursuit, which had been his own choice; that 
his new employment led the way to elevation in society; that 
it promised an eventual independence, which to a mind like 
his had an inestimable charm; that it would, at no late period 
of life, enable him to form a domestic union with a woman of his 
own choice; and, finally, to indulge a grateful pride in cherish¬ 
ing and cheering the declining years of his remaining parent. 

To a mind less sensitive and affectionate than Roscoe’s all 
these reflections might not have occurred, or if they had oc¬ 
curred, might have been speedily obliterated by the tempta¬ 
tions of youth; but his early habits inclined him to meditation, 
and his disposition, though far from unsocial, was altogether 


MEMOIR OF 


xii 

averse to the coarse pleasures of dissipation. He therefore 
entered on his new career with a firm resolution to go through 
its labours without flinching, to render himself useful and valu¬ 
able to his immediate superiors, and to acquire such a com¬ 
petent knowledge of the law, as might ensure his following it, 
as a profession, with credit and success. 

And now arose a circumstance, which gave the distinguish¬ 
ing hue and colour to his future existence. The value, the 
importance of a talented, an honourable, an affectionate, and 
a virtuous friend to a youth just entering on life, is beyond 
all calculation. Such a friend young Roscoe found in Francis 
Holden, an assistant in the school of his uncle, Richard 
Holden, at Liverpool. This young man was descended from 
a family, many members of which had distinguished them¬ 
selves by their progress in scientific pursuits. He early 
arrived at manhood in person, manners, and mental acquire¬ 
ments. His figure was powerfully, yet elegantly formed; his 
strength and agility were great; and to his bodily endowments 
he added such a cheerful vivacity and so unassuming a modesty, 
as to relieve his friends from the sense of inferiority, which 
his talents and accomplishments were so well calculated to 
inspire. In his uncle’s school, at a very early age, he taught 
mathematics, and the Greek, Latin, French, and Italian 
languages. So correct, elegant, unembarrassed, and concise 
were his versions from these tongues, that they might without 
correction have been committed to the press. 

A warm attachment soon sprung up between these young 
persons. Both nearly of an age, and both ardent admirers of 
literature, they became, during their leisure hours, inseparable 
companions; and it was at the solicitation, and with the 
assistance, of Francis Holden, that Mr. Roscoe first com¬ 
menced the study of languages. In these he made a rapid 
progress; and the capacity of enjoying the same authors, in 
the same language, became a new bond of union between the 


WILLIAM R08C0E. 


xiii 


friends. Their intercourse was broken off by Holden’s re¬ 
moval, first to Glasgow, and afterwards to France; but a few 
years afterwards returning to Liverpool, improved in his ac¬ 
quirements and unaltered in his affections, be renewed bis 
intercourse with Roscoe, whom he found well advanced in 
French and Latin; but not at all acquainted with Italian. 
To this branch of literature, therefore, Holden now directed 
his friend’s attention. In their evening walks, he was accus¬ 
tomed to repeat passages from the poets of Italy: and the 
pleasure with which he recited their verses, producing a 
strong impression upon the mind of Roscoe, led the latter to 
apply himself to the study of the language, of which, by 
gradual application, he rendered himself a complete master. 
It was in the course of these studies, that he first formed the 
idea of writing the Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici. 

We cannot dismiss this portion of our task, without a melan¬ 
choly tribute of regret to the memory of Francis Holden. 
He first attempted to engage in the profession of the law; 
and for that purpose came to London, and entered as a 
member of one of the inns of court. Being unable to follow 
out this plan, on account of its expense, he removed to Cam¬ 
bridge, where his remarkable acquirements and engaging 
manners soon procured him friends. Having obtained a 
competent number of pupils to afford him a liberal income, he 
took a house at Chesterton, and married; but he had not re¬ 
sided more than two or three years at that place, when the 
symptoms of approaching consumption threw a gloom over 
his prospects, and compelled him to take a voyage to Lisbon; 
but he did not live to experience benefit from the climate. 

Robert Rigby, another friend, to whom Roscoe was 
attached by a similarity of pursuits, was also snatched from 
him by an early and sudden death. He was drowned in 
crossing the Irish Channel. 

Notwithstanding these and other circumstances, w hich for 


xiv 


MEMOIR OF 


a time gave a tone of despondency to Roscoe’s feelings, 
he steadily pursued his professional course; and having com¬ 
pleted his clerkship at the age of twenty-one, he was admitted 
an attorney of the Court of King’s Bench, and immediately com¬ 
menced practice at Liverpool, in connexion, first with Mr. 
Bannister, and afterwards with Mr. Aspinall. He had, 
before this, formed an attachment to Miss Jane Griffies, the 
daughter of a tradesman in that town. They for several 
years considered themselves mutually engaged to each other; 
but abstained from marriage, till his increasing business 
became profitable enough to justify their union, which took 
place on the 22nd of February, 1781. 

In the meanwhile, he had not only devoted much of his 
leisure to poetical compositions, some of which were pub¬ 
lished, but by a natural association of feelings had cultivated 
a taste for other branches of the Fine Arts. Liverpool was 
a place of great commercial celebrity, and its inhabitants 
almost wholly absorbed in the pursuit of gain. Mr. Roscoe, 
when a very young man, became anxious to direct the atten¬ 
tion of his fellow townsmen, in part at least, to sources of 
more refined enjoyment. At the early age of twenty, he joined 
in forming a Society for the Encouragement of the Arts of 
Painting and Design in the town of Liverpool. The attempt 
failed at the moment; but in the year 1784, it was revived, 
and accompanied with a plan for an exhibition of pictures, 
which was attended with brilliant success. Mr. Roscoe, who 
had by this time become an important member of society in 
his native town, not only stood forward as one of the most 
influential promoters of the association, but found time, from 
his professional engagements, to compose and deliver several 
lectures, on “ the History of Art,” on “ the Knowledge and 
Use of Prints,” and on “ the History and Progress of the Art 
of Engraving.” This last subject he illustrated from a col¬ 
lection of prints which he had himself begun to collect. About 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


XV 

the same time, he embodied his ideas on this subject in a 
poem, which is chiefly remarkable as containing an allusion to 
“the Great Lorenzo,” accompanied with the following note:—. 

“Lorenzo de’ Medici, called the Magnificent, (bornin 1448, 
died in 1492,) was the Director of the Florentine Republic 
for upwards of twenty years, and the father of John de’ 
Medici, afterwards pope, by the name of Leo X. To the 
munificence and taste of Lorenzo is principally to be attri¬ 
buted the sudden progress of the Fine Arts in Italy, at the 
close of the fifteenth century. But this is only a small part of 
his praise. If a full inquiry be made into his life and cha¬ 
racter , he will appear to be not only one of the most extra¬ 
ordinary, but, upon the whole, the most extraordinary man, 
that any age or nation has produced.” 

We do not quote this note for the accuracy of its estimate 
of character, but to show how an idea which, years before, had 
arisen in conversation with Mr. Holden, had continued to work 
in Mr. Roscoe’s mind, until, at a still later period, he set him¬ 
self in earnest to its realization. He began by perusing the 
Florentine Annals of Macchiavelli and Ammirato; noting, as 
he went along, the passages which threw a light on any cir¬ 
cumstance connected with the life or character of Lorenzo. 
From these he successively, and with the same view, proceeded 
to Crescembeni, Muratori, and Tiraboschi. But Liverpool did 
not then possess a public library; and he soon found a want 
of materials for such a composition as alone could satisfy his 
preconceived idea. In the short visits which his profession 
required him to pay to the metropolis, he diligently sought 
among the booksellers for such volumes as were necessary to 
his researches, and within the prudential limits of his purse. 
Fortunately, the sale of the Crevenna and Pinelli Libraries, 
which occurred at this period, enabled him to procure, at a 
moderate rate, many scarce and valuable works which he had 
long sought in vain. 


XVI 


MEMOfR OF 


But it was manifest that the most important materials for 
a history, which was to embrace the life and times of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici, were only to be found in the literary repositories 
of Italy, which Mr. Roscoe’s professional occupations ren¬ 
dered it impossible for him personally to examine. Here 
again he was indebted to friendship. Mr. William Clarke, 
an early associate with himself and Holden in their Italian 
studies, had been compelled, by the threatenings of a pul¬ 
monary complaint, to seek a milder climate, and had fixed 
himself at Fiesole, near Florence. To him, at the close of 
the year 1789, Mr. Roscoe communicated his design of 
writing the Life of Lorenzo; stated the difficulties which 
he found, from want of materials; and besought his assist¬ 
ance, particularly in exploring the Laurentian and Riccardi 
Libraries. This was readily and joyfully granted: and the 
zeal and diligence of Mr. Clarke went far beyond the hopes 
which Mr. Roscoe himself had formed. To the honour of 
the grand duke of Tuscany it must be stated, that while, in 
most other parts of the Continent, access to the public col¬ 
lections could only be obtained by means of a bribe, even the 
public archives and state papers lodged in the Palazzo 
Veccliio, (documents which the jealousy of other govern¬ 
ments has guarded with scrupulous secresy,) were rendered 
accessible, on presenting to the grand duke a memorial, the 
prayer of which was instantly granted. 

To these valuable repositories, and also to the extensive 
library of the marquis Riccardi, Mr. Clarke resorted, and 
with the assistance of the very learned canonico Bandini, 
the grand duke’s librarian, and of the abate Fontani, the 
keeper of the Riccardi Library, he gained access to many 
curious manuscripts, which threw a light, before unseen, on 
the history of the Medici. From these he made such ex¬ 
tracts as appeared to him most essential to his friend’s ob¬ 
ject; and of other MSS., which he thought likely to furnish 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


XVU 


useful information, he carefully noted the titles and numbers, 
particularly from the copious and excellent catalogue, by 
Bandini, of the MSS. preserved in the Laurentian Library 
These notes he proposed to review, tete-a-tete with his friend, 
on his return to England; so that they might send commis¬ 
sions to copyists at Florence, in whom he could confide, to 
have the needful transcripts made. 

Nor did Mr. Clarke confine himself to the manuscript 
treasures of Florence. He twice perused the published Life 
of Lorenzo, by Fabroni, in Latin, which, though chiefly de¬ 
voted to his political character, contains some observations on 
his patronage of learning and the arts, with references to 
authorities, which greatly assisted Mr. Clarke in his research. 
And, lastly, he purchased for Mr. Roscoe such printed works, 
illustrative of the Medicean age, as the latter had in vain 
sought for in England. 

Having acquired these valuable materials, Mr. Roscoe 
proceeded with double ardour in his task. Among the un¬ 
published pieces transmitted to him' from Florence, were 
several original poems of Lorenzo. Of these he printed a 
very limited number of copies, in 1791, for private distri¬ 
bution among his friends, dedicating the volume, in an 
elegant Italian preface, to his accomplished and zealous co- 
operator, Mr. Clarke. 

All the leisure which Mr. Roscoe could command was 
now devoted to the Life of Lorenzo; and in the autumn of 
the year 1793, he committed the first sheets of his work to 
the press, at Liverpool. In the spring of 1794, a consi¬ 
derable portion of the first volume was printed; and the 
sheets being transmitted to Mr. Edwards, a bookseller in 
Pall Mall, were by him laid before the Miss Berrys, through 
whom they were communicated to lord Orford. His lord- 
ship, though at the advanced age of seventy-six, and suffer¬ 
ing under many infirmities, perused them with eagerness, 

b 


xviii 


MEMOIR OF 


expressed the great and unexpected pleasure they had 
afforded him, and testified much anxiety for their early pub¬ 
lication. This event, however, did not take place till Febru¬ 
ary, 1796. Fifty copies were first transmitted from Liver¬ 
pool to Mr. Edwards, the publisher, who disposed of them 
in three days, and wrote most pressingly for more, as did 
other eminent London booksellers, the work having created a 
great sensation in the literary world, from the moment it was 
made public. 

The first edition was published by Mr. Roscoe on his own 
account; but the rapidity of the sale induced Messrs. Cadell 
and Davies, of the Strand, to offer him 1200/. for the copy¬ 
right, and on his accepting that sum, they immediately put 
to press a second edition, which was followed by a third in 
the early part of 1799. 

The publication of the Life of Lorenzo de’ Medici pro¬ 
cured for its author testimonies of admiration from many of 
the first literary characters of the age, to several of whom 
he was personally unknown. Lord Orford wrote directly 
to Mr. Roscoe, in the same style of warm approbation of 
the second volume, as lie had expressed to Mr. Edwards, on 
perusing the first. To another correspondent his lordship 
said, in reference to the Lorenzo, “ Mr. Roscoe is, I think, 
by far the best of our historians, both for beauty of style 
and for deep reflections; and his translations of poetry are 
equal to the originals.” 

The earl of Bristol wrote from Rome, earnestly pressing 
Mr. Roscoe to visit him in that capital, and urging him to take, 
as a sequel to the Life of Lorenzo, that of his son, Pope 
Leo X. Of the publication, which he had just received from 
England, he said, “ It is impossible to read your elegant and 
most interesting history of that ornament of human nature, 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, and not feel at the same time a kind of 
triumphant enthusiasm, that we possess a cotemporary writer 



WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


xix 

of such superior talents, and such indefatigable industry, 
with a choice of the most interesting, instructive, and ani¬ 
mating subjects that can improve his countrymen and honour 
himself.” 

Lord Lansdowne not only expressed, in a letter to Mr. 
Roscoe, the delight he had felt in reading the work; but 
adverted to it most favourably in the house of lords. 

Mr. Mathias, the celebrated author of the “ Pursuits of 
Literature ,” though differing widely from Mr. Roscoe in 
political sentiments, said, “ I cannot but congratulate the 
public upon this great and important addition to classical 
history, which I regard as a phenomenon in literature. I 
recommend it to our country as a work of unquestionable 
genius, and of uncommon merit. It adds the name of Roscoe 
to the very first rank of English classical historians.” 

Dr. Parr, the second Greek scholar of his day, (he him¬ 
self allowed Porson to be the first,) thus wrote to Mr. Roscoe: 
“ You have thrown the clearest and fullest light upon a 
period most interesting to every scholar. You have pro¬ 
duced much that was unknown; and to that which was 
known you have given perspicuity, order, and grace. You 
have shown the greatest diligence in your researches, and 
the purest taste in your selection; and upon the characters 
and events which passed in review before your inquisitive 
and discriminating mind, you have united sagacity of ob¬ 
servation with correctness, elegance, and vigour of style.” 

After quoting such decisive opinions from the first literati 
of the country, it is almost superfluous to add, that the 
periodical critics were unanimous in praise of Mr. Roscoe’s 
production. 

The success of the work, on the Continent, was no less 
striking than in England. Perhaps the most remarkable 
testimony to its merit was that afforded by the learned 
Fabroni, principal of the University of Pisa, who was on 
b 2 


XX 


MEMOIR OF 


the point of publishing an Italian version of his own Life of 
Lorenzo, composed (as we have already seen) in Latin. On 
the perusal of Mr. Roscoe’s volumes, he, with unexampled 
candour, waived his own design, and persuaded the cavaliere 
Mecherini to execute a translation of the English produc¬ 
tion, which was accordingly done, and published at Pisa, in 
1799; Fabroni addressing, at the same time, a most grati¬ 
fying letter of congratulation to Mr. Roscoe. Among other 
learned Italians who spoke in high commendation of the 
work, were Angelo Maria Bandini, conservator of the Lau- 
rentian Library; the Abate Andres, author of the “ Origine, 
Progressi,e Stato attuale d’ogni Litteraturaf’the Abate Jacopo 
Morelli, principal librarian of St. Mark, at Venice, and the 
Canon Domenico Moreni, author of the “ Bibliografia sto- 
rico-ragionata della Toscana.” 

In Germany, a translation of the Life of Lorenzo was 
made by Dr. Kurt Sprengel, professor of medicine at 
Halle, and well versed in Italian literature. It appeared at 
Berlin, in 1797, with valuable notes by the translator, of 
which full use has been made here, and led to an interesting 
correspondence between him and Mr. Roscoe. 

In 1799, a French translation appeared at Paris, by M. 
Thourot, who thus speaks of the original:—“ I found Air. 
Roscoe’s book admirable for the liberal ideas which pervade 
it, and for the extensive information and profound researches 
which it contains on the history and literature, not only of 
Florence, but of all Italy. And besides this, the tone of can¬ 
dour which reigns throughout, and the dignified and decorous 
manner in which the author discusses, or criticises, the opi¬ 
nions of writers who have preceded him in the same career, 
inspire one with a real esteem for his personal character, whilst 
his harmonious and elegant style, and his pure and enlight¬ 
ened taste afford a most advantageous idea of his talents.” 

In 1803, aii American edition of the Life of Lorenzo ap- 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


xxi 


peared, under tlie encouragement of a long list of eminent per¬ 
sons, at Philadelphia, and in other parts of the Union, a 
circumstance which Mr. Roscoe could not but view with ex¬ 
treme satisfaction, as extending his fame and the beneficial 
influence of his work through a new Continent, the seat of a 
young but rapidly increasing civilization. 

After the splendid success which attended the appearance 
of Lorenzo, it was natural that Mr. Roscoe should turn his 
thoughts to the subject, which had been proposed to him as 
its fitting sequel, the life of Leo X., no less celebrated as a 
pope than his father had been as sovereign of Tuscany. We 
have seen that this suggestion was first made by the earl of 
Bristol. It was again, and more earnestly, urged by Fabroni, 
who had already performed the task in Latin, and who sent 
him that work, as a basis on which Mr. Roscoe’s genius might 
raise a nobler edifice. The candour and liberality of the 
learned Italian could not but add great weight to his advice, 
which was strengthened by the concurring opinions of lord 
Orford and lord Holland, the latter of whom liberally of¬ 
fered his services in procuring from Italy such documents as 
might be thought necessary. 

Still Mr. Roscoe hesitated to encounter an undertaking of 
such extent, and which would unavoidably require so great a 
devotion of time, but he was led, by imperceptible degrees, to 
a situation in which he felt that he could scarcely, either with 
propriety or credit, decline the task. Shortly after the publi¬ 
cation of the Life of Lorenzo he had withdrawn from the pro¬ 
fession of the law, an occupation which he had begun to 
regard with disgust, as chiefly conversant with human nature 
in its most repulsive aspects. He retired with a moderate 
competency, and in the spring of the year 1799, purchased 
the moiety of Allerton estate, near Liverpool, and went to 
reside there. A few months previously he had received from 
lord Holland the first supply of original materials from the 


XXII 


MEMOIR OF 


archives of Florence, for the projected life of Leo X. These 
consisted of two folio volumes of letters and papers, illustrat¬ 
ing the early history of the pontiff. The great scholars of 
Italy zealously contributed their advice and assistance to the 
undertaking. Fabroni, as has been mentioned, sent his own 
composition. Bandini sent several scarce and valuable docu¬ 
ments, both printed and manuscript, together with full and 
minute directions for consulting other sources of curious and 
important information. Morelli gave a list of books and manu¬ 
scripts which might be useful to a biographer of Leo X .; and 
other learned men made other contributions. 

Still there were treasures in the Vatican, to which Mr. 
Roscoe deemed it indispensable that he should have access: 
but the then state of the Continent precluded a hope of his 
being able to attain this object, when fortunately, and most 
unexpectedly, he received a letter from an English gentleman, 
named Johnson, then at Rome on his travels, who offered his 
assistance, and through his acquaintance with one of the car¬ 
dinals was enabled to procure any documents that the papal 
library afforded. It may well be believed, that Mr. Roscoe 
eagerly availed himself of so liberal and friendly an offer, 
which gave him advantages similar to those rendered by 
his friend Clarke to the composition of the Life of Lorenzo. 
After acknowledging, with gratitude, the great kindness of 
his new correspondent, he proceeded thus:—“ As my work 
will contain a pretty full account of the pontificates of Alex¬ 
ander VI. and Julius II., whatever relates to, or elucidates, 
either of their public characters, will be of great use. With 
respect to the pontificate of Leo X., everything that refers 
to it will be of importance to me—whether it concerns his 
political transactions and negotiations, his encouragement of 
literature and art, or his conduct in public or private life; 
in short, whatever has any connexion with his history, or 
with that of any branch of his family. I find that anecdotes 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


xxiii 


and circumstances, trivial and unimportant in themselves, 
often acquire value from comparison with other parts of a per¬ 
son’s character and conduct; and I wish to collect all I can 
respecting this pontiff, in order to enable me to appreciate, so 
far as is in my power, his very extraordinary and equivocal 
character.” 

Another fortunate occurrence took place in 1802. Mr. 
Shepherd, a friend and neighbour of Mr. Roscoe, and author of 
“ The Life of Poggio Bracciolini,” availed himself of the short 
peace of Amiens to visit Paris. “ The Diary of Paris de 
Grassi” (Leo’s Master of the Ceremonies) existed in manu¬ 
script in the National Library of that capital; and Mr. Shep¬ 
herd, who was admirably qualified for such a task, examined 
the different copies, and made numerous extracts, in the selec¬ 
tion and transcription of which he met with every possible 
facility from the librarians. These passages were many of 
them extremely curious, and enabled Mr. Roscoe to throw 
additional light on the history of Leo X., and particularly on 
the singular circumstances attending his death. 

The assistance of various persons of intelligence and learn¬ 
ing in England was also freely afforded; and the spirits of 
the writer, which occasionally flagged in the course of his 
laborious undertaking, were supported by the kindness thus 
extended to him. A sonnet which he composed at this time, 
while it strongly illustrates the feelings by which he was 
actuated, may serve also to show that his poetical talents had 
been invigorated and improved by the course of his studies: 

O’er the deserted waste of ages past, 

As lone I wander, hover round my head 
Ye mighty spirits of the illustrious dead! 

Mail’d warriors, laurell’d bards, whose fame shall last 

Through future times!—For you, the gay repast, 

The social circle, and the downy bed, 

I quit; and by your bright illusions led, 


JLX iv 


MEMOIR OF 


Pursue my course ; or when the wintry blast 
Sings o’er the heath, or autumn browns the shade, 

Or spring returns, the face of heav’n to cheer, 

Ah! not in vain my ardent vows be paid! 

And may your rip’ning honours, full display’d, 

The dearest guerdon to your vot’ry bear, 

For many a toilsome day and many a patient year! 

In his retirement at Allerton, he had resumed the study of 
the Greek language, and had begun to read the Odyssey, 
which formed a pleasing relaxation from his more toilsome 
Italian researches. But alas! these congenial pursuits were 
not allowed long to monopolize his time. Circumstances 
led him, almost against his will, to take part in a banking 
concern at Liverpool. This new change, for a time, broke 
up all his literary habits; but he still cherished the delusive 
idea, that he could manage, so as to combine them with the 
serious responsibilities and complicated interests of a bank, in 
such a town as Liverpool. 

He did, in fact, return to the composition of the Life of 
Leo; but it was at the price of more than one serious attack 
of illness, induced by the intensity of his application, and the 
alternate distraction of his thoughts from commerce to litera¬ 
ture. Much time was, in consequence, occupied on the work. 
In 1797, he had received from lord Bristol, and seriously 
considered, the suggestion of undertaking it. In the autumn 
of 1798, he began to apply himself in earnest to the first 
volume. The original MS., now in the library of the Athe¬ 
naeum, at Liverpool, shows that he began the second volume 
in December, 1800, the third, in February, 1802, and the 
fourth, in January, 1803; but it was not till the summer of 
1805 that the work was given to the public complete, in four 
quarto volumes, the publishers, Messrs Cadell and Davies, 
having purchased one half of the copyright for the liberal sum 
of TWO THOUSAND POUNDS. 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


XXV 


It was scarcely to be hoped that this second great historical 
production of Mr. Roscoe would be received with the same 
unanimity of applause which attended the first. Many causes 
precluded such an expectation. The former work had burst 
on the learned world with a sudden surprise. Our literature 
had produced no parallel to it. The unexpected pleasure 
was keenly relished by all our first-rate scholars; their united 
and general suffrage irresistibly carried with it the voice of 
public opinion; and the periodical critics, had they been so dis¬ 
posed, were too weak to make head against such a current. 

We will not enter into a critical comparison of the two 
histories. Both are admirable works; and it may be diffi¬ 
cult to say, which exhibits the greater beauty of style, or 
the more indisputable evidence of talent. But there were 
other circumstances, which tended to give a less favourable 
impression of the Life of Xeo. The Edinburgh Review, 
then recently established, had aspired rather to lead than to 
be led by the taste of the day, and plumed itself more on its 
acuteness in detecting, and severity in castigating defects, than 
in its skill to appreciate, or readiness to encourage excellence. 
This popular journal inveighed, with more than justifiable 
asperity, against an affectation of sentiment and of style, 
which the reviewers alleged to be no less frequent in the Life 
of Leo than ridiculous. “ The prevailing defect of the work,” 
said they, “ is, a minute and tedious prolixity, and the want 
of sufficient energy either of thought or of style.” Other jour¬ 
nals pronounced a judgment equally unfavourable, though on 
very different grounds. The Christian Observer declared, 
“ that its author was uniformly hostile to Christianity,” and 
“ that he had received a retaining fee from the pope.” 

To this latter charge Mr. Roscoe replied, in the preface to 
his second edition.—“ Whoever peruses the following pages 
with an impartial eye,” said he, “ cannot fail to discover, that 
so far from depreciating the beneficial effects of the Reforma- 


XXVI 


MEMOIR OF 


tion, 1 have only had to regret that it was not carried to 
the full extent, for which its promoters originally contended. 
In adverting to the persecutions of which Protestants have 
been guilty, my only object has been, to excite that abhor¬ 
rence of persecution, under every form and pretext, which 
is the surest safeguard against its return.”—“ Hence the per¬ 
secution of Servetus, conducted by Calvin and approved by 
Bullinger and Melancthon, has been exhibited in those colours 
which it so justly merits, and should, if it were in my power, 
be still further raised up, as a perpetual beacon to guard 
mankind against the possible recurrence of an event, which 
outrages at once the feelings of humanity, the dictates of 
common sense, and the religion of Christ.” 

The censures of the journalists were outweighed, in Mr. 
Roscoe’s estimation, (whatever might be their effect on public 
opinion,) by the flattering testimonies of approbation which 
he received from those individuals, whose judgment on the 
subject he justly deemed most worthy of regard, particularly 
that of the celebrated Italian scholar, Mr. Mathias, before 
mentioned, who designated it a “ new and most interesting 
production of Mr. Roscoe’s genius, learning, and unwearied 
application to the essential interests of Italy and of this coun¬ 
try.” The first impression, which consisted of one thousand 
copies, and was double the number of the first edition of 
Lorenzo, was nearly all disposed of soon after its publication, 
and was followed, after a short interval, by a second edition. 

In the course of 1806, 1807, and 1808, a German trans¬ 
lation of the Life of Leo, in three volumes octavo, appeared 
at Leipsic, from the pen of professor Glaser, enriched with a 
preface, notes, and dissertations by the celebrated Henke, 
whose acquaintance with the history of the revival of learn¬ 
ing well qualified him for the task which he undertook. In 
Italy, the reception which Mr. Roscoe’s work met with was 
still more remarkable. After it had for several years at- 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. XXvil 

tracted the notice of those literati who were versed in the 
English language, but who feared to connect themselves pub¬ 
licly with a work containing such free censures on the vices 
of the papacy, count Luigi Bossi published at Milan, in 1816, 
the first three volumes of a version of it into Italian. In the 
following year, he completed the whole, in nine additional 
volumes, with a variety of notes and illustrations, and with 
numerous plates of portraits and medals. This publication no 
sooner appeared, than it was put by the reigning pope into 
the Index Expurgatorius; notwithstanding which, two thou¬ 
sand eight hundred copies have since been dispersed through¬ 
out Italy. Thus we see the same work denounced, on the 
one hand, by a bigoted protestant, as written by a hired 
scribe of the papacy, and stigmatized, on the other hand, by 
the pope himself, as unfit to be read by a sincere catholic! 
These opposite censures must go far, in any candid mind, to 
neutralize each other. 

A translation into French appeared in Paris, in the year 
1808, in four volumes octavo, from the pen of M. P. F. 
Henry; and a second and more correct edition was published 
in 1813. In America, the “ Life of Leo X.” was reprinted 
soon after its publication in this country, with the omission 
of the documents contained in the appendix, and met with a 
good sale. 

With the publication of these two works, the inquiries of 
Mr. Roscoe into Italian literature terminated. Further 
labours of the same kind were suggested to him; but he de¬ 
clined to attempt them; consoling himself with the hope of 
having shown that in the literature and fine arts of Italy 
might be found a rich and unexplored mine, in which the 
intellectual exertions of his countrymen would be certain of 
meeting with an ample reward. 

We have hitherto regarded Mr. Roscoe chiefly as an his*' 
torian, not only because his character connects itself, in that 


xxviii 


MEMOIR OF 


aspect alone, with the present publication, but also because 
on that his permanent reputation will rest. It would be un¬ 
just, however, to pass without notice other portions of his 
life, in which he attained a considerable share of public 
celebrity. 

His efforts to put an end to the slave trade (that blot on 
the English name which is now happily effaced) began in 
early youth, and increased as his talents and influence became 
more effective. His early poem of “ Mount Pleasant,” 
written in 1771, but not published till 1777, contained his 
first protest against that inhuman traffic. At that time the 
wealth and prosperity of Liverpool were supposed to de 
pend on this branch of commerce; and its opponents were 
viewed by the great mass of the population of the town 
rather as enemies or madmen, to be coerced and put down 
by force, than as holders of an opinion which might be con¬ 
futed by argument. It will be remembered, that when the 
illustrious Thomas Clarkson, the precursor of Wilberforce 
in the struggle for abolition, made ajourney to Liverpool, to 
inform himself of the circumstances of the trade, he was 
near falling a victim to the violence of the lower class of 
people. It required, therefore, all the youthful energy of 
Mr. Roscoe, situated as he then was, to brave the unpo¬ 
pularity which any open manifestation of hostility to the 
trade was sure to encounter at Liverpool. Nevertheless, the 
young attorney (for such he then was) published, in the 
summer of 1787, a poem, entitled, “ The Wrongs of Africa,” 
directly opposing the prejudices of his townsmen, and at¬ 
tempting to awaken their feelings to the horrors of the slave 
system. This step, of course, connected him with Clarkson, 
Wilberforce, and the other members of the society just then 
formed in London to promote the abolition of the slave 
trade, to whom the production was doubly valuable, as 
coming from a quarter whence they expected nothing but the 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


xxix 


bitterest animosity. A second part of the same poem ap¬ 
peared in 1788. In the latter year he published a short 
pamphlet, entitled, “ A General View of the Slave Trade, 
demonstrating its Injustice and Impolicy; with Hints to¬ 
wards a Bill for its Abolition.” A few months afterwards, 
his prolific pen produced, “ A Scriptural Refutation of a 
Pamphlet lately published by the Rev. Raymond Harris, 
entitled, 4 Scriptural Researches on the Licitness of the Slave 
Trade.’” In 1772, he wrote “An Inquiry into the Causes 
of the Insurrection of the Negroes in the Island of St. Do¬ 
mingo,” to which were added, “ Observations of M. Gar- 
ran-Coulon, on the same Subject, read, in his absence, by 
Guadet, before the National Assembly, Feb. .29, 1792.” 

Like many ardent spirits of that day, Mr. Roscoe’s hopes 
of the progress of civil liberty had been animated by the early 
prospects of the French Revolution. He had produced, in 
1788, a song on the centenary of the English Revolution 
of 1688; and, in 1791, he composed one, which was a long 
time popular, beginning— 

“ O’er the vine-cover'd hills and gay regions of France, 

See the day-star of Liberty rise.” 

He could not then foresee Robespierre’s Reign of Terror, 
nor the military despotism and endless conscriptions of the 
empire; but the liberal sentiments evinced in these songs, and 
in the pamphlets which we have just noticed, rendered him a 
marked personage, and attached to his name much popularity 
with a party which gradually increased in numbers and influ¬ 
ence at Liverpool. Add to this, that he continued to main¬ 
tain a high character for probity and domestic virtue; that 
his historical productions gave him an elevated rank in litera¬ 
ture; that he had always taken a leading part in promoting 
scientific and benevolent institutions; and, finally, that his 
station as a banker fitted him, in the eyes of commercial men, 
to represent his native town in parliament. 


XXX11 


MEMOIR OF 


The son of a petty innkeeper had been courted as a com¬ 
panion and correspondent by the nobles of the land, and even 
by a prince of the blood royal; for we should have noticed 
that the Duke of Gloucester paid him great attention, and 
long kept up an epistolary intercourse with him. He asso¬ 
ciated on equal terms with the Wilberforces, the Romillys, 
and others, who stood first in the intellectual ranks of society; 
and, to crown all, he took his own place in the senate, as an 
independent representative of the second commercial city in 
the empire, and all this, without having once compromised the 
integrity of his principles, or weakened the bond of his do¬ 
mestic affections! 

We regret to be unable to add, that his retirement from 
public life was followed by an uninterrupted calm in the 
evening of his days. It was, perhaps, unfortunate that he 
had allowed an over fastidious delicacy to withdraw him from 
the profession of the law, in which he had not only maintained 
an honourable character, but secured to himself and his family 
a very competent income. It was still more to be lamented, 
that he had suffered himself to be involved in the intricacies 
of the banking concern, which, in 1820, after a long course 
of pecuniary embarrassment and years of overpowering exer¬ 
tion of mind and body, terminated in bankruptcy; and even 
then left him for some months in doubt whether he should 
obtain his certificate. In this, indeed, he succeeded; but he 
was under the painful necessity of accepting, from the contri¬ 
butions of his friends, a sum of £ 2500, which was vested in 
trustees for the benefit of himself and his family, whilst he 
mainly relied for future support on the labours of his pen. The 
principal of these were, “ Illustrations of the Life of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici,” “ Memoir of Richard Roberts Jones,” an edition 
of “Pope’s Works,” with a life of the poet and notes, a 
“ Letter to the Rev. W. L. Bowles,” a former editor of Pope, 
a reprint of the Lives of “ Lorenzo” and “ Leo,” with selec- 


WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


XXX111 


tions from the notes of Bossi and Henke, and last, but not 
least, a splendid work, in fifteen numbers, on “ Monandrian 
Plants.” 

It remains to speak briefly of Mr. Roscoe’s political and 
religious opinions. The former, from what has been already 
said, may easily be conceived to have borne the character 
which is usually designated as liberal. He was consistent in 
them through life, but at no time disposed to carry them to a 
violent extreme. One of his earliest political pamphlets was 
published in 1793, under the title of “ Thoughts on the Causes 
of the Present Failures.” In 1796 he published “ Strictures 
on Mr. Burke’s Two Letters to a Member of the present Par¬ 
liament.” In 1802, “Observations on the Relative Situation 
of Great Britain and France.” In 1808, “ Considerations on 
the Causes, Objects, and Consequences of the Present War;” 
and shortly afterwards, “ Remarks on the Proposals made to 
Great Britain for opening negotiations for Peace, in the year 
1807.” In 1810, “Brief Observations on the Address to his 
Majesty, proposed by Earl Grey.” In 1811, “A Letter to 
Mr. Brougham,” on parliamentary reform. In 1812, “ Answer 
to a Letter from Mr. John Merritt, on the subject of Parlia¬ 
mentary Reform;” and, in the same year, “ A Review of the 
Speeches of the Right Honourable George Canning, on the late 
election for Liverpool.” At a subsequent period, and some¬ 
what connected with the subject of reform, though in a dif¬ 
ferent direction, he published “ Observations on Penal Juris¬ 
prudence and the Reformation of Offenders,” which involved 
him in discussions with various parties, and led to “ Addi¬ 
tional Observations,” and “ Observations, Part III.,” on the 
same subject. 

Mr. Roscoe’s religious impressions were the result of 
earnest and sincere, but unassisted research. At an early 
age he had diligently and seriously studied the sacred 
writings, and had compiled from them a short treatise, which 

c 


XXXIV 


MEMOIR OF WILLIAM ROSCOE. 


he entitled, “ Christian Morality, as contained in the Precepts 
of the New Testament, in the Language of Jesus Christ.’* 
Towards the close of his life he began to revise this tract, 
but was interrupted by increasing inlirmities. In the latter 
part of 1827 he suffered an attack of paralysis : by judicious 
treatment he was at the time relieved, and continued for 
above three years to exist, with a weakened body, but still 
active mind, retaining his senses till within an hour of his 
death, which happened on the 30th of June, 1831. 



THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


The close of the fifteenth, and the beginning of the sixteenth 
century, comprehend one of those periods of history which are 
entitled to our minutest study and inquiry. Almost all the 
great events from which Europe derives its present advan¬ 
tages are to be traced up to those times. The invention of 
the art of printing, the discovery of the great western con¬ 
tinent, the schism from the church of Rome, which ended in 
the reformation of many of its abuses, and established the pre¬ 
cedent of reform, the degree of perfection attained in the fine 
arts, and the final introduction of true principles of criticism 
and taste, compose such an illustrious assemblage of luminous 
points, as cannot fail of attracting for ages the curiosity and 
admiration of mankind. 

A complete history of these times has long been a great 
desideratum in literature; and whoever considers the magni¬ 
tude of the undertaking will not think it likely to be soon 
supplied. Indeed, from the nature of the transactions which 
then took place, they can only be exhibited in detail, and 
under separate and particular views. That the author of the 
following pages has frequently turned his eye towards this 
interesting period is true, but he has felt himself rather dazzled 
than informed by the survey. A mind of greater compass, 

c 2 



xxxvi 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


and the possession of uninterrupted leisure, would be requi¬ 
site to comprehend, to select, and to arrange the immense 
variety of circumstances which a full narrative of those times 
would involve; when almost every city of Italy was a new 
Athens, and that favoured country could boast its historians, 
its poets, its orators, and its artists, who may contend with 
the great names of antiquity for the palm of mental excellence. 
When Venice, Milan, Rome, Florence, Bologna, Ferrara, and 
several other places, vied with each other, not in arms, but in 
science, and in genius ; and the splendour of a court was esti¬ 
mated by the number of learned men, who illustrated it by 
their presence; each of whose lives and productions would, 
in a work of this nature, merit a full and separate discussion. 

From this full blaze of talents, the author has turned to¬ 
wards a period, when its first faint gleams afford a subject, if 
not more interesting, at least more suited to his powers ; 
when, after a night of unexpected darkness, Florence again 
saw the sun break forth with a lustre more permanent, though 
perhaps not so bright. The days of Dante, of Boccaccio, 
and of Petrarca, were indeed past; but under the auspices of 
the house of Medici, and particularly through the ardour and 
example of Lorenzo, the empire of science and true taste was 
again restored. 

After the death of Boccaccio, the survivor of that cele¬ 
brated triumvirate who had carried their native tongue to a 
high pitch of refinement, and endeavoured, not without suc¬ 
cess, to introduce the study of the ancient languages into 
Italy, a general degradation of letters again took place; and 
the Italian tongue in particular was so far deteriorated and 
debased, as, by the acknowledgment of the best critics, to 
have become scarcely intelligible. The first symptoms of im¬ 
provement appeared about the middle of the fifteenth century; 
when Cosmo de’ Medici, after having established his authority 
in Florence, devoted the latter years of along and honourable 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


XXXV11 


life to the encouragement, and even the study of philosophy 
and polite letters. He died in 1464 ; and the infirm state of 
health of his son Piero, who was severely afflicted by the 
gout, did not permit him to make that progress in the path 
which his father had pointed out, which his natural disposition 
would otherwise have effected. After surviving him only 
about five years, the greater part of which time he was con¬ 
fined to a sick bed, he died, leaving two sons; to the elder of 
whom, Lorenzo, the praise of having restored to literature its 
ancient honours is principally due. In succeeding times, in¬ 
deed, that praise has been almost exclusively bestowed on 
Giovanni de’ Medici, afterwards Leo the Tenth, the second 
son of Lorenzo, who undoubtedly promoted the views, but 
never in any degree rivalled the talents of his father. 

Certain it is that no man was ever more admired and vene¬ 
rated by his contemporaries, or has been more defrauded of 
his just fame by posterity, than Lorenzo de’ Medici. Pos¬ 
sessed of a genius more original and versatile, perhaps, than 
any of his countrymen, he has led the way in some of the 
most valuable species of poetic composition; and some of his 
productions stand unrivalled amongst those of his countrymen 
to the present day.* Yet such ha3 been the admiration paid 
by the Italians to a few favourite authors, that they have 
almost closed their eyes to the various excellences with which 
his works abound. From the time of his death no general 
collection was made of his writings* for upwards of sixty years, 
and after their first publication by Aldus, in 1554, upwards of 
two centuries elapsed without a new edition. Neglected in 

* Pozzetti refers us in corroboration of this judgment to the opinions of 
the following writers :—Pietro Bembo (in his Prose), Pico di Mirandula, 
Castiglione, (in his Cortigiano), Paullo Giovio (in his Elogia Clarorum 
Virorum), Giovanni Vitale of Palermo, and Pietro Mirteo of Udine (in their 
Latin poems), Benedetto Varchi, Guicciardini, Giammatteo Toscano of 
Milan (in the preface to his Carmina Illustrium Poetarum). Michele Pog- 
gianti ( Catalogo de’ Scritton Fiorentini), Crescimbeni, Quadrio, Muratori, 
and many others. 


xxxviii 


THE author’s PREFACE. 


Italy, they seem to have been unknown to the rest of Europe. 
A French historian,* in whose narrative Lorenzo makes a 
conspicuous figure, assures his readers that the writings of 
this great man, as well in verse as prose, are irrecoverably 
lost; and that he would no longer be known as an author, 
were it not from the commendations bestowed upon him by 
his friends, and the attention paid to him by Paulus Jovius, 
who has assigned a place to his memory in his eulogies on 
the modern writers of Italy. 

' But we are not to consider Lorenzo de’ Medici merely in 
the character of an author and a patron of learning. As a 
statesman he was undoubtedly the most extraordinary person 
of his own, or perhaps of any time. Though a private citizen 
and a merchant of Florence, he not only obtained the decided 
control of that state, at a period when it abounded with men 
of the greatest talents and acuteness, but raised himself to 
the rank of sole arbiter of Italy, and produced no inconsider¬ 
able effect upon the politics of Europe. Without attempting 
to subjugate his native place, he laid the foundation of the 
future greatness of his family. His son and his nephew 
were both, at a short interval from each other, raised to the 
pontifical dignity; and in the succeeding centuries his de¬ 
scendants became connected by marriage with the first Euro¬ 
pean sovereigns. The protection afforded by him to all the 
polite arts, gave them a permanent foundation in Italy. In 
the establishment of public libraries, schools, and seminaries 
of learning, he was equally munificent, indefatigable, and 
successful; and these objects were all accomplished by a man 
who died at the early age of forty-four years. 

It is not, however, the intention of the author of the fol¬ 
lowing work to confine himself merely to the relation of the 
life of an individual, however illustrious. Of a family of 

* Varillas, Anecdotes de Florence, ou l’histoire secrete de la Maison de’ 
Medecis, (1687,) 149. 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


xxxix 


■whom so much has been said, and so little with certainty 
known, a more particular account cannot be uninteresting. 
In aiming at this purpose, he has been unavoidably led to 
give some account of the rise of modern literature; and par¬ 
ticularly to notice many contemporaiy authors, whose reputa¬ 
tion, at least in this country, has not yet been adequate to 
their merits. In an age when long and dangerous expedi¬ 
tions are undertaken to develop the manners of barbarians, or 
to discover the source of a river, it will surely not bethought 
an useless attempt, to endeavour to trace some of those mi¬ 
nute and almost imperceptible causes, from which we are to 
deduce our present proficiency in letters, in science, and in 
arts. 

Among the several narratives heretofore published of the 
life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, the most ancient is that of Niccolo 
Yalori, a Florentine, eminent for his rank and learning, the 
contemporary and friend of Lorenzo. This account, written 
not inelegantly in Latin, and which composes a small octavo 
volume of sixty-seven pages, remained in manuscript, till 
Laurentius Mehus gave it to the public in 1749. An Italian 
translation had indeed been published at Florence, as early as 
the year 1560. The principal events in the Life of Lorenzo 
are here related with accuracy and fidelity; but, upon the 
whole, it gives us too distant and indistinct a view of him. 
Though sensible in some respects of the magnitude of his 
subject, Yalori seems not to have been sufficiently aware of 
the distinguishing characteristics of Lorenzo—the strength, 
extent, and versatility of his mind. Hence he has exhibited 
him only in one principal point of view; either wholly omit¬ 
ting, or at most slightly noticing, his many other endowments; 
closely adhering to his purpose, he confines himself to too 
small a circle, and enters not into those discussions respecting 
collateral events and circumstances, which a full display of the 
character of Lorenzo requires. The work of Yalori may. 


xl 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


however, be considered, not onl as a well-written and 
authentic piece of biography, but as the foundation of all sub¬ 
sequent efforts on the same subject; although it wants that 
interest which it would have derived from a closer and more 
intimate examination of the temper, the character, and the 
writings of Lorenzo. 

By what strange fatality it happened, that the reputation 
of the most eminent man of his own age should have fallen 
into almost absolute neglect in the course of that which im¬ 
mediately succeeded, it is difficult to discover; particularly 
when we consider that the Italians have been by no means 
inattentive to their national glory, and that the memoirs of 
the lives of many of the contemporaries of Lorenzo, who 
were inferior to him in every point of view, have been fully, 
and even ostentatiously set forth. Whatever was the cause, 
it is certain that from the publication of the work of Valori 
in its Italian dress, till the year 1763, no professed account 
of Lorenzo de’ Medici made its appearance in public; although 
few authors have touched upon the history of those times, 
without paying him the passing tribute of their applause. 
This is the more extraordinary, as the materials for enlarging 
and improving the narrative of Valori were obvious. In the 
year last mentioned, the poems of Lorenzo were reprinted at 
Bergamo; and a new account of the life of the author was 
prefixed to the work.* From this, however, little is to be 
expected, when it is understood that the biographer, in his 
introduction, acknowledges that it is entirely founded on that 
of Valori; upon whose authority he solely relies, and protests 
against being answerable for any fact alleged by him, further 
than that authority warrants. To an exertion of this kind, 
as he justly observes, neither the deep research of criticism, 
nor the assistance of rare books, was necessary. In the few 

* Poesie del Magnifico Lorenzo de’ Medici, con alcune Memorie atte- 
uenti alia sua vita, Testimonianze, &c. (Bergamo, 1763.) 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


xli 


attempts which he has made to afford additional information, 
he has resorted principally to Negri,* and Yarillas,f whose 
authority, nevertheless, he has himself deservedly impeached; 
and whose inaccuracy renders their testimony of little weight, 
when not expressly confirmed by other writers. 

About twenty years since, several learned Italians united 
in drawing up memoirs of such of their countrymen as had 
distinguished themselves in different branches of science and 
arts;:}: and the life of Lorenzo, amongst others, fell to the 
pen of P. Bruno Bruni, professor of divinity in Florence. 
Unfortunately, however, it was executed without any new 
researches, being entirely compiled from previous publications; 
and it must be owned that the work derives no advantages 
from the professional prejudices or opinions of its author. 
The conspiracy of the Pazzi is one of the most striking events 
that ever engaged the attention of the historian; and the cir¬ 
cumstances which accompanied it compose a body of evidence 
as accurate and authentic as history can produce. But the 
delicacy of the biographer shrunk from the relation of an 
incident that involved in the guilt of premeditated assassina¬ 
tion the Yicar of Christ upon the earth! This event is ac¬ 
cordingly passed over with a general reference to previous 
relations; and an annotation is subjoined, tending to impeach 
the evidence of one who was an eye-witness of the transac¬ 
tion, and whose narrative was laid before the public imme¬ 
diately after the event took place. § No extraordinary number 
of pages was devoted to the work; and it may be enough to 
remark, that the resemblance of Lorenzo de’ Medici does not 
well associate with a set of petty portraits, hung up by way 

* Istoria degli scrittori Fiorentini, (Ferrara, 1722.) f Varillas. 

| Elogj degli Uomini illustri Toscani, (Lucca, 1771.) 

§ Angelo Politiano, in his Conjurationis Pactiance, anni 1478 Commenta 
rium, in eodem anno excusum (4 to sine loci et typographi nominibus); re 
printed at Naples, 1769, cnrA et studio Joannis Adimari ex Marchionibu 
Burnbce. 


xlii 


THE author’s PREFACE. 


of ornament, in frames of equal sizes. In order to do justice 
to such a subject, a larger canvas is necessary. 

In enumerating the labours of my predecessors, it may not 
be improper more particularly to notice the singular work of 
Varillas, to which I have before had occasion to refer. This 
book, written in a lively style, with great pretensions to secret 
information from manuscripts in the French king’s library, 
has more the resemblance of a romance than of an authentic 
narrative; and if we may judge of the author’s private anec¬ 
dotes, from his misrepresentations and mistakes in matters of 
more general notoriety, we shall frequently be compelled to 
consider them rather as the offspring of his own imagination.^, 
than as substantiated facts. The absurdities of this author^* 
have frequently been exposed by Bayle,* who has in many 
instances pointed out his glaring perversions of the relations 
of Paulus Jovius, the veracity of whom as an historian is 
itself sufficiently equivocal. The accuracy of Varillas may 
in some degree be determined by the singular list of books 
and manuscripts from which he professes to have derived 
his information, the very existence of some of which yet 
rests on his own authority. 

Such, however, being the attempts that had been made to 
exhibit to the public the life and labours of Lorenzo de’ Me¬ 
dici, I conceived that there could be no great degree of arro¬ 
gance in endeavouring to give a more full and particular 
account of them: nor was I deterred from this undertaking 
by the consideration, that Providence had placed my lot be¬ 
yond the limits of that favoured country, 

“ Oh’ Appenin parte, e’l mar circonda, e l’Alpe.” 

The truth is, that even in a remote part of this remote 
kingdom, and deprived of the many advantages peculiar to 
seats of learning, I saw no difficulty in giving a more full. 


* Dictionnaire, Art. Politien, &c. 


tiie author’s preface. xliii 

distinct, and accurate idea of the subject than could be col¬ 
lected from any performance I had then met with. For some 
years past, the works of the Italian writers had amused a por¬ 
tion of my leisure hours; a partiality for any particular object 
generally awakens the desire of obtaining further information 
respecting it; and from the perusal of the Italian poets, I was 
insensibly led to attend to the literary history of that culti¬ 
vated nation. In tracing the rise of modern literature, I 
soon perceived that everything great and excellent in science 
and in art, revolved round Lorenzo de’ Medici, during the 
short but splendid sera of his life, as a common centre, and 
arrived from him its invariable preservation and support.— 
'tinder these impressions I began to collect such scattered 
notices respecting him as fell in my way; and the Florentine 
histories of Machiavelli and Ammirato, the critical labours of 
Crescimbeni, Muratori, Bandini, and Tiraboschi, with other 
works of less importance, of which I then found myself pos¬ 
sessed, supplied me with materials towards the execution of 
my plan. I had not, however, proceeded far, before I per¬ 
ceived that the subject deserved a more minute inquiry; for 
which purpose it would be necessary to resort to contempo¬ 
rary authorities, and if possible to original documents. The 
impracticability of obtaining in this country the information 
of which I stood in need, would perhaps have damped the 
ardour of my undertaking, bad not a circumstance presented 
itself in the highest degree favourable to my purpose. An 
intimate friend, with whom I had been many years united in 
studies and affection, had paid a visit to Italy, and had fixed 
his winter residence at Florence. I well knew that I had 
only to request his assistance, in order to obtain whatever 
information he had an opportunity of procuring, from the 
very spot which was to be the scene of my intended history. 
My inquiries were particularly directed towards the Lauren- 
tian and Riccardi libraries, which I was convinced would 


xliv 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


afford much original and interesting information. It would 
be unjust merely to say that my friend afforded me the assist¬ 
ance I required; he went far beyond even the hopes I had 
formed, and his return to his native country was, if possible, 
rendered still more grateful to me, by the materials he had 
collected for my use. Amongst these I had the pleasure to 
find several beautiful poems of Lorenzo de’ Medici, the ori¬ 
ginals of which are deposited in the Lauren tian library, al¬ 
though the former editors of his works appear not to have 
had the slightest information respecting them. These poems, 
which have been copied with great accuracy, and, where it 
was possible, collated with different manuscripts, will now for 
the first time be given to the public. The munificence of the 
late grand duke Leopold, and the liberality of the marquis 
Riccardi, had opened the inestimable treasures of their collec¬ 
tions to every inquirer. Under the regulations of the vener¬ 
able Canonico Bandini, to whose labours the literary history 
of Italy is highly indebted, such arrangements have been 
adopted in the Laurentian library, that every difficulty which 
might retard research is effectually removed; and an institu¬ 
tion founded by Cosmo, and promoted by Lorenzo de’ Medici, 
yet subsists, the noblest monument of their glory, the most 
authentic depository of their fame. 

Amongst a number of printed volumes, immediately or 
remotely connected with my principal subject, which were 
supplied by the attention of my friend, were two works of 
which he had given me previous information. These were 
the life of Lorenzo de’ Medici, written in Latin, by Monsignor 
Fabroni, a learned Italian prelate, and published in the year 
1784, in two volumes in quarto; and the life of his grand¬ 
father Cosmo, by the same author, published in one volume 
in quarto in the year 1789. On receiving these extensive 
productions, it became a subject of consideration, whether 
it might not be advisable to lay aside my own narrative. 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


xlv 


although it was then far advanced, and satisfy myself with a 
translation of the former of these works, adding such remarks 
as my previous researches had enabled me to make. The 
perusal of these volumes, whilst it afforded me considerable 
gratification, soon, however, convinced me that the purpose 
I had in view could not be obtained by a translation. The 
leading object of Fabroni is to illustrate the political, rather 
than the literary life of Lorenzo. It appeared to me. that 
the mere historical events of the fifteenth century, so far as 
they regarded Italy, could not deeply interest my countrymen 
in the eighteenth; but I conceived that the progress of letters 
and of arts would be attended to with pleasure in every coun¬ 
try where they were cultivated and protected: many other 
motives, some of which will appear in the course of the work, 
determined me to prosecute my original plan; and the history 
now presented to the public bears no more resemblance to 
that of Fabroni, than his does to that of his predecessor Va- 
lori. The general incidents in the life of Lorenzo are indeed 
nearly the same in all; but for most of the sentiments and 
observations that may occur in the ensuing volume, and for a 
considerable part of the narrative, particularly such as relates 
to the state and progress of letters and of arts, the responsi¬ 
bility must fall on myself. 

But although I have not thought it eligible to rest satisfied 
with a mere translation of the works of Fabroni, I have de¬ 
rived from them very important assistance and information. 
The numerous and authentic documents which he obtained 
by diligent researches through the archives of Florence, and 
which occupy two-thirds of his work, are a treasure with 
which, in the infancy of my undertaking, I little expected to 
be gratified. The assistance derived from these sources did 
not, however, supersede my exertions in procuring such ad¬ 
ditional information as other parts of the continent and this 
country could supply. The Crevenna library, lately exposed 


xlvi 


THE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


to sale at Amsterdam, and the Pinelli, in London, furnished 
me with several publications of early date, for which I might 
otherwise long have inquired throughout Europe to no pur¬ 
pose. The rich and extensive catalogues published by Ed¬ 
wards, Payne, and other London booksellers, who have of late 
years diligently sought for and imported into England what¬ 
ever is curious or valuable in foreign literature, have also 
contributed to the success of my inquiries; and I may justly 
say, that I have spared neither trouble nor expense in the 
acquisition of whatever appeared to be necessary to the pro¬ 
secution of my work. 

When the first part of this work was nearly printed, and 
the materials arranged for the remainder, I had the satisfac¬ 
tion of obtaining a copy of a very singular and interesting 
work, entitled Memoires Genealogiques de la Maison de Medici . 
For this performance I am indebted to the marquis of Lans- 
downe, a nobleman who has conferred the most important 
benefits on this country, and whose attention has been invari¬ 
ably directed to the encouragement of those studies, which can 
only produce their proper fruits in that state of public tran¬ 
quillity, which his distinguished talents have been uniformly 
exerted to secure. 

The work above mentioned is the production of Mr. Ten- 
hove, of the Hague, a near relation of the late Greffier of the 
states of Holland, Mr. Fagel, to whose memory it is inscribed; 
—but, alas! the monument which affection had devoted to the 
memory of a friend, was itself destined to remain unfinished; 
and the accomplished author, by a fatality which will perhaps 
remind my readers of the events related in the last chapter of 
this history, whilst he lamented the loss of his patron, was 
called to join him, in the society of the wise, the learned, and 
the good of former ages—in that of Scipio and of Laelius, of 
Politiano and of Lorenzo de’ Medici. 

Inter odoratum Lauri aeraus, unde superne 

Plurimus Eridani per silvam volvitur amni?. 


TIIE AUTHOR’S PREFACE. 


xlvii 


Although the volumes of Mr. Tenhove appear to be rather 
the amusement of the leisure hours of a polite scholar, than 
the researches of a professed historian, yet they display an 
acquaintance with the transactions of Italy, seldom acquired 
except by a native. To a great proficiency in the literature 
of that country, Mr. Tenhove united an indisputable taste in 
the productions of all the fine arts, and a general knowledge 
of the state of manners, and the progress of science, in every 
period of society. The fertility of his genius, and the extent 
of his information, have enabled him to intersperse his narra¬ 
tive with a variety of interesting digressions and brilliant 
observations; and the most engaging work that has, perhaps, 
ever appeared, on a subject of literary history, is written by 
a native of one country, in the language of another, on the 
affairs of a third. 

Excellent, however, as the work of Mr. Tenhove certainly 
is, I have not derived from it any very important assistance; 
which will be more readily credited, when it is understood 
that it commences with the history of the family of the Medici 
in remote antiquity, and adverting to every member of it, of 
whom any historical notices remain, was intended to be con¬ 
tinued down to the present century. The interval of time 
which I have undertaken to illustrate, extending only to the 
life of an individual who died at an early age, must conse¬ 
quently form a small portion in a work intended to embrace 
such an extent of time, yet not upon the whole more volu¬ 
minous than my own. The character of Lorenzo is indeed 
finely conceived, and faithfully drawn by Mr. Tenhove; and 
his accomplishments are celebrated with a warmth of expres¬ 
sion, which proves that the author was fully sensible of his 
genius and his merits. But it was not consistent with the 
plan that he had adopted, to enter into those particular in¬ 
quiries, and more minute discussions, which the duty of a 
professed biographer requires. From this circumstance, and 


xlviii 


THE AUTHOB’s FREFACE. 


the advanced state of my work, I was not induced to make any 
alteration, either in its arrangement or in the manner of its 
execution. After having proceeded so far in the character of 
a simple relater of facts, it would indeed ill become me to aim 
at the higher ornaments of composition. 

Servetur ad imum 
Qualis ab incepto processerit. 

The motives which have encouraged me to persevere in this 
undertaking, amidst numerous avocations and duties, which 
connect me with society by almost every tie, have been a high 
admiration of the character of Lorenzo de’ Medici, the sin¬ 
gular pleasure which I have enjoyed in tracing his history, 
and the earnest desire which 1 feel, to place him in that rank 
in the estimation of my countrymen, to which he is so emi¬ 
nently entitled. 

I am not, however, arrogant enough to suppose, that I have 
been able to do justice to so extensive and diversified a subject. 
Precluded by more serious and indispensable avocations from 
devoting to it a continued attention, I am apprehensive that 
facts of importance may either have escaped my diligence, or 
may be imperfectly related. The difficulties attending a cri¬ 
tical examination of works of taste, written in a foreign lan¬ 
guage, contribute to render me diffident of the success of my 
labours. In the few attempts to translate the poetical pieces 
of Lorenzo and his contemporaries, I must regret my inability 
to do them more complete justice ; an inability of which I am 
fully sensible, but for which I do not mean to trouble my 
reader with any further apology. Such as it is, I submit this 
performance to the judgment of the public ; ready to acknow¬ 
ledge, though not pleased to reflect, that the disadvantages 
under which an author labours are no excuse for the imper¬ 
fections of his work. 





CHAPTER I. 

I 

Origin of Florence—Government—Family of the Medici—Salvestro de’ Me¬ 
dici—Giovanni de’ Medici—Cosmo de’ Medici—Influence of that family 
in Florence—Cosmo seized and imprisoned—Is banished to Padua— 
Allowed to reside at Venice—Ambrogio Traversal!—Cosmo is recalled^, 
from banishment—Encourages men of learning—Leonardo and Carlo 
Aretino—Researches after the writings of the ancients—Poggio Brac- 
ciolini—Guarino Veronese — Giovanni Aurispa — Francesco Filelfo— 
Council of Florence — Revival of the Platonic Philosophy—Marsilio 
Ficino — Cosmo establishes the Laurentian Library—Niccolo Niccoli 
founds the Library of S. Marco—The Vatican Library founded by Pope 
Nicholas V.—Invention and progress of the art of printing—Capture of 
Constantinople by the Turks—Cosmo applies himself to study—Marriage 
of Piero de’ Medici—Birth of Lorenzo and Giuliano—Celebrity of Cosmo 
—Antonio Beccatelli — Literary quarrels—Bessarion and George of 
Trebisond — Poggio and Filelfo — Death and Character of Cosmo 
de’ Medici. 

Florence lias been remarkable in modern history for the 
frequency and violence of its internal dissensions, and for the 
predilection of its inhabitants for every species of science, 
and every production of art. However discordant these 
characteristics may appear, it is not difficult to reconcile them. 
The same active spirit that calls forth the talents of indivi¬ 
duals for the preservation of their liberties, and resists with 
unconquerable resolution whatever is supposed to infringe 
them, in the moments of domestic peace and security seeks 
with avidity other objects of employment. The defence of 
freedom has always been found to expand and strengthen the 
mind ; and though the faculties of the human race may re- 

B 



2 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


main torpid for generations, when once roused into action they 
cannot speedily be lulled again into inactivity and repose. 

Of the rise of Florence little can be traced with certainty, 
although much research has been employed on the subject. 
If we give credit to its historian Machiavelli* it derives its 
origin from the ancient and venerable city of Fiesole, whose 
walls yet remain at the distance of about three miles from 
Florence. The situation of Fiesole, on the summit of a steep 
hill, induced its inhabitants, many of whom were early de¬ 
voted to commerce, to erect habitations for the convenience 
of traffic on the plain below, between the river Arno and the 
foot of the mountain. During the continuance of the Roman 
republic, this infant establishment was reinforced by colonists 
from Rome. The popular tradition of the place, countenanced 
by Landino and Verini, 1 refers this event to the times of the 
dictatorship of Sylla, whilst Politiano places it under tlio 
triumvirate of Octavius, Antonius, and Lepidus. 8 

In the frequent irruptions of the northern nations that 
subverted the Roman state, Florence followed the fate of the 
rest of Italy; but about the year 1010 it had acquired some 
degree of strength and independence, which was first exerted 
in attacking and demolishing the place from which it sprung. 3 
Fiesole retains few traces of its former importance ; but its 
delightful situation and pure air still render it an agreeable 
and healthy residence. 

For some centuries previous to the commencement of the 
present history, the government of Florence had fluctuated 
between an aristocratic and a popular form. The discord and 
animosity that arose from this instability may well be con¬ 
ceived. When either of the contending factions had obtained 
the ascendancy, the leaders of it soon disagreed in the exercise 
of their power; and the weaker party, attaching themselves 
to the body of the people, speedily effected a revolution. The 
frequency of electing their magistrates, at the same time that 
it was favourable to the preservation of their liberties, 
fomented a continual spirit of opposition and resentment. A 
secret enmity, even in the most tranquil days of the republic, 
subsisted among the leaders of the different factions, and the 


Istor. Fiorent. ii. 


POPULAR GOVERNMENT OF FLORENCE. 


3 


slightest circumstance, whether of a foreign or domestic 
nature, was sufficient to kindle the latent spark into an open 
flame. The contests between the Ghibellini and the Guelfi , 4 and 
between the Bianchi and the Neri* were entered into by the 
Florentines with an eagerness beyond that of any other people 
in Europe. For a great length of time, Florence was at con¬ 
tinual war with itself; and a number of citizens under the 
name of Fuorusciti , or refugees, were constantly employed 
in attempting to regain their native residence, for which pur¬ 
pose they scrupled not, by all possible means, to excite the 
resentment of other powers against it. If their attempts 
proved successful, the weaker party left the city, till they in 
their turn could expel their conquerors. 

These disadvantages were, however, amply compensated by 
the great degree of freedom enjoyed by the citizens of 
Florence, which had the most favourable effects on their 
character, and gave them a decided superiority over the in- ( 
habitants of the rest of Italy. The popular nature of the 
government, not subjected to the will of an individual, as in 
many of the surrounding states, not restricted like that of 
Venice to a particular class, was a constant incitement to 
exertion. Nor was it only on the great body of the people 
that the good effects of this system were apparent; even those, 
who claimed the privileges of ancestry felt the advantages of 
a rivaiship, which prevented their sinking into indolence, and 
called upon them to support by their own talents the rank 
and influence which they had derived from those of their 
ancestors. Where the business of government is confined to | 
a few, the faculties of the many become torpid for want of I 
exercise; but in Florence, every citizen was conversant with, 
and might hope at least to partake in the government; and 
hence was derived that spirit of industry which, in the pur- I 
suitlbf wealth and the extension of commerce, was, amidst all 
their intestine broils, so conspicuous and so successful. 0 The 
fatigues of public life, and the cares of mercantile avocations, 
were alleviated at times by the study of literature or the 
speculations of philosophy. A rational and dignified employ¬ 
ment engaged those moments of leisure not necessarily de¬ 
voted to more important concerns; and the mind was relaxed 
without being debilitated, and amused without being depraved. 

b 2 


4 


LIFE OF LORENZO BE’ MEDICI. 


The superiority which the Florentines thus acquired was 
universally acknowledged; and they became the historians, 
the poets, the orators, and the preceptors of Europe. 7 

The family of the Medici had for many ages .been esteemed 
one of the most considerable in the republic; nor have there 
been wanting authors who have derived its eminence from 
the age of Charlemagne: but it must be remembered that 
these genealogies have been the production of subsequent 
times, when the elevation of this family to the supreme com¬ 
mand in Florence made it necessary to impress on the minds 
of the people an idea of its antiquity and respectability. 8 
It appears, however, from authentic monuments, that many 
individuals of this family had signalized themselves on im¬ 
portant occasions. Giovanni de’ Medici* in the year 1351, 
with a body of only one hundred Florentines, forced his way 
through the Milanese army, then besieging the fortress of 
Scarperia, and entered the place with the loss of twenty lives. 9 

Salvestro de’ Medici acquired great reputation by his tem¬ 
perate, but firm resistance to the tyranny of the nobles, f who, 
in order to secure their power, accused those who opposed 
them of being attached to the party of the Ghibellines, then in 
great odium at Florence. The persons so accused were said 
to be admonished, ammoniti , and by that act were excluded 
from all offices of government. This custom was at length 
carried to such an extreme, as to become insufferable. In 
the year 1379, Salvestro being chosen chief magistrate, 
exerted his power in reforming this abuse ; which was not, 
however, effected without a violent commotion, in which seve¬ 
ral of the nobility lost their lives. After the death of Salves¬ 
tro, his son, Veri de’ Medici, continued to hold a high rank 
in the republic, and, like the rest of this family, was always 
in great favour with the populace. 

The person, however, who may be said to have laid^the 
foundation of that greatness which liis posterity enjoyed for 
several ages, was Giovanni de’ Medici, the great grandfather 
of Lorenzo, the subject of our present history. 10 By a strict 
attention to commerce, he acquired immense wealth; by his 
affability, moderation, and liberality, he ensured the confidence 

* Anna. 1st. Fior. i. 531. + Razzi, in vita. '1580.) Amm. ii. 


GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI. 


5 


and esteem of his fellow citizens. Without seeking after the 
offices of the republic, he was honoured with them all. The 
maxims which, uniformly pursued, raised the house of Medici 
to the splendour which it afterwards enjoyed, are to be found 
in the charge given by this venerable old man on his death¬ 
bed to his two sons, Cosmo and Lorenzo;* “I feel,” said he, 
“that I have lived the time prescribed me. I die content; 
leaving you, my sons, in affluence and in health, and in such 
a station, that whilst you follow my example, you may live in 
your native place honoured and respected. Nothing affords 
me more pleasure than the reflection that my conduct has not 
given offence to any one; but that, on the contrary, I have 
endeavoured to serve all persons to the best of my abilities. 

I advise you to do the same. With respect to the honours 
of the state, if you would live with security, accept only such 
as are bestowed on you by the laws and the favour of 
your fellow citizens; for it is the exercise of that power 
which is obtained by violence, and not of that which is vo¬ 
luntarily given, that occasions hatred and contention.” He 
died in the year 1428, leaving two sons, Cosmo, born in the 
year 1389, and Lorenzo in 1394, f from the latter of whom is 
derived the collateral branch of the family, which in the be¬ 
ginning of the sixteenth century obtained the absolute sove¬ 
reignty of Tuscany. 11 

Even in the lifetime of his father, Cosmo had engaged him¬ 
self deeply, not only in the extensive commerce by which the 
family had acquired its wealth, but in the weightier concerns 
of government. Such were his authority and reputation, that 
in the year 1414, when Balthasar Cossa, who had been elected 
pope, and had assumed the name, of John XXIII., was sum¬ 
moned to attend the council of Constance, he chose to be 
accompanied by Cosmo de’ Medici, amongst other men of 
eminence, whose characters might countenance his cause. 
By this council, which continued nearly four years, Balthasar 
was deprived of his pontifical dignity, and Otto Colonna, who 
took the name of Martin V., was elected pope. Divested of 
his authority, and pursued by his numerous adversaries, Bal¬ 
thasar endeavoured to save himself by flight. Cosmo did not 

* Mac. 1st. Fior. v. 

+ Origine e descendenza Della Casa de’ Medici. MS. 


-k 

6 LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 

desert in adversity the man to whom he had attached himself 
in prosperity. At the expense of a large sum of money, he 
redeemed him from the hands of the duke of Bavaria, who 
had seized upon his person, and afterwards gave him an hos¬ 
pitable shelter at Florence during the remainder of his life. Nor 
did the successful pontiff resent the kindness shown to his 
rival; on the contrary, he soon afterwards paid a public visit 
to Florence, where, on the formal submission of Balthasar, and 
at the request of the Medici, he created him a cardinal, with 
the privilege of taking the first place in the sacred college. 
The new-made cardinal did not long survive this honour. He 
died in the year 1419,* and it was supposed that the Medici 
at his death possessed themselves of immense riches which he 
had acquired during his pontificate. 12 This notion was after¬ 
wards encouraged for malevolent purposes by those who well 
knew its falsehood. 13 The true source of the wealth of the 
Medici, was their superior talents and application to com¬ 
merce: the property of the cardinal was scarcely sufficient to 
discharge his legacies and his debts. 

After the death of Giovanni de’ Medici, Cosmo supported 
and increased the family dignity. His conduct was uniformly 
marked by urbanity and kindness to the superior ranks of his 
fellow citizens, and by a constant attention to the interests 
and the wants of the lower class, whom he relieved with un¬ 
bounded generosity. By these means he acquired numerous 
and zealous partisans of every denomination; but he rather 
considered them as pledges for the continuance of the power 
he possessed than as instruments to be employed in extending 
it to the ruin and subjugation of the state. “ No family,” 
says Voltaire, “ever obtained its power by so just a title.”*)* 

The authority which Cosmo and his descendants exercised 
in Florence, during the fifteenth century, was of a very 
peculiar nature, and consisted rather in a tacit influence* on 
their part, and a voluntary acquiescence on that of the people, 
than in any prescribed or definite compact between them. 
The form of government was ostensibly a republic, and was \ 
directed by a council of ten citizens, and a chief executive 
officer called the Gonfaloniere, or standard-bearer, who was 


Ammir. ii. 985. 


+ Essai sur les Mceurs, ii. 282. (4to. Geneva.) 




X 


RESISTANCE TO THE MEDICI. 


7 


l 


j cliosen every two months. Under this establishment the 
I citizens imagined they enjoyed the full exercise of their! 
\ liberties; but such was the power of the Medici, that they 


I generally either assumed to themselves the first offices of the f 
j state, or nominated such persons as they thought proper to ; 
/ those employments. In this, how r ever, they paid great respect j 
to popular opinion. That opposition of interests so gene- 
rally apparent between the people and their rulers, was at 
this time scarcely perceived at Florence, where superior 
qualifications and industry were the surest recommendations 
to public authority and favour. Convinced of the benefits 
constantly received from this family, and satisfied that they 
could at any time withdraw themselves from a connexion that 
exacted no engagements, and required only a temporary 
acquiescence, the Florentines considered the Medici as the 
fathers, and not as the rulers of the republic. On the other 
hand, the chiefs of this house, by appearing rather to decline 
than to court the honours bestowed on them, and by a singular 
moderation in the use of them when obtained, were careful to 
maintain the character of simple citizens of Florence, and 
servants of the state. An interchange of reciprocal good 
offices was the only tie by which the Florentines and the 
Medici were bound, and perhaps the long continuance of this 
connexion may be attributed to the very circumstance of its 
having been in the power of either of the parties, at any time, 
to dissolve it. 

But the prudence and moderation of Cosmo, though they 
soothed the jealous apprehensions of the Florentines, could 
not at all times repress the ambitious designs of those who 
wished to possess or to share his authority. In the year 1433,* 
Rinaldo de’ Albizi, at the head of a powerful party,t carried 
the appointment of the magistracy. At that time Cosmo had 
withdrawn to his seat at Mugello, where he had remained 
some months, in order to avoid the disturbances that he saw 
were likely to ensue; 14 but at the request of his friends he 
returned to Florence, where he was led to expect that an 
union of the different parties would be effected, so as to pre¬ 
serve the peace of the city. In this expectation he was, how- 


Amm. ii. 1088. 


+ The Guelphs. 


8 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


ever, disappointed. No sooner did he make his appearance in 
the palace, where his presence had been requested, on pre¬ 
tence of his being intended to share in the administration of 
the republic, than he was seized upon by his adversaries, and 
committed to the custody of Federigo Malavolti. He re¬ 
mained in this situation for several days, in constant appre¬ 
hension of some violence being offered to his person; but he 
still more dreaded that the malice of his enemies might 
attempt his life by poison. During four days, a small portion 
of bre^d was the only food which he thought proper to take. 

The generosity of his keeper at length relieved him from 
this state of anxiety. In order to induce him to take his food 
with confidence, Malavolti partook of it with him. 15 In the 
meantime, his brother Lorenzo, and his cousin Averardo, 
having raised a considerable body of men from Romagna and 
other neighbouring parts, and being joined by Niccolo Tolen- 
tino, the commander of the troops of the republic, approached 
towards Florence to his relief; but the apprehensions that, in 
case they resorted to open violence, the life of Cosmo might 
be endangered, induced them to abandon their enterprise. 
At length Rinaldo and his adherents obtained a decree of the 
magistracy against the Medici and their friends, by which 
Cosmo was banished to Padua for ten years, Lorenzo to 
Venice for five years, and several of their relations and ad¬ 
herents were involved in a similar punishment. Cosmo 
would gladly have left the city pursuant to his sentence, but 
his enemies thought it more advisable to retain him till they 
had established their authority; and they frequently gave 
him to understand that if his friends raised any opposition to 
their measures, his life should answer it. He also suspected 
that another reason for his detention was to ruin him in his 
credit and circumstances; his mercantile concerns being then 
greatly extended. As soon as these disturbances were known, 
several of the states of Italy interfered in his behalf. Three 
ambassadors arrived from Venice, who proposed to take him 
under their protection, and to engage that he should strictly 
submit to the sentence imposed on him. The marquis of 
Ferrara also gave a similar proof of his attachment. Though 
their interposition was not immediately successful, it was of 
great importance to Cosmo, and secured him from the attempts 


COSMO RETIRES TO VENICE. 


9 


of those who aimed at his life. After a confinement of nearly 
a month, some of his friends, finding in his adversaries a dis¬ 
position to gentler measures, took occasion to forward his 
cause by the timely application of a sum of money to Ber¬ 
nardo Guadagni, the Gonfaloniere, and to Mariotto Baldovi- 
netti, two of the creatures of Rinaldo. This measure was 
successful. He was privately taken from his confinement by 
night, and led out of Florence. For this piece of service 
Guadagni received one thousand florins, and Baldovinetti 
eight hundred. “ They were poor souls,” says Cosmo in his 
Ricordi, " for if money had been their object, they might 
have had ten thousand, or more, to have freed me from the 
perils of such a situation.” 16 

From Florence, Cosmo proceeded immediately towards 
Venice, and at every place through which he passed, expe¬ 
rienced the most flattering attention, and the warmest ex¬ 
pressions of regard. On his approach to that city he was 
met by his brother Lorenzo, and many of his friends, and 
was received by the senate with such honours as were bestowed 
by that stately republic only on persons of the highest quality 
and distinction. After a short stay there, he went to Padua, 
the place prescribed for his banishment; but on an applica¬ 
tion to the Florentine state, by Andrea Donato, the Venetian 
ambassador, he was permitted to reside on any part of the 
Venetian territories, but not to approach within the distance 
of one hundred and seventy miles of Florence. The affec¬ 
tionate reception which he had met with at Venice induced 
him to fix his abode there, until a change of circumstances 
should restore him to his native country. 

Amongst the several learned and ingenious men who ac¬ 
companied Cosmo in his banishment, or resorted to him 
during his stay at Venice, was Michellozzo Michellozzi, a 
Florentine sculptor and architect, whom Cosmo employed in 
making models and drawings of the most remarkable build¬ 
ings in Venice, and also in forming a library in the monastery 
of St. George,* which he enriched with many valuable 
manuscripts, and left as an honourable monument of his gra¬ 
titude, to a place that had afforded him so kind an asylum in 
his adversity. 17 

* Vasari, Vite de’ Pittori, i., (Flor. 15G8,) 339. 


10 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


During his residence at Venice, Cosmo also received fre¬ 
quent visits from Ambrogio Traversari, a learned monk of 
Camaldoli, near Florence, 18 and afterwards superior of the 
monastery of that place. Though chiefly confined within the 
limits of a cloister, Traversari had, perhaps, the best preten¬ 
sions to the character of a polite scholar of any man of that 
age. From the letters of Traversari, now extant, we learn 
that Cosmo and his brother not only bore their misfortunes 
with firmness, but continued to express on every occasion an 
inviolable attachment to their native place. 19 

The readiness with which Cosmo had given way to the 
temporary clamour raised against him, and the reluctance 
which he had shown to renew those bloody rencounters that 
had so often disgraced the streets of Florence, gained him new 
friends. The utmost exertions of his antagonists could not 
long prevent the choice of such magistrates as were known 
to be attached to the cause of the Medici; and no sooner did 
they enter on their office, than Cosmo and his brother were 
recalled, and Rinaldo, with his adherents, was compelled 
to quit the city. 20 This event took place about the expira- 
. tion of twelve months from the time of Cosmo’s banish¬ 
ment. 21 

From this time the life of Cosmo de’ Medici was an almost 
uninterrupted series of prosperity. The tranquillity enjoyed 
by the republic, and the satisfaction and peace of mind which 
he experienced in the esteem and confidence 01 his fellow- 
citizens, enabled him to indulge his natural propensity to the 
promotion of science, and the encouragement of learned men. 
The study of the Greek language had been introduced into 
Italy, principally by the exertions of the celebrated Boc¬ 
caccio, 22 towards the latter part of the preceding century, but 
on the death of that great promoter of letters it again fell 
into neglect. After a short interval, another attempt was 
made to revive it by the intervention of Emanuel Chryso- 
loras, a noble Greek, who, during the interval of his important 
embassies, taught that language at Florence and other cities 
of Italy, about the beginning of the fifteenth century. His 
disciples were numerous and respectable. Amongst others of 
no inconsiderable note, were Ambrogio Traversari, Leonardo 
Bruni,‘- 3 Carlo Marsuppini, 24 the two latter of whom were 


cosmo’s encouragement of men of learning. 11 

natives of Arezzo, whence they took the name of Are- 
tino, Poggio Bracciolini, Guarino Veronese, and Francesco 
Filelfo, who, after the death of Chrysoloras, in 1415, strenu¬ 
ously vied with each other in the support of Grecian litera¬ 
ture, and were successful enough to keep the flame alive till 
it received new aid from other learned Greeks, who were 
driven from Constantinople by the dread of the Turks, or by 
the total overthrow of the eastern empire. To these illus¬ 
trious foreigners, as well as to those eminent Italians, who 
shortly became their successful rivals, even in the knowledge 
of their national history and language, Cosmo afforded the 
most liberal protection and support. Of this the numerous 
productions inscribed to his name, or devoted to his praise, 
are an ample testimony. 25 In some of these he is commended 
for his attachment to his country, his liberality to his friends, 
his benevolence to all. He is denominated the protector of 
the needy, the refuge of the oppressed, the constant patron 
and support of learned men. “ You have shown,” says 
Poggio,* “such humanity and moderation in dispensing the 
gifts of fortune, that they seem to have been rather the re¬ 
ward of your virtues and merits, than conceded by her bounty. 
Devoted to the study of letters from your early years, you 
have by your example given additional splendour to science 
itself. Although involved in the weightier concerns of state, 
and unable to devote a great part of your time to books, yet 
you have found a constant satisfaction in the society of those 
learned men who have always frequented your house.” In 
enumerating the men of eminence who distinguished the city 
of Florence, Flavio Blondo adverts in the first instance to 
Cosmo de’ Medicif—“ A citizen, who, whilst he excels in 
wealth every other citizen of Europe, is rendered much more 
illustrious by his prudence, his humanity, his liberality, and 
what is more to our present purpose, by his knowledge of 
useful literature, and particularly of history.” 

That extreme avidity for the works of the ancient writers 
which distinguished the early part of the fifteenth century, 
announced the near approach of more enlightened times. 
Whatever were the causes that determined men of wealth 


Opera. (Basil, 1508,) 312. 


+ Tirabosclii, vi. 1, 2 7 . 


12 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


and learning to exert themselves so strenuously in this pursuit, 
certain it is that their interference was of the highest im¬ 
portance to the interests of posterity; and that if it had 
been much longer delayed, the loss would have been in a 
great degree irreparable; such of the manuscripts as then 
existed of the ancient Greek and Roman authors, being 
daily perishing in obscure corners, a prey to oblivion and 
neglect. It was therefore a circumstance productive of the 
happiest consequences, that the pursuits of the opulent were 
at this time directed rather towards the recovery of the works 
of the ancients, than to the encouragement of contemporary 
merit; a fact that may serve in some degree to account for 
the dearth of original literary productions during this interval. 
Induced by the rewards that invariably attended a successful 
inquiry, those men who possessed any considerable share of 
learning devoted themselves to this occupation, and to such 
a degree of enthusiasm was it carried, that the discovery of 
an ancient manuscript was regarded as almost equivalent to 
the conquest of a kingdom. 

The history of the vicissitu des which the writings of the 
ancients have experienced, is little less than the history of 
literature itself, which has flourished or declined in proportion 
as they have been esteemed or neglected. A full and accu¬ 
rate detail of these circumstances, whilst it would be highly 
interesting to the scholar, would discharge in some degree 
the debt of gratitude due to those who have devoted their 
labours and their fortunes to this important service. In re¬ 
linquishing an inquiry too extensive for the nature of the 
present work, it may be here allowed to advert to such re¬ 
mains of the ancient authors as were brought to light during 
the period in question, by the munificence of Cosmo de’ 
Medici, and the industry of those who so earnestly seconded 
his endeavours. 

Of all the learned men of his time, Poggio 96 seems to have 
devoted himself the most particularly to this employment, and 
his exertions were crowned with ample success. The number 
of manuscripts discovered by him in different parts of Europe, 
during the space of nearly fifty years, will remain a lasting 
proof of his perseverance, and of his sagacity in these pur¬ 
suits. Whilst he attended the council of Constance, in the 


POGGIO BRACCIOLINI. 


13 


year 1415, he took an opportunity of visiting the convent of 
S. Gallo, distant from that city about twenty miles, where 
he had been informed that it was probable he might find 
some manuscripts of the ancient Roman writers. In this 
place he had the happiness to discover a complete copy of 
Quintilian, whose works had before appeared only in a muti¬ 
lated and imperfect state. At the same time he found the 
first three books, and part of the fourth, of the Argonautics 
of Valerius Flaccus. Some idea may be formed of the critical 
state of these works from the account that Poggio has left. 
Buried in the obscurity of a dark and lonely tower, covered 
with filth and rubbish, their destruction seemed inevitable. 27 
Of this fortunate discovery he gave immediate notice to his 
friend Leonardo Aretino, who, by representing to him the 
* importance and utility of his labours, stimulated him to fresh 
exertions. The letter addressed by Leonardo to Poggio on 
that occasion is full of the highest commendations, and the 
most extravagant expressions of joy.* By his subsequent 
researches through France and Germany, Poggio also re¬ 
covered several of the orations of Cicero.f At that time, only 
eight of the comedies of Plautus were known. The first 
complete copy of that author was brought to Rome at the in¬ 
stance of Poggio, by Nicholas of Treves, a German monk, 
from whom it was purchased by the cardinal Giordano Orsini, 
who was afterwards with great difficulty prevailed upon to 
suffer Poggio and his friends to copy it, and even this favour 
would not have been granted without the warm interference 
of Lorenzo, the brother of Cosmo de’ Medici. The monk had 
flattered the Italian scholars that he also possessed a copy of 
the work of Aulus Gellius, and of the first book of Quintus 
Curtius; but in this they were disappointed.^ From a Latin 
elegy by Cristoforo Landino, on the death of Poggio, we 
are fully authorized to conclude that he also first discovered 
the beautiful and philosophic poem of Lucretius, that of Silius 
Italicus, and the valuable work of Columella r 8 and from a 
memorial yet existing in the handwriting of Angelo Politiano, 
it appears that the poems of Statius were brought into Italy 
by the same indefatigable investigator. In the opinion of 


Ep. iv. 5. 


f Trav. Ep. i. prsef. 


+ Id. ib. 


14 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


Politiano these poems were, indeed, inaccurate and defective, 
yet all the copies which he had seen were derived from this 
manuscript. 29 

Poggio had once formed the fullest expectations of obtain¬ 
ing a copy of the Decades of Livy, which a monk had assured 
him he had seen in the Cistercian monastery of Sora, com¬ 
prised in two volumes in large Lombard characters. 80 He 
immediately wrote to a friend at Florence, requesting him to 
prevail on Cosmo de’ Medici to direct his agent in that 
neighbourhood to repair to the monastery, and to purchase the 
work. Some time afterwards, Poggio addressed himself to 
Leonello d’ Este, marquis of Ferrara, on the same subject, 
but apparently without any great hopes of success.* His 
attempts to recover the writings of Tacitus were equally 
fruitless.f. After long inquiry, he was convinced that no 
copy of that author existed in Germany; yet at the distance 
of nearly a century the five books of his history were brought 
from thence to Home, and presented to Leo X. In prosecu¬ 
tion of his favourite object, Poggio extended his researches 
into England, where he resided some time with the cardinal 
bishop of Winchester, 31 and whence he transmitted to Italy 
the Bucolics of Calphurnius, and a part of the works of 
Petronius. 32 

The researches of Guarino Veronese, 33 of Giovanni 
Aurispi, and of Francesco Filelfo, were directed towards 
another quarter. For the purpose of procuring ancient 
manuscripts, and of acquiring a competent knowledge of the 
Greek language, they visited Constantinople and other parts 
of the East, where their perseverance was repaid by the 
acquisition of many valuable works. Guarino, on his return 
to Italy, was shipwrecked, and, unfortunately for himself and 
the world, lost his treasures. So pungent was his grief upon 
this occasion, that if we may believe the relation of one of his 
countrymen, his hair became suddenly white.I Aurispa was 
more successful; he arrived at Venice in the year 1423, with 
two hundred and thirty-eight manuscripts, amongst which 
were all the works of Plato, of Proclus,of Plotinus, of Lucian, 

* Poggius de Var. For., p 215; + Trav. ut sup. 

j Poutico Virunio, Scrittore dei primi anni del secolo x\i. ap. Tiraboschi, 
vi. 1, 89. 


FRANCESCO FIFELFO. 


15 


of Xenophon, the histories of Arrian, of Dio, and of Diodorus 
Siculus, the geography of Strabo, the poems of Callimachus, 
of Pindar, of Oppian, and those attributed to Orpheus. In 
one of his epistles to Traversari, many other works are par¬ 
ticularly enumerated, some of which are not at present 
known, and have most probably perished.* The large sums 
of money which Aurispa had expended in purchasing so con¬ 
siderable a number of books, and the charges of conveying 
them to Venice, had exhausted his finances, and he was 
obliged to apply to Traversari to procure him the sum of 
fifty florins to relieve him from his embarrassments. This 
was readily supplied by Cosmo de’ Medici and his brother 
Lorenzo, to whom Aurispa expresses his obligations with 
great warmth and apparent sincerity. 34 

Filelfo was about twenty years of age when he undertook 
his expedition to Constantinople, where he remained about 
seven years, and married the daughter of the noble and 
learned John Chrysoloras. In the year 1427, he returned to 
Italy with a great number of manuscripts which he had col¬ 
lected, and made a conspicuous figure amongst the literati 
there during the chief part of the fifteenth century, having 
been successively engaged as professor of different branches 
of science at most of the universities and seminaries through¬ 
out that country. With all his learning, Filelfo had not 
acquired the art of controlling his own temper, which was in 
a high degree petulant, suspicious, and arrogant. His whole 
life was passed in quarrels and dissensions. At some times 
he narrowly escaped the public punishment due to his 
excesses ; at others, the effects of the private resentment of 
those whom he had offended. He was even accused of having 
conspired against the life of Cosmo de’ Medici, and of having 
engaged a Greek assassin to murder him. Their disagree¬ 
ment seems to have taken place during the exile of Cosmo at 
Venice. Amongst the letters of Filelfo, there are some to 
Cosmo, in which he falls greatly short of the respect which 
he owed him for his patronage, and wherein he inveighs 
with much rancour against Niccolo Niccoli and Carlo Aretino, 
the particular friends of Cosmo. 35 From several of these 


Aurispse Ep. apud Trav. xxiv. 53. 


16 LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 

letters he appears to have had frequent apprehensions of 
assassination, and even affects to accuse Cosmo of favouring 
the attempt. 36 Plow much Cosmo was superior to such im¬ 
putations appeared in the moderation of his conduct, which 
at length overcame even the arrogance and resentment of 
Filelfo himself, who lived to receive innumerable favours from 
him and his descendants, and died at Florence in the year 
1481, in the eighty-third year of his age. 

The productions of Filelfo are very numerous, and in 
almost every branch of literature. 37 His industry in collect¬ 
ing manuscripts was, however, of more indisputable service to 
the cause of learning. Of the particular works brought by 
him into Italy, he has not left a very explicit account; but it 
appears that he had sent a considerable number to his friend 
Leonardo Giustiniani at Venice, from whom he found some 
difficulty in obtaining them after his return. The letters of 
Filelfo contain, indeed, innumerable complaints of the injustice 
of his friends, in withholding the books which he had lent for 
their use, or entrusted to their care. Perhaps, says Tirabos- 
chi, they acted upon the same principle as the enthusiasts of 
the darker ages, who considered the stealing the relics of a 
saint, not as a theft, but as a pious and meritorious act. Such 
was the high estimation in which these works were held, that 
a manuscript of the history of Livy, sent by Cosmo de* 
Medici to Alfonso king of Naples, with whom he was at 
variance, conciliated the breach between them; and although 
the king’s physicians insinuated that the book -was probably 
poisoned, Alfonso disregarded their suspicions, and began 
with great pleasure the perusal of the work. 33 

In the year 1438, a general council was held by Euge- - 
nius IV. at Ferrara, for the purpose of settling some contested 
points, both of doctrine and discipline, between the Greek 
and Roman churches, preparatory to their proposed union; 
but the plague having made its appearance at that place, the 
council was in the following year transferred to Florence. 
On this occasion, not only the pope and several of his car¬ 
dinals, the Greek patriarch and his metropolitans, but the 
emperor of the east, John Paleologus, attended in person. 
Shortly before their arrival, Cosmo had been invested a 
second time with the office of Gonfaloniere, and the reception 


REVIVAL OF THE PLATONIC PHILOSOPHY. 


17 


he gave to these illustrious visitors, whilst it was highly 
honourable to his guests, was extremely gratifying to the 
citizens of Florence, who were as remarkable for the magni¬ 
ficence of their public exhibitions, as for their moderation and 
frugality in private life. As the questions agitated at this 
council would not admit of an illustration from reasoning, and 
could only be argued from. authority, the longer the dispute 
continued, the more were the parties at variance; but the 
critical situation of the eastern empire, then closely attacked 
by the Turks, and the expectations which the emperor had 
formed of procuring succours from the pope, and from other 
European princes, reconciled what the efforts of the school¬ 
men had only served to perplex. The proposed union 
accordingly took place; and the pope was acknowledged by 
the whole assembly as the legitimate successor of St. Peter. 
Little advantage was, however, derived by either of the 
parties from this remarkable transaction. The emperor was 
disappointed in his expectations of support; and with respect 
to the supremacy of the Roman church over the Greek, the 
ecclesiastics of the latter refused to obey the decree; and even 
many who had been present and signed it at the council, 
publicly retracted at Constantinople. 89 

For the purpose of conducting these important debates, 
each of the parties had selected six disputants, eminent for 
their rank and learning. Amongst those chosen on the part 
of the Greeks, was Gemisthus Pletho, who was then at a 
very advanced period of a life which had been devoted to the 
study of the Platonic philosophy. 40 As often as his public 
avocations afforded him an opportunity, he employed himself 
in the propagation of his opinions, which were not only 
new to the scholars of Italy, but were greatly at variance 
with those doctrines which had long obtained an uninter¬ 
rupted ascendancy in all the public schools and 'seminaries. 
So powerful was the effect which the discourses of Gemis¬ 
thus had upon Cosmo de’ Medici, who was his constant 
auditor, that he determined to establish an academy at Flo¬ 
rence, for the sole purpose of cultivating this new and more 
elevated species of philosophy. With this view he selected 
Marsilio Ficino, the son of his favourite physician, and des¬ 
tined him, though very young, to be the support of his future 

c 


18 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


establishment. The education of Ficino was, as he has him¬ 
self informed us, entirely directed to the new philosophy. 41 
The doctrines and precepts of the Grecian sage were assidu¬ 
ously instilled into his infant mind; and as he increased in 
years, he applied himself to the study, not of the works of 
Plato only, but also of those of Plotinus, a distinguished pro¬ 
moter of the doctrines of that philosopher in the third cen¬ 
tury. Nor were the expectations which Cosmo had formed 
of Ficino disappointed. The Florentine academy was some 
years afterwards established with great credit, and was the 
first institution in Europe for the pursuit of science, detached 
from the scholastic method then universally adopted. It is 
true, the sublime and fanciful doctrines of Plato were almost 
as remote from the purposes of common life and general utility 
as the dogmatic opinions of Aristotle; but the introduction of 
the former was nevertheless of essential service to the cause 
of free inquiry and substantial knowledge. By dividing the 
attention of the learned, they deprived the doctrines of Aris¬ 
totle of that servile respect and veneration which had so long 
been paid to them; and by introducing the discussion of new 
subjects, they prepared the way for the pursuit of truths 
more properly within the sphere of the human intellect. 

As the natural disposition of Cosmo led him to take an 
active part in collecting the remains of the ancient Greek and 
Roman writers, so he was enabled by his wealth and his ex¬ 
tensive mercantile intercourse with different parts of Europe, 
and of Asia, to gratify a passion of this kind beyond any 
other individual. To this end he laid injunctions on all his 
friends and correspondents, as well as on the missionaries and 
preachers who travelled into the remotest countries, to search 
for and procure ancient manuscripts, in every language, and 
on every subject. 42 Besides the services of Poggio and Tra¬ 
versal!, Cosmo availed himself of those of Cristoforo Buon- 
delmonti, Antonio da Massa, Andrea de Rimino, and many 
others. The situation of the eastern empire, then daily falling 
into ruins by the repeated attacks of the Turks, afforded him 
an opportunity of obtaining many inestimable works in the 
Hebrew, Greek, Chaldaic, Arabic, and Indian languages.* 
From these beginnings arose the celebrated library of the 

* Bandini, Lettera sopra i principj e progressi della Biblioteca Lauren- 
ziana, Firenze, 1773. 


LAURENTIAN AND MARCIAN LIBRARIES. 19 

Medici, which, after having been the constant object of the 
solicitude of its founder, was after his death further enriched 
by the attention of his descendants, and particularly of his 
grandson Lorenzo; and after various vicissitudes of fortune, 
and frequent and considerable additions, has been preserved 
to the present times under the name of the Bibliotheca Mediceo- 
Laurentiana. 

Amongst those who imitated the example of Cosmo de’ 
Medici, was Niccolo Niccoli, another citizen of Florence, who 
devoted his whole time and fortune to the acquisition of 
ancient manuscripts; in this pursuit he had been eminently 
successful, having collected together eight hundred volumes 
of Greek, Roman, and Oriental authors; a number in those 
times justly thought very considerable. Several of these 
works he had copied with great accuracy, and had diligently 
employed himself in correcting their defects and arranging 
the text in its proper order. In this respect he is justly re¬ 
garded by Mehus as the father of this species of criticism.* 
He died in 1436, having by his will directed that his library 
should be devoted to the use of the public, and appointed 
sixteen curators, amongst whom was Cosmo de’ Medici. 
After his death, it appeared that he was greatly in debt; and 
that his liberal intentions were likely to be frustrated by the 
insolvency of his circumstances. Cosmo therefore proposed 
to his associates, that if they would resign to him the right 
of disposition of the books, he would himself discharge all the 
debts of Niccolo, to which they readily acceded. Having thus 
obtained the sole direction of the manuscripts, he deposited 
them for public use in the Dominican monastery of S. Marco, 
at Florence, which he had himself, erected at an enormous 
expense. 43 This collection was the foundation of another 
celebrated library in Florence, known by the name of the 
Bibliotheca Marciana , which is yet open to the inspection of 
the learned, at the distance of three centuries. 44 

In the arrangement of the library of S. Marco, Cosmo had 
procured the assistance of Tomaso Calandrino, who drew up 
a scheme for that purpose, and prepared a scientific catalogue 
of the books it contained. In selecting a coadjutor, the choice 
of Cosmo had fallen upon an extraordinary man. Though. 

* Tray. Ep. praef. p. 50. 


20 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE 5 MEDICI. 


Tomaso was the son of a poor physician of Sarzana, and 
ranked only in the lower order of the clergy, he had the 
ambition to aim at possessing some specimens of these vener¬ 
able relics of ancient genius. His learning and his industry 
enabled him to gratify his wishes, and his perseverance sur¬ 
mounted the disadvantages of his situation. In this pursuit 
he was frequently induced to anticipate his scanty revenue, 
well knowing that the estimation in which he was held by his 
friends would preserve him from pecuniary difficulties. With 
the Greek and Roman authors no one was more intimately 
acquainted, and as he wrote a very fine hand, the books he 
possessed acquired additional value from the marginal obser¬ 
vations which he was accustomed to make in perusing them. 
By rapid degrees of fortunate preferment, Tomaso was, in 
the short space of twelve months, raised from his humble 
situation to the chair of St. Peter,* and in eight years, during 
which time he enjoyed the supreme dignity by the name of 
Nicholas V., acquired a reputation that has increased with the 
increasing estimation of those studies which he so liberally 
fostered and protected. The scanty library of his predeces¬ 
sors had been nearly dissipated or destroyed by frequent 
removals between Avignon and Rome, according as the 
caprice of the reigning pontiff chose either of those places for 
his residence; and it appears from the letters of Traversari, 
that scarcely anything of value remained. Nicholas Y. is 
therefore to be considered as the founder of the library of the 
Vatican. In the completion of this great design, it is true, 
much was left to be performed by his successors; but Nicholas 
had before his death collected upwards of five thousand volumes 
of Greek and Roman authors, and had not only expressed his 
intention of establishing a library for the use of the Roman 
court, but had also taken measures for carrying such intention 
into execution.! 

Whilst the munificence of the rich and the industry of the 
learned were thus employed throughout Italy in preserving 
the remains of the ancient authors, some obscure individuals 
in a corner of Germany had conceived, and were silently 
bringing to perfection, an invention which, by means equally 

* Bart. Facius de \iris illustribus. Flor. 1745. + Trav. ut supra. 


CAPTURE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 


21 


effectual and unexpected, secured to the world the result of 
their labours. This was the art of printing with moveable 
types; a discovery, of which the beneficial effects have been 
increasing to the present day, and are yet advancing with 
accelerated progress. 45 The coincidence of this discovery 
with the spirit of the times in which it had birth, was highly 
fortunate. Had it been made known at a much earlier period, 
it would have been disregarded or forgotten, from the mere 
want of materials on which to exercise it; and had it been 
further postponed, it is probable that, notwithstanding the 
generosity of the rich and the diligence of. the learned, many 
w r orks would have been totally lost, which are now justly re¬ 
garded as the noblest monuments of the human intellect. 

Nearly the same period of time that gave the world this 
important discovery, saw the destruction of the Roman empire 
in the east. In the year 1453, the city of Constantinople was 
captured by the Turks, under the command of Mahomet II., 
after a vigorous defence of fifty-three days. The encourage¬ 
ment which had been shown to the Greek professors at 
Florence, and the character of Cosmo de’ Medici as a pro¬ 
moter of letters, induced many learned Greeks to seek a 
shelter in that city, where they met with a welcome ‘ and 
honourable reception. Amongst these were Demetrius Chal- 
condyles, Johannes Andronicus Calistus, Constantius and 
Johannes Lascari, in whom the Platonic philosophy obtained 
fresh partisans, and by whose support it began openly to 
oppose itself to that of Aristotle. 46 Between the Greek and 
Italian professors a spirit of emulation was kindled that 
operated most favourably on the cause of letters. Public 
schools were instituted at Florence for the study of the Greek 
tongue. The facility of diffusing their labours by means of 
the newly discovered art of printing stimulated the learned 
to fresh exertions; and in a few years the cities of Italy vied 
with each other in the number and elegance of works pro¬ 
duced from the press. 47 

Towards the latter period of his life, a great part of the 
time that Cosmo could withdraw from the administration 
of public affairs, was passed at his seats at Careggi and 
Caffaggiolo, where he applied himself to the cultivation of his 
farms, from which he derived no inconsiderable revenue. But 


22 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


his happiest hours were devoted to the study of letters and 
philosophy, or passed in the company and conversation of 
learned men. When he retired at intervals to his seat at 
Careggi, he was generally accompanied by Ficino, where, 
after having been his protector, he became his pupil in the 
study of the Platonic philosophy. For his use, Ficino began 
those laborious translations of the works of Plato and his 
followers which were afterwards completed and published in 
the lifetime and by the liberality of Lorenzo. Amongst the 
letters of Ficino is one from his truly venerable patron, which 
bespeaks most forcibly the turn of his mind, and his earnest 
desire of acquiring knowledge, even at his advanced period of 
life.* “ Yesterday,” says he, “ I arrived at Careggi—not so 
much for the purpose of improving my fields as myself. Let 
me see you, Marsilio, as soon as possible, and forget not to 
bring with you the book of our favourite Plato, De summo botio, 
which I presume, according to your promise, you have ere 
this translated into Latin; for there is no employment to 
which I so ardently devote myself as to find out the true road 
to happiness. Come then, and fail not to bring with you the 
Orphean lyre.” Whatever might be the proficiency of Cosmo 
in the mysteries of his favourite philosopher, there is reason 
to believe that he applied those doctrines and precepts which 
furnished the litigious disputants of the age with a plentiful 
source of contention, to the purposes of real life and practical 
improvement. Notwithstanding his active and useful life, he 
often regretted the hours he had lost. “ Midas was not more 
sparing of his money,” says Ficino, “ than Cosmo was of his 
time.” 

The wealth and influence that Cosmo had acquired, had 
long entitled him to rank with the most powerful princes of 
Italy, with whom he might have formed connexions by the 
intermarriage of his children; but being apprehensive that 
such measures might give rise to suspicions that he entertained 
designs inimical to the freedom of the state, he rather chose 
to increase his interest amongst the citizens of Florence by 
the marriage of his children into the most distinguished 
families of that place. Piero, his eldest son, married Lucretia 


Ficini Ep. i. 1. 


FAMILY OF COSMO. 


23 


Tornabuoni, by whom he had two son s., Lorenzo, t he subject 
of our present history, born on the first day of January, 1448, 
and Giuliano, born in the year 1453. Piero had also two 
daughters, Nannina, who married Bernardo Rucellai, and 
Bianca, who became the wife of Gulielmo de’ Pazzi. Gio¬ 
vanni, the younger son of Cosmo, espoused Cornelia de’ Ales- 
sandri, by whom he had a son who died very young. Giovanni 
himself did not long survive. He died in the year 1461, at 
forty-two years of age. Living under the shade of paternal 
authority, his name scarcely occurs in the pages of history; but 
the records of literature bear testimony, that in his disposition 
and studies he did not derogate from the reputation of that 
characteristic attachment to men of learning, by which his 
family was invariably distinguished. 48 

Besides his legitimate qffspring, Cosmo left also a natural 
son v Carlo de’ Medici, whom he liberally educated, and who 
compensated the disadvantages of his birth by the respecta¬ 
bility of his life. The manners of the times might be alleged 
in extenuation of a circumstance apparently inconsistent with 
the gravity of the character of Cosmo de’ Medici; but Cosmo 
himself disclaimed such apology, and whilst he acknowledged 
his youthful indiscretion, made amends to society for the 
breach of a salutary regulation, by attending to the morals 
and the welfare of his illegitimate descendant. Under his 
countenance, Carlo became Proposto of Prato, and one of the 
apostolic notaries ; and as his general residence was at Rome, 
he was frequently resorted to by his father and brothers for 
his advice and assistance in procuring ancient manuscripts 
and other valuable remains of antiquity. 49 

The death of Giovanni de’ Medici, on whom Cosmo had 
placed his chief expectations, and the weak state of health that 
Piero experienced, which rendered him unfit for the exertions 
of public life in so turbulent a place as Florence, raised great 
apprehensions in Cosmo that at his decease the splendour 
of his family would close. These reflections embittered the 
repose of his latter days. A short time before his death, 
being carried through the apartments of his palace, after 
having recently lost his son, he exclaimed with a sigh, “ This 
is too great a house for so small a family.” These apprehen¬ 
sions were in some degree realized by the infirmities under 



24 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


which Piero laboured during the few years in which he held 
the direction of the republic; but the talents of Lorenzo soon 
dispelled this temporary gloom, and exalted his family to a 
degree of reputation and splendour, of which it is probable 
that Cosmo himself had scarcely formed an idea. 

The kindness and attention shown by Cosmo to men of 
learning were not without their reward. His virtues and his 
liberality were their most frequent topic. In every event of 
his life, they were ready to attend him, to participate with him 
in his prosperity, and to sympathize with him in his mis¬ 
fortunes. The affectionate epistles addressed to him by Poggio 
on his banishment to Padua, and on his recall to Florence, 
exhibit not only a proof of the sincere esteem, but of the high 
admiration of their author.* Of the continued attachment 
of Leonardo Aretino to his great patron, innumerable evi¬ 
dences remain. Amongst the eminent men of the time who 
endeavoured to console him for the untimely loss of his son, 
was Pius II., who addressed to him a Latin epistle, to w r hich 
Cosmo replied with great propriety and dignity, and in a style 
not inferior to that of this learned pontiff. To the poem of 
Alberto AvOgradi, we have before had occasion to refer. 50 A 
considerable number of works, as well in verse as in prose, 
inscribed to him on different occasions, were, after his death, 
collected together by Bartolomeo Scala, and are yet preserved 
in the Laurentian Library, under the name of Collectiones 
Cosmiance. bl 

But perhaps the most extraordinary production that 
solicited the patronage of Cosmo, was the Hermaphroditus of 
Antonio Beccatelli, or, as he is usually called, from Palermo, 
the place of his birth, Antonio Panhormita. 52 When the 
respectability and situation of Beccatelli are considered, our 
surprise must be excited on finding him the avowed author of 
a production so grossly indecent as the Hermaphroditus; 
when we advert to the age and character of Cosmo de’ Medici, 
it is no less extraordinary that he should be the patron to 
whom it is inscribed. 

Beccatelli did not, however, escape without reprehension for 
thus indulging, at an advanced age, a pruriency of imagina- 


* Poggii Op. 312, 339. 


LITERARY QUARRELS. 


25 


tion not excusable at any time of life. Amongst others, 
Filelfo and Lorenzo Valla exclaimed against his licentious¬ 
ness. Invectives against the author were likewise poured out 
from the pulpit, and he was burnt in effigy at Ferrara, and 
afterwards at Milan. Valla had the charity to hope, that the 
third time the author might be burnt in his proper person. 53 
Even Poggio, who in his Facetiae had not confined him¬ 
self within the strict limits of decorum, thought it necessary 
to remonstrate with his friend Beccatelli on the indecency of 
his work, though he highly commends its elegance and 
latinity. 54 Beccatelli attempted to excuse his performance by 
the authority of the ancient Greek and Roman writers, but 
his reply may rather be considered as a repetition than as a 
justification of his offence.* On the contrary, there were 
men of known talents who expressed their thorough appro¬ 
bation of this performance. A commendatory epistle of 
Guarino Veronese is prefixed to the manuscript copy of it 
in the Laurentian Library, in which he defends Beccatelli, by 
alleging the example of St. Jerome. 

One of the most striking, though not the most pleasing 
features, in the history of the fifteenth century, is exhibited 
in the frequent and violent dissensions which occurred amongst 
the most distinguished scholars of the time. In some instances, 
these disputes arose between the chiefs of the two leading sects 
of philosophy ; whilst in others the contest was more personal, 
and originated in the high opinion entertained by the disputants 
of their own respective merits. The controversy between 
cardinal Bessarion, and George Trapezuntius, or of Trebisond, 
was of the former kind. A Greek by birth, Bessarion had 
early imbibed the doctrines of Plato. Having attained the 
dignity of bishop of Nice, he attended in his public capacity 
the council of Florence, and was one of the disputants on the 
part of the Greeks. Whether Bessarion was alarmed at the 
disorderly state of his own country, or whether he found him¬ 
self influenced by the arguments of his opponent, is uncertain ; 
but soon after his return to Constantinople he paid another 
visit to Italy, where he passed the remainder of his days. His 
learning and his integrity recommended him to Eugenius IV., 


Beccatelli Epist. iv. 80. 


26 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


who, in the year 1439, honoured him with the purple ; 
and it has been said, that a mistake made by his secretary 
prevented him from obtaining the pontifical dignity; but the 
futility of this tale of Jovius has been sufficiently exposed 
by Hody.* That he had nearly arrived at that honour is, 
however, certain; and his more fortunate competitor, Pius II., 
endeavoured to console him for his disappointment by 
bestowing upon him the empty title of Patriarch of Con¬ 
stantinople. In the year 1468, Bessarion gave a striking 
proof of his munificence and love of literature, by presenting 
his very valuable collection of Greek and Latin manuscripts 
to the state of Venice, to be deposited in the church of St. 
Mark. His letter to the senate on this occasion gives us a 
most favourable idea of his temper and character.■(■ George, 
though called of Trebisond, was a Cretan by birth, who, after 
having taught in different parts of Italy, was at length called 
to Rome by Nicholas V., and nominated one of the apostolic 
secretaries. His arrogant and haughty temper soon offended 
the pope, and he was compelled to spend the remainder of 
his days in seeking a precarious subsistence in different parts 
of Greece and Italy. The dispute between him and Bes¬ 
sarion was occasioned by Theodore Gaza, who published a 
treatise against the Platonic philosophy, and in commendation 
of the opinions of Aristotle, to which Bessarion opposed a 
temperate and well-written reply. Gaza, overpowered by 
the arguments, or the authority of his adversary, declined 
any further controversy; but George of Trebisond boldly 
came forward to the relief of the declining cause of Aristotle, 
and in several invectives against the Platonists, endeavoured 
to throw an odium on their doctrines and their morals ; in¬ 
somuch, that there is scarcely a crime with which he hesitates 
to charge them, or a public calamity which he does not 
ascribe to the prevalence of their system. This attack 
again called forth Bessarion, who, in his treatise In Calum¬ 
niator em Platonis, 55 is considered as having obtained a 
complete victory over his opponent. Other learned Greeks, 
then in Italy, joined in the debate. The Italians were, indeed, 

* Hodius de Grcecis illustribus, (1742,) 146. It is however related by 
Gibbon, xii. c. 06. + Lettere di Principi, i. 2. 


DISPUTE BETWEEN POGGIO AND F1LELF0. 27 

silent spectators of the controversy; but the eloquence of 
Bessarion, and the example and patronage of the Medici, 
overpowered the partisans of Aristotle; and the Platonic 
academy instituted by Cosmo acquired additional strength, 
till, by the countenance and support of his grandson Lorenzo, 
it arrived at its highest pitch of eminence. 

A debate of this nature, on an important subject, if kept 
within the bounds of decorum, affects not the disputants with 
any degree of opprobrium, except so far as it may attach to 
the erroneousness of their opinions, or the futility of their 
arguments ; but this applies not to the other kind of contro¬ 
versy to which I have before alluded, and of which the age 
in question produced frequent instances. The turbulent and 
vindictive temper of Filelfo has already been animadverted 
on. Unwearied in soliciting the favours of the great, he often 
extorted promises which were never meant to be performed, 
but the breach of which infallibly brought down the weight 
of his resentment. Almost all the sovereigns of Italy were 
successively the subject of his indecent satire, or his exagge¬ 
rated complaints. He did not, however, escape without full 
retribution for the abuse which he so liberally dealt around 
him. In Poggio he met with an antagonist who, if possible, 
exceeded him in rancour and scurrility. Their dispute com¬ 
menced in an attack made by Filelfo on the character of 
Niccolo Niccoli, which, if we give credit even to his friend 
Leonardo Aretino, was not perfectly immaculate. 56 This 
gave occasion to the Invectivce of Poggio against Filelfo. If 
we for a moment suppose there could have been the slightest 
foundation for the charges exhibited against Filelfo in these 
pieces, he must have been a monster of depravity. After 
reproaching him with the meanness of his birth, Poggio 
pursues his track from place to place, successively accusing 
him of fraud, ingratitude, theft, adultery, and yet more 
scandalous crimes. The voyage of Filelfo to Constantinople, 
was undertaken to shelter himself from punishment. The 
kindness of Chrysoloras, w T ho received him destitute and 
friendless into his house, he repaid by debauching his daughter, 
whom Chrysoloras was therefore obliged to bestow upon him 
in marriage. Not satisfied with serious invective, Poggio has 
also introduced his adversary in his Facetiae; and Filelfo 


28 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


will long be remembered as the original Hans Carvel of Prior, 
and La Fontaine. 57 The contentions of Poggio with Lorenzo 
Yalla were carried on with an equal degree of rancour and 
licentiousness; and even his debate with Guarino Veronese 
on the comparative excellence of Scipio and Julius Csesar, 
was sufficiently acrimonious. By these quarrels the learned 
were divided into factions, and Leonardo Aretino, Poggio, 
Niccolo Niccoli, and Beccatelli, were opposed to Valla, 
Niccolo Perotti, and others; but the leaders of these parties 
often disagreed amongst themselves, and scrupled not at times 
to accuse each other of the most scandalous enormities. As 
these imputations were, however, attended by no very serious 
consequences, charity would lead us to conclude that they 
were mutually understood to be rather contests of skill be¬ 
tween these literary gladiators, than proofs of real criminality 
in their respective antagonists. The life of a scholar is 
seldom stained by atrocious crimes; but that almost all the 
learned men of the age should have disgraced themselves by 
so shameless a degree of moral turpitude is surely a supposi¬ 
tion beyond the bounds of credibility. 

Cosmo now approached the period of his mortal existence, 
but the faculties of his mind yet remained unimpaired. 
About twenty days before his death, wffien his strength was 
visibly on the decline, he entered into conversation with 
Ficino, and whilst the faint beams of a setting sun seemed to 
accord with his situation and his feelings, began to lament the 
miseries of life, and the imperfections inseparable from human 
nature. As he continued his discourse, his sentiments and 
his views became more elevated, and from bewailing the lot 
of humanity, he began to exult in the prospect of that happier 
state towards which he felt himself approaching. Ficino re¬ 
plied by citing corresponding sentiments from the Athenian 
sages, and particularly from Xenocrates; and the last task 
imposed by Cosmo on his philosophic attendant, was to trans¬ 
late from the Greek the treatise of that author on death. 53 
Having prepared his mind to wait with composure the awful 
event, his next concern was the welfare of his surviving 
family, to whom he was desirous of imparting, in a solemn 
manner, the result of the experience of a long and active life. 
Calling into his chamber liis wife Contessina, and his son 


DEATH OF COSMO. 


29 


Piero, he entered into a narrative of all liis public transactions; 
he gave a full account of his extensive mercantile connexions, 
and adverted to the state of his domestic concerns. To Piero 
he recommended a strict attention to the education of his 
sons, of whose promising talents he expressed his hopes and 
his approbation. He requested that his funeral might be 
conducted with as much privacy as possible, and concluded 
his paternal exhortations by declaring his willingness to 
submit to the disposal of Providence whenever he should be 
called upon. These admonitions were not lost on Piero, who 
communicated by letter to Lorenzo and Giuliano the im¬ 
pression which they had made upon his own mind. 59 At the 
same time, sensible of his own infirmities, he exhorted them 
to consider themselves not as children, but as men, seeing 
that circumstances rendered it necessary to put their abilities 
to an early proof. “ A physician,” says Piero, “ is hourly 
expected to arrive from Milan, but, for my own part, I place 
my confidence in God.” Either the physician did not arrive, 
or Piero’s distrust of him Avas well founded, for, about six 
days afterwards, being the first day of August, 1464, Cosmo 
died, at the age of seventy-five years, deeply lamented by a 
great majority of the citizens of Florence, whom he had 
firmly attached to his interest, and who feared for the safety 
of the city from the dissensions that were likely to ensue. 60 

The character of Cosmo de’ Medici exhibits a combination 
of virtues and endowments rarely to be found united in the 
same person. If in his public works he was remarkable for 
his magnificence, he was no less conspicuous for his prudence 
in private life. Whilst in the character of chief of the Flo¬ 
rentine republic he supported a constant intercourse with the 
sovereigns of Europe, his conduct in Florence was divested of 
all ostentation, and neither in his retinue, his friendships, nor 
his conversation, could he be distinguished from any other 
respectable citizen. He well knew the jealous temper of the 
Florentines, and preferred the real enjoyment of authority to 
that open assumption of it which could only have been re¬ 
garded as a perpetual insult by those whom he permitted to 
gratify their own pride in the reflection that they were the 
equals of Cosmo de’ Medici. 61 

In affording protection to the arts of architecture, painting, 


30 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


and sculpture, which then began to revive in Italy, Cosmo 
set the great example to those who by their rank and their 
riches could alone afford them effectual aid. The countenance 
shown by him to those arts was not of that kind which their 
professors generally experience from the great; it was not 
conceded as a bounty, nor received as a favour, but appeared 
in the friendship and equality that subsisted between the 
artist and his patron. 62 In the erection of the numerous 
public buildings in which Cosmo expended incredible sums 
of money, he principally availed himself of the assistance of 
Michellozzo Michellozzi and Filippo Brunelleschi; the first of 
whom was a man of talents, the latter of genius. 63 Soon after 
his return from banishment, Cosmo engaged these two artists 
to form the plan of a mansion for his own residence. Bru¬ 
nelleschi gave scope to his invention, and produced the design 
of a palace which might have suited the proudest sovereign 
in Europe; but Cosmo was led by that prudence which, in 
his personal accommodation, regulated all his conduct, to 
prefer the plan of Michellozzi, which united extent with sim¬ 
plicity, and elegance with convenience. 64 With the conscious¬ 
ness, Brunelleschi possessed also the irritability of genius, and 
in a fit of vexation he destroyed a design which he unjustly 
considered as disgraced by its not being carried into execu¬ 
tion. 65 Having completed his dwelling, Cosmo indulged his 
taste in ornamenting it with the most precious remains of 
ancient art; and in the purchase of vases, statues, busts, 
gems, and medals, expended no inconsiderable sum. Nor 
was he less attentive to the merits of those artists whom his 
native place had recently produced. With Masaccio, a better 
style of painting had arisen; and the cold and formal manner 
of Giotto and his disciples had given way to more natural 
and expressive composition. In Cosmo de’ Medici this rising 
artist found his most liberal patron and protector. Some of 
the works of Masaccio were executed in the chapel of the 
Brancacci, where they were held in such estimation that the 
place was regarded as a school of study by the most eminent 
artists who immediately succeeded him. Even the celebrated 
Michelagnolo, when observing these paintings many years 
afterwards, in company with his honest and loquacious friend 
Vasari, did not hesitate to express his decided approbation of 


PRIVATE CHARACTER OF COSMO. 


31 


their merits. The reputation of Masaccio was emulated by 
his disciple, Filippo Lippi, who executed for Cosmo and his 
friends many celebrated pictures, of which Vasari has given 
a minute account. Cosmo, however, found no small difficulty 
in controlling the temper and regulating the eccentricities of 
this extraordinary character. 66 If the efforts of these early 
masters did not reach the true end of the art, they afforded 
considerable assistance toAvards it; and whilst Masaccio and 
Filippo decorated with their admired productions the altars 
of churches and the apartments of princes, Donatello gave to 
marble a proportion of form, a vivacity of expression, to 
which his contemporaries imagined that nothing more was 
wanting; Brunelleschi raised the great dome of the cathedral 
of Florence; and Ghiberti cast in brass the stupendous doors 
of the church of St. John, which Michelagnolo deemed worthy 
to be the gates of Paradise. 

In his person, Cosmo was tall; in his youth, he possessed 
the advantage of a prepossessing countenance; what age had 
taken from his comeliness it had added to his dignity; and in his 
latter years, his appearance was so truly venerable as to have 
been the frequent subject of panegyric. 67 His manner was 
grave and complacent, but upon many occasions he gave 
sufficient proofs that this did not arise from a want of talents 
for sarcasm; and the fidelity of the Florentine historians has 
preserved many of his shrewd observations and remarks.* 
When Rinaldo de’ Albizi, who w r as then in exile, and medi¬ 
tated an attack upon his native place, sent a message to 
Cosmo, importing that the hen would shortly hatch, he 
replied, “ She will hatch with an ill grace out of her own 
nest.” On another occasion, when liis. adversaries gave him 
to understand that they were not sleeping, “ I believe it,” 
said Cosmo, “ I have spoiled their sleep.—Of what colour is 
my hair?” said Cosmo, uncovering his head to the ambassa¬ 
dors of Venice, who canle with a complaint against the Flo¬ 
rentines. “ White,” they replied. “ It will not be long,” 
said Cosmo, “ before that of your senators will be so too.” 
Shortly before his death, his wife inquiring why he closed his 
eyes—“ That I may accustom them to it,” was his reply. 


* Mac. 1st. Fior. vii. 


32 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


If, from considering the private character of Cosmo, we 
attend to his conduct as the moderator and director of the 
Florentine republic, our admiration of his abilities will increase 
with the extent of the theatre upon which he had to act. So 
important were his mercantile concerns, that they often in¬ 
fluenced in a very remarkable degree the politics of Italy. 
When Alfonzo king of Naples leagued with the Venetians 
against Florence, Cosmo called in such immense debts from 
those places as deprived them of resources for carrying on the 
war.* During the contest between the houses of York and 
Lancaster, one of his agents in England was resorted to by 
Edward IV. for a sum of money, which was accordingly fur¬ 
nished, to such an extraordinary amount, that it might almost 
be considered as the means of supporting that monarch on the 
throne, and was repaid when his successes enabled him to 
fulfil his engagement. 68 The alliance of Cosmo was sedulously 
courted by the princes of Italy; and it was remarked that by 
a happy kind of fatality, whoever united their interests with 
his, were always enabled either to repress or to overcome 
their adversaries. By his assistance the republic of Venice 
resisted the united attacks of Filippo duke of Milan, and of 
the French nation; but when deprived of his support, the 
Venetians were no longer able to withstand their enemies. 
With whatever difficulties Cosmo had to encounter, at home 
or abroad, they generally terminated in the acquisition of 
additional honour to his country and to himself. The esteem 
and gratitude of his fellow citizens were fully shown a short 
time before his death, when by a public decree he was 
honoured with the title of Pater Patrice , an appellation which 
was inscribed on his tomb, and which, as it was founded on 
real merit, has ever since been attached to the name of Cosmo 
de’ Medici. 


* Id. ib. 


33 


CHAPTER II. 

Early accomplishments of Lorenzo—Education—Lorenzo visits different 
parts of Italy—Conduct of Piero—Conspiracy of Luca Pitti—Frustrated 
by Lorenzo—The exiles instigate the Venetians to attack the Floren¬ 
tines—Battle near Bologna—Piero promotes the interests of learning 
—Leo Battista Alberti—Cristoforo Landino—Piero patronises other 
eminent scholars—Giostra of Lorenzo and Giuliano—Poem of Luca 
Pulci—Poem of Angelo Politiano—“ Disputationes Camaldulenses”— 
Lorenzo’s description of his mistress—Sonnets in her praise—Lucretia 
Donati the object of his passion—Lorenzo marries Clarice Orsini— 
Visits the Duke of Milan—Death of Piero de’ Medici. 


Lorenzo de’ Medici was about sixteen years of age when 
Cosmo died) and had at that time given striking indications 
of extraordinary talents. From his earliest years he had 
exhibited proofs of a retentive and vigorous mind, which was 
cultivated, not only by all the attention which his father’s 
infirmities would permit him to bestow, but by a frequent 
intercourse with his venerable grandfather. He owed also 
great obligations in this respect to his mother, Lucretia, who 
was one of the most accomplished women of the age, and 
distinguished not only as a patroness of learning but by 
her own writings. Of these some specimens yet remain, 
which are the more entitled to approbation, as they were 
produced at a time when poetry was at its lowest ebb in 
Italy . 1 The disposition of Lorenzo which afterwards gave 
him a peculiar claim to the title of magnificent, was apparent 
in his childhood . 2 Having received as a present a horse from 
Sicily, he sent the donor in return a gift of much greater 
value; and on being reproved for his profuseness, he remarked, 
that there was nothing more glorious than to overcome others 
in acts of generosity. Of his proficiency in classical learn¬ 
ing, and the different branches of that philosophy which was 

D 


34 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


then in repute, he has left indisputable proofs. Born to 
restore the lustre of his native tongue, he had rendered him¬ 
self conspicuous by his poetical talents before he arrived at 
manhood. To these accomplishments he united a consider¬ 
able share of strong natural penetration and good sense, 
which enabled him, amidst the many difficulties that he was 
involved in, to act with a promptitude and decision which 
surprised those who were witnesses of his conduct; whilst the 
endowments which entitled him to admiration and respect 
were accompanied by others that conciliated, in an eminent 
degree, the esteem and affection of his fellow citizens. 

Tall in his stature, robust in his form, Lorenzo had in his 
person more the appearance of strength than of elegance. 
From his birth he laboured under some peculiar disadvan¬ 
tages; his sight was weak, his voice harsh and unpleasing, 
and he was totally deprived of the sense of smell.* With all 
these defects, his countenance was dignified, and strongly in¬ 
dicated the magnanimity of his character; and the effects of 
his eloquence were conspicuous on many important occasions. 
In his youth he was much addicted to active and laborious 
exercises, to hawking, horsemanship, and country sports. 
Though not born to support a military character, he gave 
sufficient proofs of his courage, not only in public tourna¬ 
ments, which were then not unfrequent in Italy, but also 
upon more trying occasions. Such was the versatility of his 
talents, that it is difficult to discover any department of busi¬ 
ness, or of amusement, of art, or of science, to which they 
were not at some time applied; and in whatever he under¬ 
took, he arrived at a proficiency which would seem to have 
required the labour of a life much longer than that which he 
was permitted to enjoy. 

Under the institution of Gentile d’Urbino, who afterwards, 
by the patronage of his pupil, became bishop of Arezzo, 
Lorenzo received the first rudiments of his education; and 
from the instructions of his tutor, aided perhaps by the 
exhortations of his pious mother, acquired that devotional 
temper which is so conspicuous in some of his writings. 8 
This disposition was, however, only occasional; nor was the * 


* Valorius, vit. laur. Med. p. 9. 


lorenzo's preceptors. 


35 


mind of Lorenzo overshaded with the habitual gloom of the 
professed devotee. In his hours of seriousness, or of sick¬ 
ness, the impressions made upon him by his early instructors 
became sufficiently apparent; but the vivacity of his temper 
often hurried him to a contrary extreme; and the levity, not 
to say the licentiousness, of some of his writings, is strikingly 
contrasted with the piety and seriousness of his other produc¬ 
tions. The vigour of his intellect seems to have thrown an 
indiscriminate lustre on every object that presented itself. 
So various, yet so extensive were his powers, that they are 
scarcely reconcileable to that consistency of character with 
which the laws of human nature seldom dispense. 4 

In superintending the subsequent progress of Lorenzo, 
several other persons, eminent for their learning, concurred. 
In the year 1457, Cristoforo Landino was appointed by the 
magistracy of Florence to the office of public professor of 
poetry and rhetoric in that city, and was soon afterwards 
intrusted by Piero de’ Medici with the instruction of his two 
sons. Between Landino and his pupil Lorenzo a reciprocal 
attachment took place; and such was the opinion that the 
master entertained of the judgment of his scholar, that he is 
said frequently to have submitted his various and learned 
works to his perusal and correction.* In the Greek lan¬ 
guage, in ethics, and in the principles of the Aristotelian 
philosophy, Lorenzo had the advantage of the precepts of the 
learned Argyropylus; 5 and in those of the Platonic sect he 
was sedulously instructed by Marsilio Ficino, for whom he 
retained through life an unalterable friendship; but for many 
of his accomplishments he was not indebted to any preceptor. 
That exquisite taste in poetry, in music, and in every 
department of the fine arts, which enabled him to contribute 
so powerfully towards their restoration, was an endowment of 
nature, the want of which no education could have supplied. 

With such qualifications Lorenzo, soon after the death of 
his grandfather, entered on the stage of public life; for it was 
the laudable custom of the Florentines early to habituate 
their youth to serious and important occupations. Besides, 
the infirmities of Piero de’ Medici rendered such a coadjutor 

* Band. Spec. Lit. Flor, i. 183. 

D 2 


36 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


as Lorenzo was likely to prove, of great importance to him. 
His domestic education being, therefore, completed, his 
father judged it expedient for him to visit some of the prin¬ 
cipal courts of Italy; not so much for the purpose of gratify¬ 
ing an idle curiosity as to conciliate, by a personal intercourse, 
the friendship of those with whom he was in future to main¬ 
tain a correspondence on matters of great moment, and to 
inform himself of such local circumstances as might enable 
him to transact the affairs of the republic with every possible 
advantage. In the year 1465 he had an interview at Pisa 
with the son of Ferdinand king of Naples, Federigo, who, 
after the death of his eldest brother Alfonzo, and his nephew 
Federigo, succeeded to the crown. This prince was then on 
his journey to Milan, to escort Ippolita, the daughter of Fran¬ 
cesco Sforza, from thence to Naples, where she was to marry 
his elder brother, Alfonzo duke of Calabria.* At this inter¬ 
view some instances of mutual respect and attachment took 
place between Federigo and Lorenzo, which we shall here¬ 
after have occasion to relate. 

In the following year Lorenzo made a visit to Rome, where 
he was kindly received by Paul II. one of the most arrogant 
pontiffs that ever sat in the chair of St. Peter. A few months 
afterwards he proceeded through Bologna and Ferrara to 
Venice, and thence to Milan. During his absence he had fre¬ 
quent letters from his father, several of which yet remain, and 
sufficiently evince the confidence that Piero placed in his son, 
with whom he enters into a detail of all political occurrences, 
and to whom he transmits such letters of importance as were 
received on public affairs during his absence. That the 
respect paid by Piero to the judgment of Lorenzo did not 
arise from a blind partiality, may appear from the intercourse 
that already subsisted between Lorenzo and some of the most 
celebrated scholars of the age; several of whom, on his occa¬ 
sional absence from Florence, addressed themselves to him by 
letter, as their acknowledged patron and warmest friend. 

The death of Pius II. who had preceded Paul II. in the 
pontifical chair, happened a few days after that of Cosmo de’ 
Medici, and not long afterwards died Francesco Sforza, duke 


* Muratori, Annali d’ltalia, ix. 493. 


CONSPIRACY OF LUCA PITTI. 


37 


of Milan, who had governed that state with great ability for 
the space of sixteen years. 6 This event gave no small alarm 
to Piero de’ Medici, whose family had long supported a close 
intimacy with that of Sforza, from which they had mutually 
derived important advantages. Lorenzo was then at Rome, 
where his father addressed to him several letters, in some ot 
which his anxiety for the peaceable establishment of the 
widow and children of Francesco in the government of Milan 
is strongly expressed. By the death of so many of the 
Italian princes within so short a space of time, the minds of 
men began to be turned towards new commotions, parti¬ 
cularly in Florence, where the bodily imbecility of Piero 
gave grounds to hope that a vigorous attempt to deprive the 
house of Medici of its influence might be crowned with 
success. Nor was the conduct of Piero, on his succession to 
the immense inheritance of his father, calculated to strengthen 
the friendship of those whom Cosmo had attached to his in¬ 
terest. Apprehensive that his commercial concerns were too 
widely extended, and prompted by the treacherous advice of 
Dietisalvo Neroni, a man of ability and intrigue, who owed 
his fortunes to the protection and generosity of Cosmo, he 
began indiscriminately to collect the sums of money which 
his father had advanced to the citizens of Florence. The 
result was such as Neroni expected. Those who were friends 
of the father became enemies of the son; and had not Piero 
discovered the snare, and desisted from such rigorous proceed¬ 
ings, he might too late have found, that in supporting the cha¬ 
racter of the merchant he had forgotten that of the statesman. 

Amongst the number of opulent and aspiring citizens who 
had reluctantly submitted to the superior talents of Cosmo 
de’ Medici, was Luca Pitti, whose name has been transmitted 
to posterity as the founder of the magnificent palace which 
has for some centuries been the residence of the sovereigns of 
Tuscany. The death of Cosmo, and the infirmities of Piero, 
afiorded an opportunity that Luca conceived to be highly 
favourable to his ambitious purposes.* Having formed a 
combination with the powerful family of the Acciajuoli, he 
attempted, in conjunction with them, to supplant the authority 


Amm. 1st. Fior. iii. 98. 


3 & 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


and destroy the influence of the Medici, with the magistrates- 
and council of Florence. Being defeated in their exertions, 
they resorted to more violent methods, and resolved upon the 
assassination of Piero de’ Medici; believing that if they could 
succeed in such a project, his sons were too young to occasion 
any formidable opposition to their views. Debilitated by the 
gout, Piero was generally carried in a chair by his domestics 
from his house at Careggi to his residence at Florence. 
Having received intimation of an intended commotion, and 
being alarmed at the sudden approach of Ercole d’Este, 
brother of Borso, marquis of Ferrara, whom the conspirators 
had engaged to enter the territories of the republic, at the 
head of 1300 cavalry, he conceived his presence to be neces¬ 
sary in Florence, and accordingly set out for Careggi, accom¬ 
panied only by a few attendants.* Lorenzo, who had left 
Careggi a short time before his father, was surprised to find 
the road to the city beset by armed men, and immediately 
suspecting their purpose, dispatched one of his followers to 
him with directions to proceed by a more retired and cir¬ 
cuitous path, whilst, taking himself the direct road, he informed 
those who inquired with apparent anxiety for his father,, 
that he was following at a short distance; by these means 
Lorenzo rescued his father from the impending danger, and 
gave a striking proof of that promptitude of mind which so 
eminently distinguished him on many subsequent occasions. 

The suspicions that fell upon Luca Pitti and his party 
induced the conspirators to abandon their design of open, 
violence; and the intrigues of the politician were again sub¬ 
stituted for the dagger of the assassin. Encouraged by the 
support of the marquis of Ferrara, they daily increased in 
numbers and audacity; but when an open contest between 
the opposite parties was hourly expected, and the citizens 
apprehended a renewal of those sanguinary commotions, from 
which, under the guidance of the Medici, they had been a 
long time exempted, Luca suddenly withdrew himself from 
his party, and effected a reconciliation with the Medici. 
Several of the malcontents followed his example, and their 
desertion gave a decided superiority to the cause of Piero, 


* Val. in vita Laur. p. 10. 


A 

LORENZO DEFEATS THE CONSPIRACY. 39 

which was also most opportunely strengthened by the appear¬ 
ance of a body of two thousand Milanese troops, that kept 
: in awe the army of the insurgents, and frustrated the hopes 
| founded on its assistance. The friends of the Medici failed 
not to take advantage of this favourable concurrence; Piero 
Acciajuoli and his two sons, Dietisalvo Neroni, and two of 
his brothers, and Niccolo Soderini, with his son Geri, were 
declared enemies of the state, and condemned to banishment.* 
The archbishop of Florence, who had taken a decided part 
against the Medici, retired to Rome. A few other citizens, 
unable to support their disgrace, adopted a voluntary exile; 
but the kindness of Lorenzo allayed the apprehensions of the 
greater part of the conspirators, and rendered them in future 
more favourable to his interests. “ He only knows how to 
conquer,” said Lorenzo, “ who knows how to forgive.”f 
Though exempted from the fate of the other leaders of the 
faction, Luca experienced a punishment of a more galling 
and disgraceful kind. From the high estimation in w 7 hich he 
had before been held, he fell into the lowest state of degrada¬ 
tion. The progress of his magnificent palace was stopped; 
the populace who had formerly vied with each other in giving 
assistance, refused any longer to labour for him; many opulent 
citizens who had contributed costly articles and materials, 
demanded them back, alleging that they were only lent. The 
remainder of his days was passed in obscurity and neglect, 
but the extensive mansion which his pride had planned still 
remains to give celebrity to his name. 7 

The defection of Luca Pitti, and the consequent establish¬ 
ment of the authority of the Medici in Florence, have been 
uniformly attributed by the Florentine historians to the 
abilities and prudence of Lorenzo; who, instead of resorting 
to forcible opposition, employed his own eloquence, and the 
influence of his friends, in subduing the resentment of his 
adversaries, and particularly of Luca Pitti, whose versatile 
disposition fluctuated a long time between the remonstrances 
of his associates, and the pacific representations of Lorenzo. 
A short time previous to this contest, Lorenzo had paid a 
visit to Naples, probably with a view of influencing the king 


* Amm. 1st. Fior. iii. 99. 


+ Val. in vita, 11. Fabr. in vita Laur. i. 22. 



40 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


to countenance his cause, in case the dissensions at Florence, 
which were then a subject of alarm, should terminate in an 
open rupture. The magnanimity of his conduct, as well in 
defeating this formidable conspiracy, as in his lenity towards 
his enemies, extended his reputation throughout Italy. No 
sooner was the result known at Naples, than Ferdinando 
addressed to him a letter strongly expressive of admiration 
and esteem; which being the testimony of a monarch whose 
character for sagacity and political knowledge was superior to 
that of any other potentate in Europe, must have been highly 
gratifying to the youthful ambition of Lorenzo. The success 
of Lorenzo in this critical business increased also the con¬ 
fidence which his father had before placed in him, and from 
this time he was intrusted with a considerable share in the 
conduct of the republic, as well as in the management of the 
extensive private concerns of the family. But if the prudence 
of Lorenzo was conspicuous in defeating his adversaries, it 
was more so in the use he made of his victory. Fie well 
knew that humanity and sound policy are inseparable, and 
either did not feel, or wisely suppressed, that vindictive spirit 
which civil contests seldom fail to excite. “ I have heard 
from my brother Filippo,” says Valori, “that upon his in¬ 
troducing to Lorenzo, for the purpose of reconciliation, 
Antonio Tebalducci, who had by different means attempted 
his ruin, Lorenzo, observing that my brother hesitated in 
requesting his indulgence towards an avowed enemy, said to 
him with great kindness, 4 1 should owe you no obligation, 
Filippo, for introducing to me a friend; but by converting an 
enemy into a friend, you have done me a favour, which I hope 
you will as often as possible repeat.’ ” 

The exiled party, which consisted principally of men of 
abilities and intrigue, soon began to stir up new commotions. 
But Agnolo Acciajuoli, who had retreated only to Sienna, was 
desirous, before he engaged in further opposition, of trying 
whether a reconciliation with the Medici yet remained prac¬ 
ticable. His letter to Piero on this subject, and the answer 
it occasioned, are yet extant. 9 Many of the other con¬ 
spirators retired to Venice, where they exerted their utmost 
endeavours to exasperate that formidable state against their 
countrymen. This attempt might have failed of success, had 


BATTLE NEAR BOLOGNA. 


41 


they not, in seeking to gratify their private resentment, 
flattered the ambitious aims of the Venetians on the rest of 
Italy. With this view they insinuated to the senate, that the 
support given by the Florentines, under the influence of 
Cosmo de’ Medici, to Francesco Sforza, had enabled him to 
defend his states against their pretensions, and prevented 
their possessing themselves of all Lombardy. These repre¬ 
sentations had their full effect. Under the command of Bar¬ 
tolomeo Coglione, one of the most celebrated commanders of 
the time, a considerable army was collected for the purpose of 
attacking the states of Florence. Several of the Italian 
princes joined in person the standard of Bartolomeo, and 
amongst others Ercole d’Este, Alessandro Sforza, prince of 
Pesaro, the lords of Forli, of Faenza, and Mirandula; inso¬ 
much that this army was not more formidable for its numbers, 
than respectable for the rank and the talents of its leaders. 

Nor were the Florentines in the meantime ignorant of the 
intended hostilities, or inattentive to their own defence. 
Besides the support derived from the duke of Milan, the king 
of Naples sent his son Federigo, with a powerful reinforce¬ 
ment, to their assistance. Galeazzo, the young duke of 
Milan, joined the army in person, as did also Giovanni Ben- 
tivoglio, prince of Bologna; and the command of the whole 
was intrusted to Federigo count of Urbino, 9 whose character 
as a soldier was not inferior to that of Coglione. The adverse 
forces approached each other near Bologna, but no great 
alacrity was shown on either side to begin the engagement. 
Wearied with apprehensions and sinking under the expense 
of supporting so numerous an army, the Florentines began 
to complain of the indecisive conduct of their general, which 
they at length understood was chiefly to be attributed to the 
duke of Milan, who reserving to himself great authority, and 
having little experience in military affairs, threw continual 
obstacles in the way of the chief commander. A message 
was therefore dispatched to the duke, requesting his presence 
in Florence, where he soon after arrived, and took up his 
residence in the palace of the Medici. 10 The count of 
Urbino being freed from this restraint, or having no apology 
for longer delay, attacked the advanced guard of the enemy, 
under the command of Alessandro Sforza. The engagement 


42 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


soon became general, and continued from noon till evening. 
Machiavelli assures us, that at the close of the battle both 
parties kept the field, that not a soldier lost his life, and that 
only a few horses were wounded, and some prisoners taken; 
but historians of more veracity have given a different rela¬ 
tion. 11 It is, however, certain, that no important consequences 
resulted from a contest that had excited so much expectation. 
The troops shortly afterwards withdrew into their winter 
quarters, which afforded the Florentines an opportunity, by 
the mediation of the marquis of Ferrara, of negotiating for 
a peace. This was accordingly effected without any stipula¬ 
tion being introduced on the part of the exiles; and thus the 
storm which seemed for a while to threaten the destruction 
of the Florentine state, after having been repressed in its 
first fury, gradually abated, and at length settled in a perfect 
calm. 

Although Piero de’ Medici was inferior in talents both to 
his father Cosmo, and his son Lorenzo, yet he gave repeated 
proofs of a strong attachment to the cause of letters, and 
continued an hereditary protection to those men of learning 
who, under the patronage of his father, had arisen in, or been 
attracted to Florence. In the year 1441, he had been en¬ 
gaged in promoting a literary contest in that city, by proposing 
a premium for the best poem on a given subject. The reward 
of the victor was to be a coronet of silver imitating a laurel 
wreath. The secretaries of the pope were appointed to 
decide upon the merits of the candidates. Splendid prepara¬ 
tions were made. Several competitors appeared, and publicly 
recited their poems; but the laudable intentions of Piero were 
defeated by the folly or the knavery of the ecclesiastics, who 
gave the prize to the church of S. Maria, pretending that the 
merits of the pieces were so nearly equal that a decision was 
impossible. This absurd determination occasioned great dis¬ 
satisfaction to the Florentines, and was probably considered 
not only as obliquely satirizing the candidates, but the city 
itself. 12 

The coadjutor of Piero de’ Medici on this occasion was the 
celebrated Leo Battista Alberti, who, independent of his ex¬ 
traordinary talents as an artist, deserves particular notice as 
one of the earliest scholars who appeared in the revival of 


LEO BATTISTA ALBERTI. 


43 


letters. 13 He first distinguished himself by his Latin comedy 
intitled Philodoxios , copies of which he distributed amongst 
his friends, as the work of Lepidus, an ancient Roman poet. 
The literati were effectually deceived, and bestowed the 
highest applauses upon a piece which they conceived to be a 
precious remnant of antiquity. It first appeared about the 
year 1425, when the rage for ancient manuscripts was at its 
height, and Lepidus for a while took his rank with Plautus 
and with Terence. 14 As Alberti advanced in years, he turned 
his attention to practical knowledge, and the present times are 
indebted to him for many useful and amusing inventions. 15 
In his Latin treatises, which have been translated into Italian 
by Cosimo Bartoli, and published under the name of Opuscoli 
Morali, he appears as an author on a great variety of subjects, 
but he is better known by his treatise on architecture, which 
has been translated into many languages. Nor ought it to 
be forgotten, that Alberti made an attempt to reconcile the 
measure of the Latin distich with the genius of his native 
tongue, in which he has been followed by Claudio Tolomei, 
and other writers. 16 

The reputation of Alberti as an architect, though it deserv¬ 
edly stands high in the estimation of posterity, must, how¬ 
ever, be considered as inferior to that of Filippo Brunelleschi, 
who is the true father of the art in modern times. Vasari 
expresses his disapprobation of some part of the labours of 
Alberti. His paintings were not numerous, nor on a large 
scale; nor did he in this branch of art arrive at great practical 
perfection, which, as Vasari observes, is not much to be 
wondered at, as his time was mostly devoted to other studies. 
His principal merit is certainly to be sought for in his useful 
discoveries, and his preceptive writings. He was the first 
author who attempted practical treatises on the arts of design, 
all of which, but more particularly his treatise on architecture, 
are allowed to exhibit a profound knowledge of his subject, 
and will long continue to do honour to his memory. 

Had all the other professors of letters been silent as to the 
merits of Piero de’ Medici, the applauses bestowed on him by 
Cristoforo Landino would alone' be sufficient to rescue his 
memory from neglect. Landino had indeed every motive of 
gratitude to the family of his patron. He was born a Flo- 


44 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


rentine, and being early disgusted with the study of the civil 
law, devoted himself to that of poetry and polite letters. In 
pursuing his inclinations, he had the good fortune to find the 
road that led him to honour and to affluence. The bounty oi 
a private friend supported him through the early part of his 
education, to which the finances of his family were inade¬ 
quate, and the munificence of Cosmo de’ Medici completed 
what the kindness of Angelo da Todi had begun. His pro¬ 
ficiency in the Greek language was remarkable, even at a 
l eriod when the study of it was in its highest vigour, and 
immediately supplied from its native fountain. The philosophy 
of Aristotle and the dogmas of the stoics had early engaged 
his attention; but from his intercourse with the Medici, and 
his intimacy with Ficino, he afterwards became a decided 
partisan of the new philosophy, and was among the few learned 
men whom Ficino thought proper to consult on his translation 
of the works of Plato. The Latin elegies of Landino 17 bear 
ample testimony to the virtues, the liberality, and the accom¬ 
plishments of Piero de’ Medici, whom he constantly honours 
with the appellation of his Maecenas, and seems to have se¬ 
lected from the other individuals of that illustrious family as 
the object of his particular affection and veneration. 

If we consider the numerous testimonies that remain of the 
liberality of Piero de’ Medici to men of learning, and advert 
at the same time to the infirm state of his health and the short 
period during which he enjoyed the direction of the republic, 
we shall not hesitate in allotting to him a distinguished rank 
amongst the early promoters of letters. To Piero, Benedetto 
Accolti addressed, in terms of high commendation, his history 
of the wars between the Christians and the infidels, 18 a work 
of considerable historical credit, and which, in the succeeding 
century, served as a guide to Torquato Tasso,, in his immortal 
poem, the Gerusalemme Liberata , 19 An uninterrupted friend¬ 
ship subsisted between Piero and the celebrated Donato 
Acciajuoli, who inscribed to him several of his learned works.* 
The Laurentian library contains many similar instances of the 
gratitude and observance of the scholars of the time. Amongst 
those deserving of more particular notice is Francesco Ottavio, 


* Band. Cat. Bib. Laur. ii. pp. 554, 748. 


THE TOURNAMENTS OF 1468 . 


45 


who dedicated to Piero his poem, De ccetn poetarum, in which 
he hesitates not to represent his patron as surpassing the ex¬ 
ample of his father in his attention to the cause of literature, 
and in his kindness to its professors.* 

No sooner was the city of Florence restored to peace, and 
the dread of a foreign enemy removed, than the natural dis¬ 
position of the inhabitants for splendid exhibitions began to 
revive. Amongst other amusements, a tournament was held, 
in which Lorenzo de’ Medici bore away the prize, being a 
helmet of silver, with a figure of Mars as the crest. In ano¬ 
ther encounter Giuliano had equal success with his brother. 
These incidents are the more entitled to our notice, as they 
have given rise to two of the most celebrated Italian poems 
of the fifteenth century, the Giostra of Lorenzo de 9 Medici , 
by Luca Pulci; and the Giostra of Giuliano de ’ Medici , by 
Angelo Politiano. 

At what particular time these events took place, and whether 
the two brothers signalized themselves on the same, or on 
different occasions, has been rendered doubtful by the inat¬ 
tention and discordant relations of different writers, who have 
directly or incidentally adverted to this subject. Amongst 
these, Machiavelli has misinformed, 20 and Paulus Jovius 
confused his readers. 21 Of the authors who have followed 
them, some have employed themselves in comparing or con¬ 
testing these various authorities, 22 whilst others have gone a 
step further, and ingrafted their own absurdities on the errors 
of their predecessors. 23 Even amongst those who are entitled 
to a greater share of attention, Fabroni has decided wrong, 24 
and Menckenius, after a full inquiry into all previous testimony, 
confesses his inability to decide at all. 25 In solving this diffi¬ 
culty, it might have been expected that recourse would have 
been had in the first instance to the internal evidence of the 
poems themselves, by which all doubts on the subject would 
have been effectually removed; but Menckenius had never 
seen even the poem of Politiano, though it is of much more 
common occurrence than that of Pulci; 26 and Fabroni, with 
the poem of Pulci before him, has suffered himself to be 
betrayed into an anachronism by the authority of Machiavelli. 


This poem is published in the Carmina Illustr. Poejtar. Ital. vii. p. 1. 


46 


LIFE OF LORENZO PE’ MEDICI. 


In the poem last mentioned, not only the year, but the precise 
day on which the tournament of Lorenzo took place is parti¬ 
cularly specified. This appears to have been the seventh of 
February, 1468, 27 at which time he was in his twentieth year, 
to which the poet also expressly adverts, 28 as well as to the 
attack lately made upon the Florentines by Bartolomeo Cog- 
lione, called of Bergamo. 29 The circumstance that gave rise 
to this solemnity was the marriage of Braccio Martello, an 
intimate friend of Lorenzo. 30 The second prize of honour 
was adjudged to Carlo Borromei. 31 At this time Giuliano 
was only in his fifteenth year; but he made his appearance 
on horseback among the combatants, 32 and obtained a prize 
during the same festival; it being evident from the poem of 
Pulci, that he was to try his courage on a future day. 33 The 
poem of Politiano contains also sufficient proof that the tour¬ 
nament of Giuliano is to be placed at no very distant period 
from that of Lorenzo, as it appears Lorenzo was not then 
married, although that event took place within a few months 
after he had signalized himself in this contest.* If further 
confirmation were necessary, it may be found in the Ricordi 
of Lorenzo, who defrayed the expense of this exhibition, which 
cost ten thousand florins, and was held in the place of S. 
Croce. In this authentic document, Lorenzo speaks with 
becoming modesty of these his youthful achievements. 

It must be confessed that the poem of Pulci derives its 
merit rather from the minute information it gives us respect¬ 
ing this exhibition, than from its poetical excellence. 34 A 
considerable part of it is employed in describing the prepara¬ 
tions for the tournament, and the habits and appearance of 
the combatants. The umpires were Roberto da Sanseverino, 
Carlo Pandolfini, Tomaso Soderini, Ugolino Martelli, Niccolo 
Giugni, and Buongianni Gianfigliazzi. The candidates for 
the prize were eighteen in number. The steed upon which 
Lorenzo made his first appearance was presented to him by 
Ferdinand king of Naples. That on which he relied in 
the combat, by Morso marquis of Ferrara. The duke of 
Milan had furnished him with his suit of armour. His motto 


Giostra di Giuliano tie’ Med. ii. 4. 


PULCl’s “ TOURNAMENT/ 


47 


was Le terns revient. His device, the fleurs de lys, the privi¬ 
lege of using the arms of France having shortly before been 
conceded to the Medici by Louis XI. by a solemn act. 35 His 
first conflict was with Carlo Borromei; his next with Braccio 
de’ Medici, who attacked him with such strength and courage, 
that if the stroke had taken place, Orlando himself, as the 
poet assures us, could not have withstood the shock. Lorenzo 
took speedy vengeance, but his spear breaking into a hundred 
pieces, his adversary was preserved from a total overthrow. 
He then assailed Carlo da Forme, whose helmet he split, and 
whom he nearly unhorsed. Lorenzo then changing his steed, 
made a violent attack upon Benedetto Salutati, who had just 
couched his lance ready for the combat. 

Vedestu mai falcon calare a piombo, 

E poi spianarsi, e batter forte 1’ ale, 

C’ ha tratto fuori della schiera il Colombo ? 

Cosj Lorenzo Benedetto assale ; 

Tanto che 1’ aria fa fischiar pel rombo, 

Non va si presto folgor, non che strale ; 

Dettonsi colpi che parvon d’Achille, 

Et balza un mongibel fuori di faville. 


Hast not thou seen the falcon in his flight, 

When high in air on balanced wing he hung, 

On some lone straggler of the covey light? 

—On Benedetto thus Lorenzo sprung. 

Whistled the air, as ardent for the fight, 

Fleet as the arrow flies he rushed along; 

Achilles’ rage their meeting strokes inspires, 

Their sparkling armour rivals Etna’s fires. 

The poem of Politiano is of a very different character, and 
though produced about the same period of time, is a century 
posterior in point of refinement. 30 The age of Politiano when 
he wrote it scarcely exceeded fourteen years, and it must not 
be denied that the poem bears upon the face of it the marks of 
juvenility—but what a manhood does it promise? From such 
an early exuberance of blossom, what fruits might we not 



48 


LIFE OF LORENZO PE* MEDICI. 


expect? The general approbation with which it was received 
must have been highly flattering both to the poet and the 
hero; nor has posterity appealed from the decision. On the 
contrary, it has been uniformly allowed that this was one of 
the earliest productions, in the revival of letters, that breathed 
the true spirit of poetry; and that it not only far excelled 
the Giostra of Pulci, but essentially contributed towards the 
establishment of a better taste in Italy. 

It may seem strange that, although this poem is of con¬ 
siderable length, containing about fourteen hundred lines, it 
is left unfinished, and breaks off even before the tournament 
begins. Instead of giving us, like Pulci, a minute description 
of the habiliments of the combatants, the poet takes a wider 
circuit, and indulges himself in digressions and episodes of 
great extent. The express purpose for which it was written 
would not, indeed, be very apparent, were it not for the infor¬ 
mation afforded us in the commencement; and even here the 
author does not propose to confine himself to one subject in 
particular, but professes to celebrate the feats of arms and 
pomps of Florence, and the loves and studies of Giuliano de* 
Medici . 87 Although Giuliano be the subject, the poem is 
addressed to Lorenzo, whose favour Politiano earnestly sup¬ 
plicates. 


E tu, ben nato Laur’, sotto il cui velo 
Fiorenza lieta in pace si riposa, 

Ne teme i vend, o’l minacciar del cielo, 

O Giove irato in vista piu crucciosa; 
Accogli al ombra del tuo santo ostelo 
La voce umil, tremante, e paurosa ; 
Principio, e fiu, di tutte le mie voglie, 

Che sol vivon d’ odor delle tue foglie. 

Deli sara mai che con piu alte note, 

Se non contrasti al mio voler fortuna 
Lo spirto delle membre, che divote 
Ti fur da’ fati, insin giii dalla cuna, 

Risuoni te dai Numidi a Boote, 

Dagl’ Indi, al mar che ’1 nostro ciel imbruna, 
E, posto ’1 nido in tuo felice ligno, 

Di roco augel diventi un bianco cigno ? 


49 


POLITIANO’S “TOURNAMENT.” 

High horn Lorenzo, laurel—in whose shade 
Thy Florence rests, nor fears the lowering storm, 

Nor threatening signs in heaven’s high front display d, 
Nor Jove’s dread anger in its fiercest form ; 

O to the trembling muse afford thine aid— 

The muse that courts thee, timorous and forlorn, 

Lives in the shadow of thy prosperous tree, 

And bounds her every fond desire to thee. 

Ere long the spirit that this frame inspires, 

This frame, that from its earliest hour was thine, 

If fortune frown not on my vast desires, 

Shall spread to distant shores thy name divine, 

To lands that feel the sun’s intenser fires, 

That mark his earliest rise, his last decline; 

Nursed in the shade thy spreading branch supplies, 
Tuneless before, a tuneful swan I rise. 


The poet then proceeds to describe the youthful employ¬ 
ments and pursuits of Giuliano de’ Medici, and particularly 
adverts to his repugnance to surrender his heart to the attacks 
continually made upon it by the fair sex. 

Ah quante Ninfe per lui sospirorno! 

Ma fu si altero sempre il giovinetto, 

Che mai le Ninfe amanti lo piegorno, 

Mai pote riscaldarsi ’1 freddo petto. 

Facea sovente pe’ boschi soggiorno ; 

Inculto sempre, e rigido in aspetto ; 

II volto diffendea dal solar raggio 
Con ghirlanda di pino, o verde faggio. 

E poi, quando nel ciel parean le stelle, 

Tutto gioioso a suo magion tornava; 

E’n compagnia delle nove sore lie, 

Celesti versi con disio cantava: 

E d’ antica virtu mille fiammelle, 

Con gli alti carmi ne’ petti destava: 

Cosi chiamando amor lascivia umana, 

Si godea con le Muse, e con Diana. 

E 


50 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


For Julian many a maiden heaved the sigh, 

And many a glance the tender flame confess’d; 

But not the radiance of the brightest eye. 

Could melt the icy rigour of his breast. 

Wild thro’ the trackless woods the youth would hie. 

Severe of aspect, and disdaining rest: 

Whilst the dark pine, or spreading beech supplied 
A wreath, from summer suns his head to hide. 

When evening’s star its milder lustre lends, 

The wanderer to his cheerful home retires, 

There every muse his loved return attends, 

And generous aims, and heavenly verse inspires : 

Deep through his frame the sacred song descends, 

With thirst of ancient praise his soul that fires; 

And Love, fond trifler, mourns his blunted dart. 

That harmless flies where Dian shields the heart. 

After some beautiful verses, in which Giuliano reproaches 
the weakness of those who devote themselves to the tender 
passion, he goes to the chase, which gives the poet an oppor¬ 
tunity of displaying his talent for description, in which he 
particularly excels. Love, who feels his divinity insulted, 
employs a stratagem to subdue the obdurate heart of Giuli¬ 
ano. A beautiful white hind crosses his way, which he pur¬ 
sues, but which perpetually eludes his endeavours to wound 
it, and leads him far distant from his companions. When his 
courser is almost exhausted with fatigue, a nymph makes her 
appearance, and Giuliano, astonished at her beauty, forgets 
the pursuit, and accosts her with trepidation and amazement. 
Her answer completes her triumph. Evening comes on, and 
Giuliano returns home, alone and pensive. The poet then 
enters upon a description of the court of Venus in the island 
of Cyprus, which extends to a considerable length, and is 
ornamented with all the graces of poetry. Cupid having com¬ 
pleted his conquest, returns thither to recount his success to 
his mother; who, in order to enhance its value, is desirous 
that Giuliano should signalize himself in a tournament. The 
whole band of loves accordingly repairs to Florence, and Giu¬ 
liano prepares for the combat. In a dream sent by Venus he 
seems to come off with victory. On his return, crowned with 


DISPUTATIONES CAMALDULENSES. 


51 


(( 


olive and laurel, his mistress appears to him, but is soon en¬ 
veloped in a thick cloud, and carried from his sight; which 
incident the poet applies to the sudden death of the beautiful 
Simonetta, the mistress of Giuliano. 33 Some consolatory 
verses are applied to the lover, who awaking, invokes Minerva 
to crown his attempt with glory. But here the narrative 
interrupted, nor does it appear that the author resumed his 
task at any subsequent period, having probably thrown the 
work aside as a production of his younger years, scarcely 
deserving of his riper attention. 

The proficiency made by Lorenzo and Giuliano in active 
accomplishments, did not, however, retard their progress in 
the pursuits of science, or the acquisition of knowledge. 
About the year 1468, Landino wrote his Disputationes Ca - 
maldulenses , which, at the same time that they open to us the 
means of instruction adopted by him in the education of his 
pupils, give us the fairest evidence of their proficiency. 39 In 
the infancy of science, particular departments of knowledge 
are frequently cultivated with great success; but it is only in 
periods of high improvement that men are accustomed to 
comprehend the general plan of human life, and to allot to 
every occupation and pursuit its proper degree of importance. 
The Disputationes Camaldulenses afford us sufficient proof 
that the Florentines had, at this early period, arrived at that 
mental elevation which enabled them to take a distinct view 
of the various objects by which they were surrounded, and to 
apply all that was then known of science to its best uses. In 
the introduction to this work, Landino informs U3, that having, 
in company with his brother Piero, made an excursion from 
his villa in Casentina to a monastery in the wood of Camal- 
doli, they found that Lorenzo and Giuliano de’ Medici had 
arrived there before them, accompanied by Alamanni Rinuc- 
cini, and Piero and Donato Acciajuoli: all men of learning 
and eloquence, who had applied themselves with great dili¬ 
gence to philosophical studies. The pleasure of their first 
meeting was enhanced by the arrival of Leo Battista Alberti, 
who, returning from Rome, had met with Marsilio Ficino, 
and had prevailed upon him to pass a few days, during the 
heat of autumn, in the healthful retreat of Camaldoli. Ma- 
riotto, abbot of the monastery, introduced to each other his 

e 2 


52 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


learned friends, and the remainder of the day, for it was then 
drawing towards evening, was passed in attending to the 
conversation of Alberti, of whose disposition and accomplish¬ 
ments Landino gives us a most favourable idea. 40 On the 
following day, after the performance of religious duties, the 
whole company agreed to ascend through the wood towards 
the summit of the hill; and in a short time arrived at a soli¬ 
tary spot, where the extended branches of a large beech over¬ 
hung a clear spring of water. At the invitation of Alberti, a 
conversation here takes place, which he begins by observing, 
that those persons may be esteemed peculiarly happy, who, 
having improved their minds by study, can withdraw them¬ 
selves at intervals from public engagements and private 
anxiety, and in some agreeable retreat indulge themselves in 
an ample range through all the objects of the natural and 
moral world. “ But if this be an occupation suitable for all 
men of learning, it is more particularly so for you,” continued 
Alberti, addressing himself to Lorenzo and Giuliano, “on 
whom the direction of the affairs of the republic is likely, 
from the increasing infirmities of your father, soon to de¬ 
volve. 41 For although, Lorenzo, you have given proof of 
such virtues as would induce us to think them rather of 
divine than human origin; although there seems to be no 
undertaking so momentous as not to be accomplished by that 
prudence and courage which you have displayed, even in your 
early years; and although the impulse of youthful ambition, 
and the full enjoyment of those gifts of fortune which have 
often intoxicated men of high expectation and great virtue, 
have never yet been able to impel you beyond the just bounds 
of moderation; yet, both you and that republic which you are 
shortly to direct, or rather which now in a great measure re¬ 
poses on your care, will derive important advantages from 
those hours of leisure, which you may pass either in solitary 
meditation or social discussion, on the origin and nature of 
the human mind. For it is impossible that any person should 
rightly direct the affairs of the public unless he has previously 
established in himself virtuous habits, and enlightened his 
understanding with that knowledge, which will enable him 
clearly to discern why he is called into existence, what is due 
to others, and what to himself.” A conversation then com- 


HIS FIRST LOVE. 


53 


mences between Lorenzo and Alberti, in which the latter 
endeavours to show, that as reason is the distinguishing cha¬ 
racteristic of man, the perfection of his nature is only to be 
attained by the cultivation of his mind, and by a total ab¬ 
straction from worldly pursuits. Lorenzo, who is not a mere 
silent auditor, opposes a doctrine which, if carried to its ex¬ 
treme, would separate man from his duties, and contends that 
no essential distinction can be made between active and con¬ 
templative life, but that each should mutually assist and im¬ 
prove the other; and this he illustrates in such a variety of 
instances, that although it is evidently the object of Landino, 
through the medium of Alberti, to establish the pure Platonic 
dogma, that abstract contemplation can alone constitute the 
essence of human happiness, yet Lorenzo appears to have 
raised objections, which the ingenuity of the philosopher in 
the sequel of the dispute seems scarcely to have invalidated. 42 
On the following day the same subject is pursued, and Alberti 
fully explains the doctrine of Plato respecting the true end 
and aim of human life; illustrating it by the opinions of many 
of the most celebrated followers of that philosopher. The 
third and fourth days are spent in a commentary by Alberti 
on the iEneid, in which he endeavours to show, that under 
the fiction of the poem are represented the leading doctrines 
of that philosophy which had been the subject of their pre¬ 
vious discussion. Whatever may be thought of the propriety 
of such a construction, certain it i3 that there are many pas¬ 
sages in this poem which seem strongly to countenance such 
an opinion; and at all events, the idea is supported by 
Alberti with such a display of learning, and such a variety 
of proofs, as must have rendered liis commentary highly 
amusing and instructive to his youthful auditors. 

It must not, however, be supposed, that amidst his studious 
avocations, Lorenzo was insensible to that passion which has 
at all times been the soul of poetry, and has been so philoso¬ 
phically and so variously described in his own writings. To 
this subject he has, indeed, devoted a considerable portion of 
his works; but it is somewhat extraordinary that he has not 
thought proper, upon any occasion, to inform us of the name 
of his mistress ; nor has he gratified our curiosity so far as to 
give her even a poetical appellation. Petrarcahad his Laura, 


54 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


and Dante liis Beatrice; but Lorenzo has studiously con¬ 
cealed the name of the sovereign of his affections, leaving it 
to be ascertained by a thousand brilliant descriptions of her 
superlative beauty and accomplishments. In the usual order 
of things, it is love that creates the poet; but with Lorenzo, 
poetry appears to have been the occasion of his love. The 
circumstances, as related by himself, are these:*—“ A young- 
lady of great personal attractions happened to die in Florence; 
and as she had been very generally admired and beloved, so 
her death was as generally lamented. Nor was this to be 
wondered at, for independent of her beauty, her manners were 
so engaging, that almost every person who had any acquaint¬ 
ance with her, flattered himself that he had obtained the chief 
place in her affections. This fatal event excited the extreme 
regret of her admirers; and as she was carried to the place of 
burial, with her face uncovered, those who had known her 
when living pressed for a last look at the object of their ado¬ 
ration, and accompanied her funeral with their tears, 43 

Whilst death smiled lovely in her lovely face. 

Morte bella parea nel suo bel volto.— Petr. 

“ On this occasion all the eloquence and the wit of Florence 
were exerted in paying due honours to her memory, both in 
prose and in verse. Amongst the rest, I also composed a few 
sonnets; and in order to give them greater effect, I endea¬ 
voured to convince myself that I too had been deprived of 
the object of my love, and to excite in my own mind all those 
passions that might enable me to move the affections of others. 
Under the influence of this delusion, I began to think how 
severe was the fate of those by whom she had been beloved; 
and from thence was led to consider, whether there was any 
other lady in this city deserving of such honour and praise, 
and to imagine the happiness that must be experienced by 
any one whose good fortune could procure him such a subject 
for his pen. I accordingly sought for some time without 
having the satisfaction of finding any one, who, in my judg¬ 
ment, was deserving of a sincere and constant attachment. 
But when I had nearly resigned all expectations of success, 


* Commento di Lor. de’ Medici sopra alcuni de’ suoi Souetti, in his Poesie 
volgari, pp. 123, 129, &c. Ed. Aid. 1554. . 


HIS FIRST LOVE. 


55 


chance threw in my way that which had been denied to my 
most diligent inquiry; as if the god of love had selected this 
hopeless period, to give me a more decisive proof of his power. 
A public festival was held in Florence, to which all that was 
noble and beautiful in the city resorted. To this I was brought 
by some of my companions, (I suppose as my destiny led,) 
against my will, for I had for some time past avoided such 
exhibitions; or if at times I attended them, it proceeded 
rather from a compliance with custom, than from any pleasure 
I experienced in them. Among the ladies there assembled, 
I saw one of such sweet and attractive manners, that whilst 
I regarded her I could not help saying, ‘ If this person were 
possessed of the delicacy, the understanding, the accomplish¬ 
ments of her who is lately dead—most certainly she excels 
her in the charms of her person.’ 

* * * * 

“ Resigning myself to my passion, I endeavoured to dis¬ 
cover, if possible, how far her manners and her conversation 
agreed with her appearance, and here I found such an assem¬ 
blage of extraordinary endowments, that it was difficult to 
say whether she excelled more in her person, or in her mind. 
Her beauty was, as I have before mentioned,, astonishing. 
She was of a just and proper height. Her complexion ex¬ 
tremely fair, but not pale; blooming, but not ruddy. Her 
countenance was serious, without being severe; mild and 
pleasant, without levity or vulgarity. Her eyes were lively, 
without any indication of pride or conceit. Her whole shape 
was so finely proportioned, that amongst other women she 
appeared with superior dignity, yet free from the least degree 
of formality or affectation. In walking, in dancing, or in 
other exercises which display the person, every motion was 
elegant and appropriate. Her sentiments were always just 
and striking, and have furnished materials for some of my 
sonnets ; she always spoke at the proper time, and always to 
the purpose, so that nothing could be added, nothing taken 
away. Though her remarks were often keen and pointed, yet 
they were so tempered as not to give offence. Her under¬ 
standing was superior to her sex, but without the appearance 
of arrogance or presumption; and she avoided an error too 
common among women, who, when they think themselves 


56 


LIFE OF LORENZO BE’ MEDICI. 


sensible, become for the most part insupportable . 44 To re¬ 
count all her excellences would far exceed my present limits, 
and I shall therefore conclude with affirming, that there was 
nothing which could be desired in a beautiful and accom¬ 
plished women, which was not in her most abundantly found. 
By these qualities I was so captivated, that not a power or 
faculty of my body or mind remained any longer at liberty, 
and I could not help considering the lady who had died, as 
the star of Venus, which at the approach of the sun is totally 
overpowered and extinguished.” Such is the description that 
Lorenzo has left us of the object of his passion, in his comment 
upon the first sonnet which he wrote in her praise ; and if we 
do not allow great latitude to the partiality of a lover, we 
must confess that few poets have been fortunate enough to 
meet with a mistress so well calculated to excite their zeal, or 
to justify the effects of their admiration. 

The first poetical offspring of this passion was the fol¬ 
lowing 

SONETTO. 

Lasso a me, quando io son la dove sia 
Quell’ angelico, altero, e dolce volto, 

II freddo sangue intorno al core accolto 
Lascia senza oolor la faccia mia : 

Poi mirando la sua, mi par si pia, 

Ch’io prendo ardire, e torna il valor tolto 
Amor ne’ raggi de’ begli occhi in volto 
Mostra al mio tristo cor la cieca via j 
E parlandogli alhor, dice, io ti gmro 
Pel santo lume di questi occhi belli 
Del mio stral forza, e del mio regno onore, 

Ch’io sard sempre teco, e ti assicuro 
Esser vera pieta che mostran quelli: 

Credogli lasso! e da me fugge il core. 


Alas for me! whene’er my footsteps trace 
Those precincts where eternal beauty reigns, 

The sanguine current from a thousand veins 
Flows round my heart, and pallid grows my face : 
Blit when I mark that smile of heavenly grace, 



LOVE SONNETS. 


57 


Its wonted powers my drooping soul regains ; 

Whilst Love, that in her eyes his state maintains, 

Points to my wandering heart its resting place ; 

And stooping from his beamy mansion swears, 

“ By all that forms my power and points my dart, 

The living lustre of those radiant eyes, 

I still will guide thy way; dismiss thy fears; 

True are those looks of love.” My trusting heart 
Believes th’ insidious vow—and from me flies. 

The effects of this passion on Lorenzo were such as might 
be expected to be produced on a young and sensible mind. 
Instead of the glaring exhibitions to which he had been ac¬ 
customed, the hurry of the city, and the public avocations of 
life, he found in himself a disposition for silence and for soli¬ 
tude, and was pleased in associating the ideas produced by 
every rural object with that of the mistress of his affections. 
Of these sentiments he has afforded us a specimen in the fol¬ 
lowing 

SONETTO. 

Cerchi chi vuol, le pompe, e gli alti honori, 

Le piazze, e tempi, e gli edifici magni, 

Le delicie, il tesor, qual accompagni 
Mille duri pensier, mille dolori: 

Un verde praticel pien di bei fiori, 

Un rivolo, che 1’ erba intorno bagni, 

Un augelletto, che d’ amor si lagni, 

Acqueta molto meglio i nostri ardori. 

L’ ombrose selve, i sassi, e gli alti monti, 

Gli antri oscuri, e le fere fuggitive, 

Qualche leggiadra Ninfa paurosa; 

Quivi veggio io con pensier vaghi, e pronti, 

Le belle luci, come fossin vive. 

Qui me le toglie hor una, hor altra cosa. 


Seek he who will in grandeur to be blest, 

Place in proud halls, and splendid courts, his joy, 
For pleasure, or for gold, his arts employ, 

Whilst all his hours unnumbered cares molest. 



58 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


—A little field in native flowerets drest, 

A rivulet in soft murmurs gliding by, 

A bird whose love-sick note salutes the sky, 

With sweeter magic lull my cares to rest. 

And shadowy woods, and rocks, and towering hills, 

And caves obscure, and nature’s free-born train. 

And some lone nymph that timorous speeds along, 

Each in my mind some gentle thought instils 
Of those bright eyes that absence shrouds in vain; 

—Ah gentle thoughts ! soon lost the city cares among. 

Having thus happily found a mistress who deserved his 
attention, Lorenzo was not negligent in celebrating her 
praises. On this, his constant theme, he has given us a con¬ 
siderable number of beautiful sonnets, canzoni, and other 
poetical compositions, which, like those of Petrarca, are some¬ 
times devoted to the more general celebration of the person, 
or the mind of his mistress, and sometimes dwell only on one 
particular feature or accomplishment; whilst at other times 
these productions advert to the effects of his own passion, 
which is analysed and described with every possible illustra¬ 
tion of poetic ingenuity, and philosophic refinement. 

But having thus far traced the passion of Lorenzo, we may 
now be allowed to ask who was the object of so refined a love; 
adored without being defined, and celebrated without a name? 
Fortunately the friends of Lorenzo were not in this respect 
equally delicate with himself. Politiano, in his Giostra of 
Giuliano, has celebrated the mistress of Lorenzo by the name 
of Lucretia. And Ugolino Verini, in his Fiametta, has 
addressed to her a Latin poem in elegiac verse, in which he 
shows himself a powerful advocate for Lorenzo, and contends, 
that whatever might be her accomplishments, he was a lover 
deserving of her favour. Valori affords us more particular 
information: from him we learn that Lucretia was a lady of 
the noble family of the Donati, equally distinguished by her 
beauty and her virtue, and a descendant of Curtio Donato, 
who had rendered himself eminent throughout Italy, by his 
military achievements.* 

Whether the assiduities of Lorenzo, and the persuasions of 


Valor, in Vita Laur. p. 8. 


HIS MARRIAGE. 


59 


his friends, were sufficiently powerful to soften that obduracy, 
which there is reason to presume Lucretia manifested on his 
first addresses, yet remains a matter of doubt. The sonnets 
of Lorenzo rise and fall through every degree of the thermo¬ 
meter of love; he exults and he despairs—he freezes and he 
burns—he sings of raptures too great for mortal sense, and 
he applauds a severity of virtue that no solicitations can 
move. From such contradictory testimony what are we to 
conclude? Lorenzo has himself presented us with the key 
that unlocks this mystery. From the relation which he has 
before given, we find that Lucretia was the mistress of the 
poet, and not of the man. Lorenzo sought for an object to 
concentrate his ideas, to give them strength and effect, and 
he found in Lucretia a subject that suited his purpose, and 
deserved his praise. But having so far realized his mistress, 
he has dressed and ornamented her according to his own 
imagination. Every action of her person, every motion of 
her mind, is subject to his control. She smiles or she frowns; 
she refuses, or relents; she is absent, or present; she intrudes 
upon, his solitude by day, or visits him in his nightly dreams, 
just as his presiding fancy directs. In the midst of these 
delightful visions, Lorenzo was called upon to attend to the 
dull realities of life. He had now attained his twenty-first 
year, and his father conceived that it was time for him to 
enter into the conjugal state. To this end he had negotiated 
a marriage between Lorenzo and Clarice, the daughter of 
Giacopo Orsini, of the noble and powerful Homan family of 
that name, which had so long contended for superiority with 
that of the Colonna. Whether Lorenzo despaired of success 
in his youthful passion, or whether he subdued his feelings at 
the voice of paternal authority, is left to conjecture only. 
Certain, however, it is, that in the month of December, 1468, 
he was betrothed to a person whom it is probable he had 
never seen, and the marriage ceremony was performed on 
the fourth day of June following. 45 That the heart of Lorenzo 
had little share in this engagement, is marked by a striking 
circumstance. In adverting to his marriage, in his Kicordi, 
he bluntly remarks that he took this lady to wife, “ or rather,” 
says he, “ she was given to me” on the day before mentioned. 46 
Notwithstanding this indifference, it appears from indisputable 


60 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


documents, that a real affection soon afterwards subsisted be¬ 
tween them; and there is reason to presume that Lorenzo always 
treated her with particular respect and kindness. Their 
nuptials were celebrated with great splendour. Two military 
spectacles were exhibited, one of which represented a field 
battle of horsemen, and the other the attack and storming of 
a fortified citadel. 

In the month of July following, Lorenzo took another 
journey to Milan, for the purpose of standing sponsor, in the 
name of his father, to Galeazzo, the eldest son of Galeazzo 
Sforza, the reigning duke. In this expedition he was accom¬ 
panied by Gentile d’Urbino, who gave<a regular narrative of 
their proceedings to Clarice. A letter from Lorenzo himself 
to his wife is also yet preserved, written upon his arrival at 
Milan, which, though very short, and not distinguished by any 
flights of fancy, exhibits more sincerity and affection than the 
greater part of his amorous sonnets.* 

Lorenzo de' Medici to Ids wife Clarice . 

“ I arrived here in safety, and am in good health. This I 
believe will please thee better than anything else except my 
return; at least so I judge from my own desire to be once 
more with thee. Associate as much as possible with my 
father and my sisters. I shall make all possible speed to re¬ 
turn to thee, for it appears a thousand years till I see thee 
again. Pray to God for me. If thou want anything from 
this place, write in time. From Milan, 22nd July, 1469. 

“ Thy Lorenzo de’ Medici.” 

From the Ricordi of Lorenzo, and the letters of Gentile, it 
appears that Lorenzo was treated at Milan with great dis¬ 
tinction and honour. “ More indeed,” says he, “ than were 
shown to any other person present, although there were 
many much better entitled to it.” On his departure he pre¬ 
sented the duchess with a gold necklace, and a diamond, which 
cost about three thousand ducats, “ whence,” says he, in his 
Ricordi, “ it followed that the duke requested that I would 
stand sponsor to all his other children.” 

Piero de' Medici did not long survive the marriage of his 

* Fabr. in vita Lor. Adnot. et Mon. ii. p. 56. 


DEATH OF PIERO De’ MEDICI. 


61 


son. Exhausted by bodily sufferings, and wearied with the 
arrogant and tyrannical conduct of many of those who had 
espoused his cause, and which his infirmities prevented him 
from repressing, he died on the 3rd day of December, 1469, 
leaving his widow Lucretia, who survived him many years. 
His funeral was without ostentation; “ perhaps,” says Ammi- 
rato, “ because he had in his lifetime given directions to that 
effect; or because the parade of a magnificent interment might 
have excited the envy of the populace towards his successors, 
to whom it was of more importance to be great, than to appear 
to be so.”* 

Before Piero was attacked by the disorder which for a long 
time rendered him almost incapable of attending to public 
business, he had been employed in several embassies of the 
greatest importance, which he had executed much to his own 
honour, and the advantage of the republic. Even after he 
was disabled from attending in the council, he continued to 
regulate the affairs of Florence, and to discuss with the prin¬ 
cipal citizens the most important subjects, in such a manner 
as to evince the solidity of his judgment and the integrity of 
his heart. He possessed a competent share of eloquence, 
some specimens of which are given by Machiavelli. who asserts 
that the extortions and abuses practised by his friends and 
adherents were so flagitious, and so hateful to his temper, 
that if he had lived it was his intention to have recalled the 
exiled citizens; for which purpose he had an interview, at his 
seat at Caffagiolo, with Agnolo Acciajuoli; but the numerous 
errors of this celebrated historian give us just reason to 
doubt on those points which have not the concurrent testi¬ 
mony of other writers. “ It is probable,” says Tiraboschi, 
“ that had Piero enjoyed better health and longer life, he 
might have done more for the interests of literature; but if 
he had only been known as the father of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 
it would have been a sufficient title to the gratitude of pos¬ 
terity.” 


* 1st. Fior. iii. p. 106. 


62 


CHAPTER III. 


Political state of Italy—Venice—Naples—Milan—Rome—Florence—Lo¬ 
renzo succeeds to tlie direction of tlie republic—Giuliano de’ Medici— 
Attack on Prato—League against tlie Turks—Riches of the Medici—Their 
commercial concerns—Other sources of their revenue—The duke of Milan 
visits Florence—Lorenzo devotes his leisure to literature—Angelo Poli- 

tiano_His temper and character—Death of Paul II.—A persecutor of 

learned men—Succeeded by Sixtus IV—Lorenzo deputed to congra¬ 
tulate him —Revolt and sackage of Volterra—Lorenzo establishes the 
academy of Pisa—Negotiation for a marriage between the dauphin and 
a daughter of the king of Naples—The king declines the propose!— 
Ambition and rapacity of Sixtus IV.—League between the duke 'f 
Milan, the Venetians, and the Florentines—The king of Denmark at 
Florence—Progress of the Platonic academy—Poem of Lorenzo, entitled 
“ Altercazione ”—Platonic festival—Effects of this institution—Number 
and celebrity of its members. 

At the time of the death of Piero de’ Medici, the republic of 
Florence was not engaged in any open war. The absentees 
were, however, a cause of continual alarm, and the situation of 
the Italian states was such as to give just grounds of appre¬ 
hension that the tranquillity of that country would not long 
remain undisturbed. Of these the most powerful was that of 
Yenice, which aspired to nothing less than the dominion of 
all Lombardy, and the supreme control of Italy itself. The 
superiority which it had acquired was in a great degree de¬ 
rived from the extensive commerce then carried on by the 
Venetians to different parts of tlie East, the valuable pro¬ 
ductions of which were conveyed by way of Egypt into the 
Mediterranean, and thence distributed by the Venetians 
throughout the rest of Europe. In this branch of commerce 
the Genoese and Florentines had successively attempted to 
rival them; but although each of these people, and particularly 


STATE OF ITALY. 


63 


the latter, had obtained a considerable portion of this lucrative 
trade, the Venetians maintained a decided superiority, until 
the discovery of a new and more expeditious communication 
with India, by the Cape of Good Hope, turned the course of 
eastern traffic into a new channel. The numerous vessels 
employed in transporting their commodities to different coun¬ 
tries, rendered the state of Venice the most formidable maritime 
power in Europe. Ever intent on its own aggrandizement, it 
has only been restrained within its limits by formidable leagues 
between the Italian sovereigns, and by the seasonable inter¬ 
vention of foreign powers. Its internal tranquillity is remark¬ 
ably contrasted with the turbulence of Florence; but the Ve¬ 
netian nobility had erected their authority on the necks of 
the people, and Venice was a republic of nobles, with a popu¬ 
lace of slaves. In no country was despotism ever reduced 
to a more accurate system. The proficiency made by the 
Venetians in literature has accordingly borne no proportion 
to the rank which they have in other respects held among the 
It lian states. The talents of the higher orders were devoted 
to the support of their authority, or the extension of their 
territory; and among the lower class, with thbir political 
rights, their emulation was effectually extinguished. Whilst 
the other principal cities of Italy were daily producing works 
of genius, Venice was content with the humble, but more 
lucrative employment of communicating those works to the 
public by means of the press. Other governments have ex¬ 
hibited a different aspect at different times, according to the 
temper of the sovereign, or the passions of the multitude; but 
Venice uniformly preserved for ages the same settled features, 
a phenomenon in political history. 

The kingdom of Naples was at this time governed by Fer¬ 
dinand of Arragon, who had, in the year 1458, succeeded his 
father Alfonso. Under his administration, that country ex¬ 
perienced a degree of prosperity to which it had long been a 
stranger. At the same time that Ferdinand kept a watchful 
eye on the other governments of Italy, and particularly on that 
of Venice, he was consulting the happiness of his own subjects 
by the institution of just and equal laws, and by the promotion 
of commerce and of letters; but the virtues of the monarch 
were sullied by the crimes of the man, and the memory of 


64 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 



Ferdinand is disgraced by repeated instances of treachery and 
inhumanity. Galeazzo Maria, son of the eminent Francesco 
Sforza, held the states of Milan, which were then of consider¬ 
able extent. Of the virtues and talents of the father little, 
however, is to be traced in the character of the son. Immo¬ 
derate in his pleasures, lavish in his expenses, rapacious in 
supplying his wants, he incurred the contempt and hatred of 
his subjects. Like another Nero, he mingled with his vices 
a taste for science and for arts. To the follies and the crimes 
of this man, posterity must trace the origin of all those evils 
which, after the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici, depopulated and 
laid waste the most flourishing governments of Italy. 

The pontifical chair was filled by Paul II., the successor 
of Pius II. A Venetian by birth, lie had been educated in 
the profession of a merchant. On his uncle, Eugenius IV., 
being promoted to the papacy, he changed his views, and 
betook himself to study, but too late in life to make any great 
proficiency. To compensate for this defect, Paul assumed a 
degree of magnificence and splendour before unknown. His 
garments were highly ornamented, and his tiara was richly 
adorned with jewels. Of a tall and imposing figure, he ap¬ 
peared in his processions like a new Aaron, and commanded 
the respect and veneration of the multitude. His dislike to 
literature was shown by an unrelenting persecution of almost 
all the men of learning who had the misfortune to reside within 
his dominions. In the pontifical government, it may with 
justice be observed, that the interest of the prince and the 
people are always at variance with each other. Raised to the 
supremacy at an advanced period of life, when the claims of 
kindred begin to draw closer round the heart, the object of 
the pope is generally the aggrandizement of his family; and 
as he succeeds to the direction of a state whose finances have 
been exhausted by his predecessor, under the.influence of 
similar passions, he employs the short space of time allowed 
him, in a manner the most advantageous to himself, and the 
most oppressive to his subjects. Such is nearly the uniform 
tenour of this government; but in the fifteenth century, when 
the pope, by his secular power, held a distinguished rank 
among the sovereigns of Italy, he often looked beyond the 
resources of his own subjects, and attempted to possess him- 


POLITIANO. 


73 


and Argyropylus were his instructors in the different systems 
of the Platonic and Aristotelian philosophy; but poetry had 
irresistible allurements for his young mind, and his stanze 
on the Giostra of Giuliano, if they did not first recommend 
him to the notice of Lorenzo, certainly obtained his approba¬ 
tion, and secured his favour. 11 The friendship of Lorenzo 
provided for all his wants, and enabled him to prosecute his 
studies free from the embarrassments and interruptions of 
pecuniary affairs. 12 He was early enrolled among the citizens 
of Florence, and appointed secular prior of the college of 
S. Giovanni. He afterwards entered into clerical orders, and 
having obtained the degree of doctor of the civil law, was 
nominated a canon of the cathedral of Florence. Intrusted 
by Lorenzo with the education of his children, and the care 
of his extensive collection of manuscripts and antiquities, he 
constantly resided under his roof, and M r as his inseparable 
companion at those hours which were not devoted to the 
more important concerns of the state. 

Respecting the temper and character of Politiano, his 
epistles afford us ample information. In one of these, ad¬ 
dressed to Matteo Corvino, king of Hungary, a monarch 
eminently distinguished by his encouragement of learned 
men, he hesitates not, whilst he pays a just tribute of grati¬ 
tude to the kindness of Lorenzo, to claim the merit due to 
his own industry and talents.* “ From a humble situation,” 
says he, “ I have, by the favour and friendship of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici, been raised to some degree of rank and celebrity, 
without any other recommendation' than my proficiency in 
literature. During many years I have not only taught in 
Florence the Latin tongue with great approbation, but even 
in the Greek language I have contended with the Greeks 
themselves—a species of merit that I may boldly say has not 
been attained by any of my countrymen for a thousand years 
past.” In the intercourse which Politiano maintained with 
the learned men of his time, he appears to have been suffi¬ 
ciently conscious of his own superiority. The letters ad¬ 
dressed to him by his friends were in general well calculated 
to gratify his vanity; but although he was in a high degree 


Pol. Ep. ix. 1. 


74 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE MEDICI. 


jealous of his literary reputation, he was careful to distin¬ 
guish how far the applauses bestowed upon him were truly 
merited, and how far they were intended to conciliate his 
favour. If he did not always estimate himself by the good 
opinion entertained of him by others, he did not suffer him¬ 
self to be depressed by their envy or their censure.* “ I am 

no more raised or dejected,” says he, “ by the flattery of my 
friends, or the accusations of my adversaries, than I am by 
the shadow of my own body; for although that shadow may 
be somewhat longer in the morning and the evening than it 
is in the middle of the day, this will scarcely induce me to 
think myself a taller man at those times than I am at noon.” 

The impulse which Lorenzo de’ Medici had given to the 
cause of letters soon began to be felt, not only by those who 
immediately surrounded him, but throughout the Tuscan 
territories, and from thence it extended itself to the rest of 
Italy. By the liberal encouragement which he held out to 
men of learning, and still more by his condescension and 
affability, he attracted them from all parts of that country to 
Florence; so that it is scarcely possible to name an Italian of 
that age, distinguished by his proficiency in any branch of 
literature, who has not shared the attention or partaken of the 
bounty of Lorenzo. 

Paul II., between whom and the family of the Medici there 
subsisted an irreconcilable enmity, died on the 26th of July, 
1471, leaving behind him the character of an ostentatious, 
profligate, and illiterate priest. This antipathy, which took 
place in the lifetime of Piero de’ Medici, though Fabroni 
supposes it arose after his death,f was occasioned by the am¬ 
bition of Paul, who, under the influence of motives to which 
we have before adverted, was desirous of possessing himself 
of the city of Bimini, then held by Boberto, the natural son 
of Gismondo Malatesi, whose virtues had obliterated in the 
eyes of the citizens the crimes of his father.^: Finding his 
pretensions opposed, Paul attempted to enforce them by the 
sword, and prevailed upon his countrymen, the Venetians, to 
afford him their assistance. Boberto had resorted for succour 
to the Medici, and by their interference the Boman and 

* Pol. Ep. iii 24. + Fabroni, i. p. 29. 

J Amm. iii. p. 103. Maratori, ix. p. 505. 


POPE PAUL II. 


75 


Venetian troops were speedily opposed in the field by a for¬ 
midable army, led by the duke of Urbino, and supported by 
the duke of Calabria and Roberto Sanseverino. An engage¬ 
ment took place, which terminated in the total rout of the 
army of the pope, who, dreading the resentment of so powerful 
an alliance, acceded to such terms as the conquerors thought 
proper to dictate; not, however, without bitterly inveighing 
against the Medici for the part they had taken in opposing 
his ambitious project. 

During the pontificate of Paul II., letters and science ex¬ 
perienced at Rome a cruel and unrelenting persecution, and 
their professors exhibited in their sufferings a degree of con¬ 
stancy and resolution, which in another cause might have 
advanced them to the rank of martyrs. The imprisonment 
of the historian Platina—who, on being arbitrarily deprived 
of a respectable office to which he was appointed by Pius II., 
had dared to thunder in the ears of the pope the dreaded name 
of a general council—might perhaps admit of some justifica¬ 
tion; but this was only a prelude to the devastation which 
Paul made amongst the men of learning, who, during his 
pontificate, had chosen the city of Rome as their residence.* 
A number of these uniting together, had formed a society for 
the research of antiquities, chiefly with a view to elucidate 
the works of the ancient authors, from medals, inscriptions, 
and other remains of art. As an incitement to, or as charac¬ 
teristic of, their studies, they had assumed classic names, and 
thereby gave the first instance of a practice which has since 
become general among the academicians of Italy. Whilst 
these men were employing themselves in a manner that did 
honour to their age and country, Paul was indulging his folly 
and his vanity in ridiculous and contemptible exhibitions; 13 
and happy had it been if he had confined his attention to 
these amusements; but on the pretext of a conspiracy against 
his person, he seized upon many members of the academy, 
which he pretended to consider as a dangerous and seditious 
assembly, accusing them of having, by their adoption of 
heathen names, marked their aversion to the Christian reli¬ 
gion. Such of them as were so unfortunate as to fall into 


* Platina, Vita di Paolo II. Muratori, ix. p. 508. 


76 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


his hands, he committed to prison, where they underwent the 
torture, in order to draw from them a confession of crimes 
which had no existence, and of heretical opinions which they 
had never avowed. Not being able to obtain any evidence of 
their guilt, and finding that they had resolution to suffer the 
last extremity rather than accuse themselves, Paul thought 
proper at length to acquit them of the charge, but at the 
same time, by a wanton abuse of power, he ordered that they 
should be detained in prison during a complete year from the 
time of their commitment, alleging that he did it to fulfil a 
vow which he had made when he first imprisoned them.* 

To Paul II. succeeded Francesco della Rovere, a Fran¬ 
ciscan monk, who assumed the name of Sixtus IV. His 
knowledge of theology and the canon law had not conciliated 
the favour of the populace, for during the splendid ceremony 
of his coronation, a tumult arose in the city, in which his life 
was endangered.! To congratulate him on his elevation, an 
embassy of six of the most eminent citizens was deputed from 
Florence, at the head of which was Lorenzo de’ Medici. 
Between Lorenzo and the pope, mutual instances of good¬ 
will took place, and Lorenzo, who, under the direction of his 
agents, had a bank established at Rome, was formally invested 
with the office of treasurer of the holy see, an appointment 
which greatly contributed to enrich his maternal uncle, 
Giovanni Tornabuoni, who, whilst he executed that office, on 
behalf of Lorenzo, had an opportunity of purchasing from 
Sixtus many of the rich jewels that had been collected by 
Paul II., which he sold to different princes of Europe to great 
emolument.^ During this visit, Lorenzo made further addi¬ 
tions to the many valuable specimens of ancient sculpture of 
which, by the diligence of his ancestors, he was already pos¬ 
sessed. On his return to Florence he brought with him two 
busts, in marble, of Augustus and Agrippa, which were pre¬ 
sented to him by the pope, with many cameos and medals, of 
the excellence of which he was an exquisite judge.§ In the 
warmth of his admiration for antiquity, he could not refrain 
from condemning the barbarism of Paul, who had demolished 

* Platina, ut supra. Zeno. Dissert. Voss. Art. Platina—Tirabosclii, vi. 
i. 82. 

+ Muratori, ix. 511. J Fabroni, i. p. 38. § Ricordi. 


REVOLT OF VOLTERRA. 


77 


a part of the Flavian amphitheatre in order to build a church 
to S. Marco.* At this interview it is probable that Lorenzo 
solicited from Sixtus the promise of a cardinal’s hat for his 
brother, and it is certain that he afterwards used his endea¬ 
vours to obtain for Giuliano a seat in the sacred college, 
through the medium of the Florentine envoy at Rome; but 
the circumstances of the times, and the different temper of 
the pope and of Lorenzo, soon put an end to all friendly 
intercourse between them, and an enmity took place which 
was productive of the most sanguinary consequences. 

Soon after the return of Lorenzo to Florence, a disagree¬ 
ment arose between that republic and the city of Volterra, 
which composed a part of its dominions. A mine of alum 
had been discovered within the district of Volterra, which 
being at first considered as of small importance, was suffered 
to remain in the hands of individual proprietors; but it after¬ 
wards appearing to be very lucrative, the community of Vol¬ 
terra claimed a share of the profits, as part of their municipal 
revenue. Tne proprietors appealed to the magistrates of 
Florence, who discountenanced the pretensions of the city of 
Volterra, alleging that if the profits of the mine were to be 
applied to the use of the public, they ought to become a part 
of the general revenue of the government, and not of any 
particular district. This determination gave great offence to 
the citizens of Volterra, who resolved not only to persevere 
in their claims, but also to free themselves, if possible, from 
their subjection to the Florentines. A general commotion 
took place at Volterra. Such was- the violence of the in¬ 
surgents, that they put to death several of their own citizens 
who disapproved of their intemperate proceedings. Even 
the Florentine commissary, Piero Malegonelle, narrowly es¬ 
caped with his life. This revolt excited great alarm at 
Florence, not from the idea that the citizens of Volterra were 
powerful enough to succeed in an attempt which they had 
previously made at four different times without success, but 
from an apprehension that if a contest took place, it might 
afford a pretext for the pope or the king of Naples to inter¬ 
fere on the occasion. Hence a great diversity of opinion 


Fabroni, i. p. 40. 


78 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


prevailed amongst the magistrates and council of Florence, 
some of whom, particularly Tomaso Soderini, strongly re¬ 
commended conciliatory measures. This advice was opposed 
by Lorenzo de’ Medici, who, from the enormities already 
committed at Yolterra, was of opinion that the most speedy 
and vigorous means ought to be adopted to repress the com¬ 
motion. In justification of this apparent severity, he re¬ 
marked, that in violent disorders, where death could only be 
prevented by bold and decisive measures, those physicians 
were the most cruel, who appeared to be the most compas¬ 
sionate. His advice was adopted by the council, and prepa¬ 
rations were made to suppress the revolt by force. The inha¬ 
bitants of Yolterra exerted themselves to put the city in a 
state of defence, and made earnest applications for assistance 
to the neighbouring governments. About a thousand soldiers 
were hired and received within the walls, to assist in support¬ 
ing the expected attack; but the Florentines having surrounded 
the place with a numerous army, 14 under the command of the 
count of Urbino, the citizens soon surrendered at discretion. 
The Florentine commissaries took possession of the palace, 
and enjoined the magistrates to repair peaceably to their 
houses. One of them, on his return, was insulted and plun¬ 
dered by a soldier, and notwithstanding the utmost exertions 
of the duke of Urbino, who put to death the offender, this 
incident led the way to a general sackage of the city, the 
soldiers who had engaged in its defence uniting with the 
conquerors in despoiling and plundering the unfortunate 
inhabitants. Lorenzo was no sooner apprized of this event 
than he hastened to Yolterra, where he endeavoured to repair 
the injuries done to the inhabitants, and to alleviate their 
distresses by every method in his power.* Although the 
Unhappy termination of this affair arose from an incident, 
which as the sagacity of Lorenzo could not foresee, so his 
precaution could not prevent, yet it is highly probable, from 
the earnestness which he showed to repair the calamity, that 
it gave him no small share of regret. Nor has he on this 
occasion escaped the censure of a contemporary historian, 
who being himself an inhabitant of Yolterra, probably shared 


Fabroni, i. p. 45. 


THE ACADEMY OF PISA. 


79 


in those distresses of which he considered Lorenzo as the 
author, and has therefore, on this and on other occasions, 
shown a disposition unfriendly to his character.* 

About the close of the following year, great apprehensions 
of a famine arose in Florence, and five citizens were appointed 
to take the necessary precautions for supplying the place. 
The dreadful effects of this calamity were, however, obviated, 
principally by the attention of Lorenzo, who shortly after¬ 
wards took a journey to Pisa, where he made a long resi¬ 
dence. 15 The object of this visit was the re-establishment and 
regulation of the academy of that place, which after having 
existed nearly two centuries, and having been celebrated for 
the abilities of its professors, and the number of its students, 
had fallen into disrepute and neglect. An institution of a 
similar nature had been founded in Florence, in 1348—a year 
rendered remarkable by the dreadful pestilence of which 
Boccaccio has left so affecting a narrative; but Florence was 
on many accounts an improper situation for this purpose. 
The scarcity of habitations, the high price of provisions, and 
the consequent expense of education, had greatly diminished 
the number of students, whilst the amusements with which 
that place abounded were unfavourable to a proficiency in 
serious acquirements. Sensible of these disadvantages, the 
Florentines, who had held the dominion of Pisa from the year 
1406, resolved to establish the academy of that place in its 
former splendour. Lorenzo de’ Medici and four other citi¬ 
zens were appointed to superintend the execution of their 
purpose; 16 but Lorenzo, who was the projector of the plan, 
undertook the chief direction of it, and in addition to the six 
thousand florins annually granted by the state, expended, in 
effecting his purpose, a large sum of money from his private 
fortune. Amongst the professors at Pisa were speedily found 
some of the most eminent scholars of the age, particularly in 
the more serious anci important branches of science. At no 
period have the professors of literature been so highly re¬ 
warded. 17 The dissensions and misconduct of these teachers, 
whose arrogance was at least equal to their learning, gave 


* Raffaelle da Volterra, in Commentar. Urban. Geogr. v. p. 138. Ed. 
Lugd. 1552. 


80 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Lorenzo no small share of anxiety, and often called for his 
personal interference. 18 His absence from his native place 
was a frequent cause of regret to Politiano, who consoled 
himself by composing verses expressive of his affection for 
Lorenzo, and soliciting his speedy return. 19 To this circum¬ 
stance we are, however, indebted for several of the familiar 
letters of Lorenzo that have reached posterity, many of which 
have been published with those of Ficino, and perhaps derive 
some advantage from a comparison with the epistles of the 
philosopher, whose devotion to his favourite studies is fre¬ 
quently carried to an absurd extreme, and whose flattery is 
sometimes so apparent as to call for the reprehension even of 
Lorenzo himself. 20 

The increasing authority of Lorenzo, and his importance 
in the affairs of Europe, now began to be more apparent. In 
the year 1473 he took part in a negotiation, which, had it 
been successful, might have preserved Italy from many years 
of devastation, and at all events must have given a different 
complexion to the affairs, not only of that country but of 
Europe. Louis XI. of France, who laid the foundation of 
that despotism which, after having existed for three centu¬ 
ries, was at length expiated in the blood of the most guiltless 
of his descendants, and whose views were uniformly directed 
towards the aggrandizement of his dominions, and the depres¬ 
sion of his subjects, was desirous of connecting his family 
with that of Ferdinand king of Naples, by the marriage of 
his eldest son with a daughter of that prince. To this end 
he conceived it necessary to address himself to some person 
-whose general character and influence with Ferdinand might 
promote his views; and for that purpose he selected Lorenzo 
de’ Medici. The confidential letter from Louis to Lorenzo 
on this occasion is yet extant, and affords some striking traits 
of the character of this ambitious, crafty, and suspicious 
monarch. After expressing his high opinion of Lorenzo, and 
his unshaken attachment to him, he gives him to understand, 
that he is informed a negotiation is on foot for a marriage 
between the eldest daughter of the king of Naples and the 
duke of Savoy, upon which the king was to give her a portion 
of 300,000 ducats. Without apologizing for his interference, 
he then mentions his desire that a connexion of this nature 


STATE OF FLORENCE. 


65 


self by force, of some of the smaller independent states which 
bordered upon his dominions, and over which the holy see 
always pretended a paramount claim, as having at some pre¬ 
vious time formed a part of its territory, and having been 
either wrested from it by force, or wrongfully granted away 
by some former pontiff. These subordinate governments, 
though obtained by the power of the Roman state, were gene¬ 
rally disposed of to the nominal nephews of the pope, who 
frequently bore, in fact, a nearer relationship to him; and were 
held by them until another successor in the see had pow r er 
enough to dispossess the family of his predecessor, and vest 
the sovereignty in his own. 

With any of thesegovernments, either in extent of terri¬ 
tory, or in point of military establishment, the city of Florence 
could not contend; but she possessed some advantages that 
rendered her of no small importance in the concerns of Italy. 
Independent of the superior activity and acuteness of her 
inhabitants, their situation, almost in the centre of the con¬ 
tending powers, gave them an opportunity of improving cir¬ 
cumstances to their own interest, of which they seldom failed 
to avail themselves; and if Florence was inferior to the rest 
in the particulars before mentioned, she excelled them all in 
the promptitude with which she could apply her resources 
when necessity required. The battles of the Florentines were 
generally fought by Condottieri , who sold, or rather lent their 
troops to those who offered the best price; for the skill of the 
commander was shown in these contests, not so much in de¬ 
stroying the enemy, as in preserving from destruction those 
followers on whom he depended for his importance or his sup¬ 
port. The Florentines were collectively and individually rich; 
and as the principal inhabitants did not hesitate, on pressing 
emergencies, to contribute to the credit and supply of the 
republic, the city of Florence was generally enabled to perform 
an important part in the transactions of Italy, and if not 
powerful enough to act alone, was perhaps more desirable as 
an ally than any other state of that country . 1 

Such was the situation of the different governments of 
Italy at the time of the death of Piero de’ Medici; but, be¬ 
sides these, a number of inferior states interfered in the 
politics of the times, and on some occasions with no inconsi- 

F 


66 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


derable effect. Borso de’ Este, marquis of Ferrara, although 
of illegitimate birth, had succeeded to the government on the 
death of Leonello, to the exclusion of his own legitimate 
brothers, and administered its affairs with great reputation . 8 
Torn by domestic factions, the Genoese were held in subjec¬ 
tion by the duke of Milan, whilst Sienna and Lucca, each 
boasting a free government, were indebted for their inde¬ 
pendence rather to the mutual jealousy of their neighbours, 
than to any resources of their own. 

We have already seen, that during the indisposition of 
Piero de’ Medici, Lorenzo had frequently interfered in the 
administration of the republic, and had given convincing 
proofs of his talents and his assiduity. Upon the death of 
his father, he therefore succeeded to his authority, as if it had 
been a part of his patrimony. On the second day after that 
event,' he was attended at his own house by many of the 
principal inhabitants of Florence, who requested that he 
would take upon himself the administration and care of the 
republic, in the same manner as his grandfather and his father 
had before done.* Had Lorenzo even been divested of ambi¬ 
tion, he well knew the impossibility of retiring with safety to a 
private station, and without long hesitation complied with the 
wishes of his fellow-citizens . 3 Sensible, however, of the diffi¬ 
culties which he had to encounter, he took every precaution 
to obviate the ill effects of envy and suspicion, by selecting as 
his principal advisers, such of the citizens as were most 
esteemed for their integrity and their prudence, whom he 
consulted on all occasions of importance. This practice, 
which he found so useful to him in his youth, he continued 
in his maturer years; but after having duly weighed the 
opinions of others, he was accustomed to decide on the mea¬ 
sures to be adopted, by the strength of his own judgment, 
and not seldom in opposition to the sentiments of those with 
whom he had advised. Letters of condolence were addressed 
to him on the death of his father, not only by many eminent 
individuals, but by several of the states and princes of Italy, 
and from some he received particular embassies, with assur¬ 
ances of friendship and support. 


* Bicordi di Lor. 


GIULIANO DE’ MEDICI. 


67 


Between Lorenzo and his brother Giuliano there subsisted 
a warm and uninterrupted affection . 4 Educated under the 
same roof, they had always participated in the same studies 
and amusements. Giuliano was, therefore, no stranger to 
the learned languages; and in his attention to men of talents, 
emulated the example and partook of the celebrity of his 
brother. He delighted in music and in poetry, particularly 
in that of his native tongue, which die cultivated with success; 
and by his generosity and urbanity gained in a great degree 
the affections of the populace, to which it is probable his fond¬ 
ness for public exhibitions not a little contributed. At the 
death of his father, Giuliano was only about sixteen years of 
age, so that the administration of public affairs rested wholly 
on Lorenzo, whose constant attention to the improvement of 
his brother may be considered as the most unequivocal proof 
of his affection . 5 

A hasty and ill-conducted attempt by Bernardo Nardi, one 
of the Florentine exiles, to surprise and possess himself of the 
town of Prato, a part of the Florentine dominions, was one 
of the first events that called for the interposition of the 
republic. A body of soldiers was dispatched to the relief of 
the place, but the intrepidity of Cesare Petrucci, the chief 
magistrate, assisted by Giorgio Ginori, a Florentine citizen 
and knight of Rhodes, had rendered further assistance unne¬ 
cessary; and Bernardo being made prisoner, was sent to Flo¬ 
rence, where he paid with his life the forfeit of his folly.* 
Being interrogated previous to his execution as to his motives 
for making such an attempt with so small a number of fol¬ 
lowers, and such little probability of success, he replied, that 
having determined rather to die in Florence than to live 
longer in exile, he wished to ennoble his death by some splen¬ 
did action.f No sooner had this alarm subsided, than appre¬ 
hensions arose of a much more formidable nature. Pursuing 
his destructive conquests, the Turkish emperor, Mahomet II., 
had attacked the island of Negropont, which composed a part 
of the Venetian territory, and after a dreadful slaughter of 
both Turks and Christians, had taken the capital city by 
storm, and put the inhabitants to the sword.J Encouraged 

* A mm. iii. p. 107. + Mac. 1st. vii. } Murat, ix. p. 507. 

F 2 


68 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


by success, he vowed not to lay down his arms until he had 
abolished the religion of Christ, and extirpated all his fol¬ 
lowers. A strong sense of common danger is perhaps of all 
others the most powerful incentive to concord; and the selfish 
views of the Italian states were for a short time lost in the 
contemplation of this destructive enemy, whose success was 
equally dreaded by the prince, the scholar, and the priest. 
In the month of December, 1470, a league was solemnly con¬ 
cluded, for the common defence, between the pope, the king 
of Naples, the duke of Milan, and the Florentines, to which 
almost all the other states of Italy acceded.* In the same 
month, Lorenzo de’ Medici received a further proof of the con¬ 
fidence of his fellow-citizens, in being appointed syndic of 
the republic, by virtue of which authority he bestowed upon 
Buongianni Gianfiliazzi, then Gonfaloniere, the order of 
knighthood in the church of S. Reparata.f 

The multiplicity of his public concerns did not prevent 
Lorenzo from attending to his domestic affairs, and taking 
the necessary precautions for continuing with advantage those 
branches of commerce which had proved so lucrative to his 
ancestors. Such were the profits which they had derived 
from these sources, that besides the immense riches which 
the family actually possessed, the ancestors of Lorenzo had, in 
a course of thirty-seven years, computing from the return of 
Cosmo from banishment in 1434, expended in works of public 
charity or utility upwards of 660,000 florins; a sum which 
Lorenzo himself justly denominates incredible, and which 
may serve to give us a striking idea of the extensive traffic 
by which such munificence could be supported.^ In relating 
this circumstance, Lorenzo gives his hearty sanction to the 
manner in which this money had been employed. “ Some 
persons would perhaps think,” says he, in his private Ricordi, 
“ that it would be more desirable to have a part of it in their 
purse, but I conceive it has been a great advantage to the 
public, and well laid out, and am therefore perfectly satisfied.” 
Of this sum, the principal part had been acquired and ex¬ 
pended by Cosmo de’ Medici, who had carried on, in con¬ 
junction with his brother Lorenzo, a very extensive trade, 


Murat, ix. p. 508. 


f Amin. iii. p. 107. 


J Ricordi. 


RICHES OF THE MEDICI. 


69 


as well in Florence as in foreign parts. On the death of 
Lorenzo, in the year 1440, his proportion of the riches thus 
obtained, which amounted in the whole to upwards of 235,000 
florins, was inherited by his son, Pier Francesco de’ Medici, 
for whose use Cosmo retained it until the year 1451, when a 
distribution took place between the two families. From that 
time it was agreed, that the traffic of the family should be 
carried on for the joint benefit of Pier Francesco, and of Piero 
and Giovanni, the sons of Cosmo, who were to divide the 
profits in equal shares of one-third to each, and immense 
riches were thus acquired;* but whilst Cosmo and his de¬ 
scendants expended a great part of their wealth in the service 
of the country, and supported the hereditary dignity of chiefs 
of the republic, Pier Francesco preferred a private life, and, 
equally remote from the praise of munificence or the reproach 
of ostentation, transmitted to his descendants so ample a 
patrimony, as enabled them, in concurrence with other 
favourable circumstances, to establish a permanent authority 
in Florence, and finally to overturn the liberties of their 
native place. 

Of the particular branch of traffic by which the Medici 
acquired their wealth, little information remains; but there is 
no doubt that a considerable portion of it arose from the trade 
which the Florentines, in the early part of the fifteenth cen¬ 
tury, began to carry on to Alexandria for the productions of 
the East, in w r hich they attempted to rival the states of Genoa 
and of Venice. To this they were induced by the represen¬ 
tations of Taddeo di Cenni, who, having resided at Venice, 
and being apprized of the advantages which that city derived 
from the traffic in spices and other eastern merchandise, pre¬ 
vailed upon his countrymen, in the year 1421, to aim at a 
participation in the trade. Six new officers were accordingly 
created, under the title of maritime consuls, who were to pre¬ 
pare at the port of Leghorn (the dominion of which city the 
Florentines had then lately obtained by purchase) two large 
galleys and six guard-ships.f In the following year the Flo¬ 
rentines entered on their new commerce with great solemnity. 
A public procession took place, and the divine favour, which 


Kicordi. 


+ Amm. ii. p. 994 


70 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


had always accompanied their domestic undertakings, was 
solicited upon their maritime concerns. At the same time 
the first armed vessel of the republic was fitted out on a 
voyage for Alexandria, in which twelve young men of the 
chief families in Florence engaged to proceed, for the purpose 
of obtaining experience in naval affairs. Carlo Federighi 
and Felice Brancacci were appointed ambassadors to the 
sultan, and were provided with rich presents to conciliate his 
favour. The embassy was eminently successful. Early in 
the following year the ambassadors returned, having obtained 
permission to form a commercial establishment at Alexandria, 
for the convenience of their trade, and with the extraordinary 
privilege of erecting a church for the exercise of their reli¬ 
gion.* In this branch of traffic, which was of a very lucra¬ 
tive nature, and carried on to a great extent, the Medici were 
deeply engaged, and reciprocal presents of rare or curious 
articles were exchanged between them and the sultans, which 
sufficiently indicate their friendly intercourse. 

Besides the profits derived from their mercantile concerns, 
the wealth of the Medici was obtained through many other 
channels. A very large income arose to Cosmo and his de¬ 
scendants from their extensive farms at Poggio-Cajano, Caf- 
fagiolo, and other places, which were cultivated with great 
assiduity, and made a certain and ample return. The mines 
of alum in different parts of Italy were either the property 
of the Medici, or were hired by them from their respective 
owners, so that they were enabled almost to monopolize this 
article, and to render it highly lucrative. For a mine in the 
Boman territory it appears that they paid to the papal see the 
annual rent of 100,000 florins. - ]' But perhaps the principal 
sources of the riches of this family arose from the commercial 
banks which they had established in almost all the trading 
cities of Europe, and which were conducted by agents in 
whom they placed great confidence. At a time when the rate 
of interest frequently depended on the necessities of the bor¬ 
rower, and was in most cases very exorbitant, an inconceiv¬ 
able profit must have been derived from these establishments, 
which, as we have before noticed, were at times resorted to* 
* Amm. ii. p. 999. + Fabr. in vita Laur. i. pp. 39, 182. 


THE DUKE OF MILAN AT FLORENCE. 71 

for pecuniary assistance by the most powerful sovereigns of 
Europe. 

In the month of March, 1471, Galeazzo Sforza, duke of 
Milan, accompanied by his duchess Bona, sister of Amadeo, 
duke of Savoy, paid a visit to Florence, where they took up 
their residence with Lorenzo de’ Medici, but their attendants, 
who were very numerous, were accommodated at the public 
charge. 6 Not sufficiently gratified by the admiration of his 
own subjects, Galeazzo was desirous of displaying his magni¬ 
ficence in the eyes of the Florentines, and of partaking with 
them in the spectacles and amusements with which their city 
abounded. His equipage was accordingly in the highest style 
of splendour and expense ; 7 but notwithstanding this profu¬ 
sion, his wonder, and perhaps his envy, was excited by the 
superior magnificence of Lorenzo, which was of a kind not 
always in the power of riches to procure. Galeazzo observed 
with admiration the extensive collection of the finest remains 
of ancient art, which had been selected throughout all Italy, 
for a long course of years, with equal assiduity and expense. 
He examined with apparent pleasure the great variety of 
statues, vases, gems, and intaglios, with which the palace of 
Lorenzo was ornamented, and in which the value of the 
materials was often excelled by the exquisite skill of the 
workmanship; but he was more particularly gratified by the 
paintings, the productions of the best masters of the times, 
and owned that he had seen a greater number of excellent 
pictures in that place, than he had found throughout the rest 
of Italy. With the same attention he examined the cele¬ 
brated collection of manuscripts, drawings, and other curious 
articles of which Lorenzo was possessed; and notwithstand¬ 
ing his predilection for courtly grandeur, had the taste, or the 
address, to acknowledge, that in comparison with what he had 
seen, gold and silver lost their value. The arrival of the 
duke at Florence seems to have been the signal for general 
riot and dissipation. Machiavelli affects to speak with horror 
of the irregular conduct of him and of his courtiers; and 
remarks, with a gravity that might well have become a more 
dutiful son of the church, that this was the first time that an 
open disregard was avowed in Florence of the prohibition of 


’2 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


eating flesh in Lent.* For the amusement of the duke and 
his attendants three public spectacles were exhibited; one of 
which was the annunciation of the Virgin, another, the ascen¬ 
sion of Christ, and the third, the descent of the Holy Spirit. 
The last was exhibited in the church of the S. Spirito; and 
as it required the frequent use of fire, the building caught 
the flames, and was entirely consumed—a circumstance which 
the piety of the populace attributed to the evident displeasure 
of heaven. 

There is, however, abundant reason to believe that Lorenzo 
was induced to engage in the avocations and amusements 
before mentioned, rather by necessity than by choice; and 
that his happiest hours were those which he was permitted to 
devote to the exercise of his talents, and the improvement of 
his understanding; or which were enlivened by the conver¬ 
sation of those eminent men who sometimes assembled under 
his roof in Florence, and occasionally accompanied him to his 
seats at Fiesole, Careggi, or Caffagiolo. Those who shared 
his more immediate favour, were Marsilio Ficino, the three 
brothers of the family of Pulci, and Matteo Franco; but of 
all his literary friends, Politiano was the most particularly 
distinguished. It has been said that this eminent scholar was 
educated under the protection of Cosmo de’ Medici; but at 
the death of Cosmo he was only ten years of age, having 
been born on the 14th day of July, 1454. Politiano was 
indebted for his education to Piero, or rather to Lorenzo de* 
Medici, whom he always considered as his peculiar patron, 
and to whom he felt himself bound by every tie of gratitude. 8 
The place of his birth was Monte-Pulciano, or Mons-Poli- 
tianus , a small town in the territory of Florence, 9 whence he 
derived' his name, having discontinued that of his family, 
which has given rise to great diversity of conjecture respect¬ 
ing it. 10 The father of Politiano, though not wealthy, was a 
doctor of the civil law, which may be an answer to the many 
invidious tales as to the meanness of his birth. On his arrival 
at Florence, he applied himself with great diligence to the 
study of the Latin language, under Cristoforo Landino, and 
of the Greek, under Andronicus of Thessalonica. Ficino 


Mac. 1st. vii. 


ABILITY AS A NEGOTIATOR. 


81 


should take place between the princess and his eldest son, the 
dauphin, and requests that Lorenzo would communicate his 
wishes to the king of Naples. To this proposal Louis adds 
the promise of his favour and protection to Ferdinand against 
the house of Anjou; requiring, however, his assistance in 
return, against John king of Arragon, and his other enemies; 
alluding to the duke of Burgundy, whom he was then attempt¬ 
ing to despoil of his dominions. After making further ar¬ 
rangements respecting the proposed nuptials, he requests that 
Lorenzo would send some confidential person to reside with 
him for a time, and to return to Florence as often as might 
be requisite, but with particular injunctions that he should 
have no intercourse with any of the French nobility or 
princes of the blood. The conclusion of the letter conveys a 
singular request: conscious of his guilt, Louis distrusted all 
his species, and he desires that Lorenzo would furnish him 
with a large dog, of a particular breed, which he was known 
to possess, for the purpose of attending on his person and 
guarding his bed-chamber. 21 Notwithstanding the apparent 
seriousness with which Louis proposes to connect his family 
by marriage with that of the king of Naples, it is probable 
that such proposal was only intended to delay or prevent the 
marriage of the princess with the duke of Savoy. Whether 
Ferdinand considered it in this light, or whether he had other 
reasons to suspect the king of France of sinister or ambitious 
views, he returned a speedy answer, in which, after the 
warmest professions of personal esteem for Lorenzo, and after 
expressing his thorough sense of the honour he should derive 
from an alliance with a monarch who might justly be esteemed 
the greatest prince on earth, he rejects the proposition on 
account of the conditions that accompanied it; declaring 
that no private considerations should induce him to interrupt 
the friendship subsisting between him and his ally, the duke 
of Burgundy, or his relation, the king of Spain; and that he 
would rather lose his kingdom, and even his life, than suffer 
such an imputation upon his honour and his character. If in 
his reply he has alleged the true reasons for declining a con¬ 
nexion apparently so advantageous to him, it must be con¬ 
fessed that his sentiments do honour to his memory. The 
magnanimity of Ferdinand affords a striking contrast to the 

G 


82 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


meanness and duplicity of Louis XI. It is scarcely neces¬ 
sary to add that the proposed union never took place. The 
dauphin, afterwards Charles VIII., married the accomplished 
daughter of the duke of Bretagne, and some years afterwards 
expelled the family of his once intended father-in-law from 
their dominions, under the pretence of a will, made in favour 
of Louis XI. by a count of Provence, one of that very family 
of Anjou, against whose claims Louis had himself proposed 
to defend the king of Naples. 

Sixtus IV., at the time he ascended the pontifical chair, 
had several sons, upon whom, in the character of nephews, 
he afterwards bestowed the most important offices and the 
highest dignities of the church. The indecency of Sixtus, in 
thus lavishing upon his spurious offspring the riches of the 
Roman see, could only be equalled by their profuseness in 
dissipating them. Piero Riario, in whose .person were united 
the dignities of cardinal of S. Sisto, patriarch of Constanti¬ 
nople, and archbishop of Florence, expended at a single enter¬ 
tainment in Rome, given by him in honour of the duchess of 
Ferrara, 20,000 ducats, and afterwards made a tour through 
Italy with such a degree of splendour, and so numerous a 
retinue, that the pope himself could not have displayed 
greater magnificence.* His brother Girolamo was dignified 
with the appellation of count; and that it might not be re¬ 
garded as an empty title, 40,000 ducats were expended in 
purchasing from the family of Manfredi the territory of 
Imola, of which he obtained possession,f and to which he 
afterwards added the dominion of Forli. The city of Cas- 
tello became no less an object of the ambition of Sixtus; but 
instead of endeavouring to possess himself of it by compact, 
he made an attempt to wrest it by force from Niccoli Vitelli, 
who then held the sovereignty; for which purpose he dis¬ 
patched against it another of his equivocal relations, Giuliano 
della Rovere, who afterwards became pope, under the name 
of Julius II., and who, in the character of a military cardinal, 
had just before sacked the city of Spoleto, and put the inha¬ 
bitants to the sword. Niccolo Vitelli, having obtained the 
assistance of the duke of Milan and of the Florentines, 

* Muratori, ix. 515. + Jb. 51G. 


THE KING OF DENMARK AT FLORENCE. 83 

made a vigorous defence, and though obliged at length to 
capitulate, obtained respectable terms. His long resistance 
was attributed by the pope, and not without reason, to 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, who, independent of his private regard 
for Niccolo, could not be an indifferent, spectator of an un¬ 
provoked attack upon a place which immediately bordered on 
the territories of Florence, and greatly contributed towards 
their security.* These depredations, which were supposed 
to be countenanced by the king of Naples, roused the atten¬ 
tion of the other states of Italy, and towards the close of the 
year 1474, a league was concluded at Milan, between the 
duke, the Venetians, and the Florentines, for their mutual 
defence, to which neither the pope nor the king were parties; 
liberty was, however, reserved for those potentates to join in 
the league, if they thought proper: but this they afterwards 
refused, probably considering this article of the treaty as in¬ 
serted rather for the purpose of deprecating their resentment, 
than with the expectation of their acceding to the compact.f 
In this year, under the magistracy of Donato Acciajuoli, a 
singular visitor arrived at Florence. This was Christian, or 
Christiern, king of Denmark and Sweden, who was journey¬ 
ing to Rome, for the purpose, as was alleged, of discharging 
a vow. He is described by the Florentine historians as of a 
grave aspect, with a long and white beard; and although he 
was considered as a barbarian, they admit that the qualities 
of his mind did not derogate from the respectability of his 
external appearance. Having surveyed the city, and paid a 
ceremonial visit to the magistrates, who received their royal 
visitor with great splendour, he requested to be favoured 
with a sight of the celebrated copy of the Greek evangelists, 
which had been obtained some years before from Constanti¬ 
nople, and of the pandects of Justinian, brought from x\malfi 
to Pisa, and thence to Florence. His laudable curiosity was 
accordingly gratified, and he expressed his satisfaction by 
declaring, through the medium of his interpreter, that these 
were the real treasures of princes, alluding, as was supposed, to 
the conduct of the duke of Milan, who had attempted to dazzle 
him with the display of that treasure of which he had plun- 


* Ammir. iii. 113. 


+ Id. Ib. Muratori, ix. 518. 


84 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


dered his subjects, to gratify his vanity and his licentiousness; 
on which occasion Christian had coldly observed, that the 
accumulation of riches was an object below the attention of a 
great and magnanimous sovereign. Ammirato attempts to 
show that this remark is rather specious than just; but the 
authority of the Roman poet is in favour of the Goth.* “ It 
was a spectacle worthy of admiration,” says the same historian, 
“ to see a king, peaceable and unarmed, pass through Italy, 
whose predecessors had not only overthrown the armies of that 
country, and harassed the kingdoms of France and of Spain, 
but had even broken and overturned the immense fabric of 
the Roman empire itself. 

If we do not implicitly join in the applauses bestowed by 
Landino on the professors and the tenets of the Platonic, or 
new philosophy,we must not, on the contrary, conceive that 
the study of these doctrines was a mere matter of speculation 
and curiosity. From many circumstances, there is great 
reason to conclude that they were applied to practical use, 
and had a considerable influence on the manners and the 
morals of the age. The object towards which mankind have 
always directed their aim, and in the acquisition of which 
every system, both of religion and philosophy, proposes to 
assist their endeavours, is the summum bonum , the greatest 
possible degree of attainable happiness; but in what this 
chief good consists has not been universally agreed upon, and 
this variety of opinion constitutes the essential difference 
between the ancient sects of philosophy. Of all these sects 
there was none whose tenets were so elevated and sublime, so 
calculated to withdraw the mind from the gratifications of 
sense, and the inferior objects of human pursuit, as that of 
the Platonists; which by demonstrating the imperfection of 
every sensual enjoyment, and every temporal blessing, rose 
at length to the contemplation of the supreme cause, and 
placed the ultimate good in a perfect abstraction from the 
world, and an implicit love of God. How far these doctrines 
may be consistent with our nature and destination, and whe¬ 
ther such sentiments may not rather lead to a dereliction than 

* Hor. Od. ii. 2. 

t Land, in proem, ad lib. i. (le Vera Nobilitate, ad magnum vereque nobilem 
Laurentium Medicem, Petri. F. up Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. ii. p. 38. 


PROGRESS OF THE PLATONIC ACADEMY. 85 

a completion of our duty, may perhaps be doubted; but they 
are well calculated to attract a great and aspiring mind. 
Mankind, however, often arrive at the same conclusion by 
different means; 82 and we have in our days seen a sect rise 
up, whose professors, employing a mode of deduction pre¬ 
cisely opposite to the Platonists of the fifteenth century, 
strongly resemble them in their sentiments and manners. 
Those important conclusions which the one derived from the 
highest cultivation of intellect, the other has found in an 
extreme of humiliation, and a constant degradation and con¬ 
tempt of all human endowments. Like navigators who steer 
a course directly opposite, they meet at last at the same point 
of the globe; and the sublime reveries of the Platonists, as 
they appear in the works of some of their followers, and the 
doctrines of the modern Methodists, are at times scarcely 
distinguishable in their respective writings. 

In this system Lorenzo had been educated from his earliest 
years. Of his proficiency in it he has left a very favourable 
specimen, in a poem of no inconsiderable extent. The occa¬ 
sion that gave rise to this poem appears from a letter of 
Ficino, who undertook to give an abstract of the doctrines of 
Plato in prose, whilst Lorenzo agreed to attempt the same 
subject in verse. 23 Lorenzo completed his task with that 
facility for which he was remarkable in all his compositions, 
and sent it to the philosopher, who performed the part he had 
undertaken by giving a dry and insipid epitome of the poem 
of Lorenzo. 24 What seems yet more extraordinary is, that 
Ficino, in a letter to Bernardo liucellai, (who had married 
one of the sisters of Lorenzo,) transmits to him a prosaic 
paraphrase of the beautiful address to the deity at the conclu¬ 
sion of the poem, affirming that he daily made use of it in his 
devotions, and recommending it to Bernardo for the like pur¬ 
pose. At the same time, instead of attributing the composi¬ 
tion to its real author, he adverts to it in a manner that Ber¬ 
nardo might weir be excused from understanding. 25 It is 
needless to add, that this subject appears to much greater 
advantage in the native dress of the poet, than in the prosaic 
garb of the philosopher. 26 The introduction is very pleasing. 
The author represents himself as leaving the city, to enjoy 
for a lew days the pleasures of a country life. 


86 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


Da piu dolce pensier tirato e scorto, 

Fuggito avea 1* aspra civil tempesta, 

Per ridur 1’ alma in piu tranquillo porto.- 
Cosi tradu:.to il cor da quella, a questa 
Libera vita, placida, e sicura, 

Che e quel po del ben ch’ al mondo resta: 

E per levar da mie fragil natura 

Mille pensier, che fan la mente lassa, 

Lassia il bel cerchio delle patrie mura. 

E pervenuto in parte ombrosa, e bassa, 

Amena valle che quel monte adombra, 

Che ’1 vecchio nome per eta non lassa, 

La ove un verde laur’ facea ombra, 

Alla radice quasi del bel monte, 

M’ assisi; e ’1 cord d’ ogni pensier si sgombra 



Led on by pensive thought, I left ere while 
Those civil storms the restless city knows. 

Pleased for a time to smooth my brow of toil, 

And taste the little bliss that life bestows. 

Thus with free steps my willing course I sped 
Far from the circle of my native walls; 

And sought the vale with thickest foliage spread, 

On whose calm breast the mountain shadow falls. 

Charmed with the lovely spot, I sat me down 
Where first the hill its easy slope inclined, 

And every care that haunts the busy town, 

Fled, as by magic, from my tranquil mind. 

Whilst the poet is admiring the surrounding scenery, he is 
interrupted by a shepherd, who brings his flock to drink at 
an adjacent spring; and who, after expressing his surprise at 
meeting such a stranger, inquires from Lorenzo the reason of 
his visit. 

Dimmi per qual cagion sei qui venuto ? 

Perche i theatri, e i gran palazzi, e i templi 
Lassi, e 1’ aspro sentier ti e piu piaciuto ? 

Deh! dimmi in questi boschi hor che contempli ? 

Le pompe, le richezze, e le delitie, 

Forse vuoi prezzar piu pe’ nostri exempli ? 



Lorenzo’s “ altercazione.” 87 

—Ed io a lui— Io non so qual divitie, 

O qual honor sien piu suavi, e dulci, 

Che questi, fuor delle civil malitie. 

Tra voi lieti pastori, tra voi bubulci, 

Odio non regna alcuno, o ria perfidia, 

Ne nasce ambition per questi sulci. 

II ben qui si possiede senza invidia; 

Vostra avaritia ha piccola radice; 

Contenti state nella lieta accidia. 

Qui una per un altra non si dice; 

Ne & la lingua al proprio cor contraria; 

Che quel ch’ oggi el fa meglio, e piu felice. 

N& credo che gli avvengha in si pura aria, 

Che ’1 cuor sospiri, e fuor la bocca rida; 

Che piu saggio e chi ’1 ver piu copre, e varia. 

Thy splendid halls, thy palaces forgot, 

Can paths o’erspread with thorns a charm supply; 

Or dost thou seek, from our severer lot, 

To give to wealth and power a keener joy? 

—Thus I replied—I know no happier life, 

No better riches than you shepherds boast, 

Freed from the hated jars of civil strife, 

Alike to treachery and to envy lost. 

The weed, ambition, ’midst your furrowed field 
Springs not, and avarice little root can find ; 

Content with what the changing seasons yield, 

You rest in cheerful poverty resigned. 

What the heart thinks the tongue may here disclose; 

Nor inward grief with outward smiies is dress’d. 

Not like the world—where wisest he who knows 
To hide the secret closest in his breast. 

Comparing the amusements of the city, with the more 
natural and striking incidents of the country, he has the 
following passage: 

S’ advien ch’ un tauro con un altro giostri. 

Credo non manco al cuor porgha diletto, 

Che feri ludi de’ theatri nosiri. 

E tu giudicatore, al piu perfetto 
Doni verde corona, ed in vergogna 
Si resta 1’ altro, misero, ed in dispetto. 



88 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


If chance two bulls in conflict fierce engage, 

And, stung by love, maintain the doubtful fight; 

Say, can the revels of the crowded stage 
In all its pomp afford a nobler sight? 

Judge of the strife, thou weav’st a chaplet gay, 

And on the conqueror’s front the wreath is hung: 

Abash’d the vanquish’d takes his lonely way, 

And sullen and dejected moves along. 

The shepherd, however, allows not the superior happiness 
of a country life, but in reply represents, in a very forcible 
manner, the many hardships to which it is inevitably liable. 
In the midst of the debate, the philosopher Marsilio approaches, 
to whom they agree to submit the decision of their controversy. 
This affords him an opportunity of explaining the philoso¬ 
phical tenets of Plato; in the course of which, after an in¬ 
quiry into the real value of all subordinate objects and tem¬ 
poral acquisitions, he demonstrates, that permanent happiness 
is not to be sought for either in the exalted station of the one, 
oi' in the humble condition of the other, but that it is finally 
to be found only in the knowledge and the love of the first 
great cause. 

In order to give additional stability to these studies, Lo¬ 
renzo and his friends formed the intention of renewing, with 
extraordinary pomp, the solemn annual feasts to the memory 
of the great philosopher, which had been celebrated from the 
time of his death to that of his disciples Plotinus and Porphy- 
rius, but had then been discontinued for the space of twelve 
hundred years. The day fixed on for this purpose was the 
seventh of November, which was supposed to be the anniver¬ 
sary not only of the birth of Plato, but of his death, which hap¬ 
pened among his friends at a convivial banquet, precisely at 
the close of his eighty-first year.* The person appointed by 
Lorenzo to preside over the ceremony at Florence was Fran¬ 
cesco Bandini, whose rank and learning rendered him ex¬ 
tremely proper for the office. On the same day, another party 
met at Lorenzo’s villa at Careggi, where he presided in person. 
At these meetings, to which the most learned men in Italy 
resorted, it was the custom for one of the party, after dinner, 


Fieini, Ep. i. Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. ii. p. 60. 


THE PLATONIC ACADEMY. 


89 


to select certain passages from the works of Plato, which were 
submitted to the elucidation of the company, each of the 
guests undertaking the illustration or discussion of some im¬ 
portant or doubtful point. By this institution, which was 
continued for several years, the philosophy of Plato was sup¬ 
ported not only in credit but in splendour, and its professors 
were considered as the most respectable and enlightened men 
of the age. Whatever Lorenzo thought proper to patronize 
became the admiration of Florence, and consequently of all 
Italy. He was the glass of fashion , and those who joined in 
his pursuits, or imitated his example, could not fail of sharing 
in that applause which seemed to attend on every action of 
his life. 

Of the particular nature, or the beneficial effects of this 
establishment, little further is now to be collected, nor must 
we expect, either on this or on any other occasion, to meet 
with the transactions of the Florentine academy in the fifteenth 
century. The principal advantages of this institution seem- 
to have been the collecting together men of talents and erudi¬ 
tion, who had courage to dissent from established mod£s%f 
belief, and supplying them with new, rational, and important 
topics of conversation. From these discourses it was not 
difficult to extract the purest lessons of moral conduct, or the 
sublimest sentiments of veneration for the deity; but good 
sense was the only alembic through which the true essence 
could be obtained, and this was not at hand on all occasions. 
The extravagances of some of the disciples contributed to 
sink into discredit the doctrines of their master. Even Ficino 
himself, the great champion of the sect, exhibits a proof, that 
when the imagination is once heated by the pursuit of a 
favourite object, it is difficult to restrain it within proper 
bounds. Habituated from his earliest youth to the study of 
this philosophy, and conversant only with Plato and his fol¬ 
lowers, their doctrines occupied his whole soul, and appeared 
in all his conduct and conversation. Even his epistles breathe 
nothing but Plato, and fatigue us with the endless repetition 
of opinions which Lorenzo has more clearly exhibited in a 
few luminous pages. Ficino was not, however, satisfied with 
following the track of Plato, but has given us some treatises 
of his own, in which he has occasionally taken excursions far 


90 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


beyond the limits which his master prescribed to himself. 27 
We might be inclined to smile at his folly, or to pity his weak¬ 
ness, did not the consideration of the follies and the weak¬ 
nesses of the present times, varied, indeed, from those of past 
ages, but perhaps not diminished, repress the arrogant emotion. 

Of those who more particularly distinguished themselves 
by the protection which they afforded to the new philosophy, 
or by the progress they made in the study of it, Ficino has 
left a numerous catalogue, in a letter to Martinus Uranius, in 
which he allots the chief place to his friends of the family of 
the Medici.* Protected and esteemed by Cosmo, the same 
unalterable attachment existed between the philosopher and 
his patrons for four successive generations. If ever the love 
of science was hereditary, it must have been in this family. 
Of the other eminent men whom Ficino has enumerated, 
Bandini has given us some interesting particulars,f to which 
considerable additions might be made; but the number is too 
great, and the materials are too extensive to be comprised 
within moderate limits. In perusing the catalogue of the 
disciples cf this institution, we perceive that the greatest 
part of them were natives of Florence, a circumstance that 
may give us some idea of the surprising attention which was 
then paid in that city to literary pursuits. Earnest in the 
acquisition of wealth, indefatigable in improving their manu¬ 
factures and extending their commerce, the Florentines seem 
not, however, to have lost sight of the true dignity of man, or 
of the proper objects of his regard. A thorough acquaintance 
as well with the ancient authors as with the literature of his 
own age, was an indispensable qualification in the character of 
a Florentine; but few of them were satisfied with this inferior 
praise. The writers of that country, of whose lives and pro¬ 
ductions some account is given by Negri, amount in number 
to upwards of two thousand, and among these may be found 
many names of the first celebrity. In this respect the city of 
Florence stands unrivalled. A species of praise as honour¬ 
able as it is indisputable. 


Fic. Ep. xi. 30. Ed. 1407. 


+ Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. passim. 


91 


CHAPTER IV. 


Assassination of the Duke of Milan—Ambition of Lodovico Sforza—Con¬ 
spiracy of the Pazzi—Parties engaged in it—Family of the JPazzi— 
Origin of the attempt—Arrangements for its execution—Giuliano assassi¬ 
nated and Lorenzo wounded—The conspirators attack the palace—Re¬ 
pulsed by the Gonfaloniere—Punishment of the conspirators—Conduct of 
Lorenzo—Memorials of the conspiracy—Lorenzo prepares for his defence 
against the pope and the king of Naples—Latin ode of Politiano—Kind ¬ 
ness of Lorenzo to the relatives of the conspirators—Violence of Sixtus IV. 
—He excommunicates Lorenzo and the magistrates—Singular reply of 
the Florentine synod—Sixtus attempts to prevail on the Florentines to 
deliver up Lorenzo—Danger of his situation—Conduct of the war— 
Lorenzo negotiates for peace—Death of Donato Acciajuoli—Various suc¬ 
cess of the war—Lorenzo resolves to visit the king of Naples—His letter 
to the magistrates of Florence—He embarks at Pisa—Concludes a treaty 
with the king—Sixtus perseveres in the war—The Turks make a descent 
upon Italy—Peace concluded with the pope. 

Whilst Lorenzo was dividing his time between the cares of 
government and the promotion of literature, an event took 
place that attracted the attention of all Italy towards Milan. 
This was the death of the duke Galeazzo Maria, who was 
assassinated in a solemn procession, and in his ducal robes, as 
he was entering the church of S. Stefano. This daring act, 
which seems to have originated partly in personal resentment, 
and partly in an aversion to the tyranny of the duke, was 
not attended with the consequences expected by the perpe¬ 
trators ; two of whom were killed on the spot; and the third, 
Girolamo Olgiato, a youth of twenty-three years of age, after 
having been refused shelter in his father’s house, died upon 
the scaffold. On his execution, he showed the spirit of an 
ancient Roman . 1 The conspirators undoubtedly expected to 
meet with the countenance and protection of the populace, to 

%•* 


92 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


whom they knew that the duke had rendered himself odious 
by every species of cruelty and oppression. The delight 
which he seemed to take in shedding the blood of his subjects 
had rendered him an object of horror—his insatiable de¬ 
bauchery, of disgust; 2 —he was even suspected of having de¬ 
stroyed his mother, who, as he thought, interfered too much 
in the government of Milan, and who suddenly died as she 
was making her retreat from thence to Cremona. But no 
commotion whatever took place in the city, and Giovan 
Galeazzo, a child of eight years of age, peaceably succeeded 
his father in the dukedom.* The imbecility of his youth 
tempted the daring spirit of his uncle, Lodovico, to form a 
systematic plan for obtaining the government of Milan, in 
the execution of which he drew ruin upon himself, and en¬ 
tailed a long succession of misery upon his unfortunate 
country. 

The connexion that had long subsisted between the houses 
of Sforza and of Medici, rendered it impossible for Lorenzo 
to be an indifferent spectator of this event. At his instance, 
Tomaso Soderini was dispatched to Milan, to assist by his 
advice the young prince and his mother, who had taken upon 
herself the regency during the minority of her son. The 
ambitious designs of Lodovico soon became apparent. Having 
persuaded his three brothers, Sforza duke of Bari, Ottaviano, 
and Ascanio, to second his views, he began to oppose the 
authority of the duchess, and attempted to divest her of the 
assistance of her faithful and experienced counsellor, Cecco 
Simonata, a native of Calabria, whose integrity and activity 
had recommended him to the patronage of the celebrated 
Francesco Sforza. 3 Simoneta, aware of his design, endeavoured 
to frustrate it, by imprisoning and punishing some of his 
accomplices of inferior rank. The four brothers immedi¬ 
ately resorted to arms, and of this circumstance Simoneta 
availed himself to obtain a decree, that either banished 
them from Milan, or prohibited their return. Ottaviano, 
one of the brothers, soon afterwards perished in attempting 
to cross the river Adda. These rigorous measures, instead 
of depressing the genius of Lodovico, gave a keener edge to 


* Mur&ton. ix. 522. 


CONSPIRACY OF THE PAZZI. 


93 


his talents, and superadded to his other motives the desire of 
revenge. Nor was it long before his resentment was grati¬ 
fied by the destruction of Simoneta, who expiated by his 
death the offence which he had committed against the grow¬ 
ing power of the brothers.* No sooner was the duchess de¬ 
prived of his support, than Lodovico wrested from her feeble 
hands the sceptre of Milan, and took the young duke under 
his immediate protection; where, like a weak plant in the 
shade of a vigorous tree, he languished for a few miserable 
years, and then fell a victim to that increasing strength in 
which he ought to have found his preservation. 

The public agitation excited by the assassination of the 
duke of Milan had scarcely subsided, before an event took 
place at Florence of a much more atrocious nature, inasmuch 
as the objects destined to destruction had not afforded a pre¬ 
text, in any degree plausible, for such an attempt. Accord¬ 
ingly, we have now to enter on a transaction that has seldom 
been mentioned without emotions of the strongest horror and 
detestation; and which, as has justly been observed, is an in¬ 
controvertible proof of the practical atheism of the times in 
which it took placet—a transaction in which a pope, a car¬ 
dinal, an archbishop, and several other ecclesiastics, associated 
themselves with a band of ruffians, to destroy two men who 
were an honour to their age and country; and purposed to 
perpetrate their crime at a season of hospitality, in the sanc¬ 
tuary of a Christian church, and at the very moment of the 
elevation of the host, when the audience bowed down before 
it, and the assassins were presumed to be in the immediate 
presence of their God. 

At the head of this conspiracy were Sixtus IV. and his 
nephew, Girolamo Riario. Raffaello Riario, the nephew of 
this Girolamo, who, although a young man then pursuing his 
studies, had lately been raised to the dignity of cardinal, was 
rather an instrument than an accomplice in the scheme. The 
enmity of Sixtus to Lorenzo had for some time been apparent, 
and if not occasioned by the assistance which Lorenzo had 
afforded to Niccolo Vitelli, and other independent nobles, 

* Muratori, ix. 532. 

+ Voltaire, Essoi sur les Moeurs, ii. 283. (Geneve, 1769.) 


91 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


whose dominions Sixtus had either threatened or attacked, 
was certainly increased by it. The destruction of the Medici 
appeared, therefore, to Sixtus as the removal of an obstacle that 
thwarted all his views, and by the accomplishment of which 
the small surrounding states would soon become an easy prey. 
There is, however, great reason to believe that the pope did 
not confine his ambition to these subordinate governments, 
but that if the conspiracy had succeeded to his wish, he meant 
to have grasped at the dominion of Florence itself. 4 The 
alliance lately formed between the Florentines, the Venetians, 
and the duke of Milan, which was principally effected by 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, and by which the pope found himself 
prevented from disturbing the peace of Italy, was an additional 
and powerful motive of resentment.* One of the first proofs of 
the displeasure of the pope, was his depriving Lorenzo of the 
office of treasurer of the papal see, which he gave to the Pazzi, 
a Florentine family, who, as well as the Medici, had a public 
bank at Pome, and who afterwards became the coadjutors of 
Sixtus in the execution of his treacherous purpose. 

This family was one of the noblest and most respectable in 
Florence; numerous in its members, and possessed of great 
wealth and influence. Of three brothers, two of whom had 
filled the office of gonfaloniere, only one was then living. If 
we may credit the account of Politiano, 5 Giacopo de’ Pazzi, 
the surviving brother, who was regarded as the chief of the 
family, and far advanced in years, was an unprincipled liber¬ 
tine, who having by gambling and intemperance disssipated 
his paternal property, sought an opportunity of averting, or 
of concealing his own ruin in that of the republic. Giacopo 
had no children; but his elder brother, Piero, had left seven 
sons, and his younger brother, Antonio, three; one of whom, 
Guglielmo de’ Pazzi, had, in the lifetime of Cosmo de’ Medici, 
married Bianca, the sister of Lorenzo, Francesco, the brother 
of Guglielmo, had for several years resided principally at 
Pome. Of a bold and aspiring temper, he could not brook 
the superiority of the Medici, which was supposed to have 
induced him to choose that place as his residence in prefer¬ 
ence to Florence. 


* Muratori, Lx. 528. 


CONSPIRACY OF THE PAZZI. 


95 


Several of the Florentine authors have endeavoured to 
trace the reason of the enmity of this family to that of the 
Medici, but nothing seems discoverable, which could plausibly 
operate as a motive, much less as a justification of their re¬ 
sentment. On the contrary, the aflinity between the two 
families, and the favours conferred by the Medici on the 
Pazzi, memorials of which yet remain in the handwriting of 
Giacopo, might be presumed to have prevented animosity, if 
not to have conciliated esteem; and that they lived on terms 
of apparent friendship and intimacy, is evident from many 
circumstances of the conspiracy. Machiavelli relates a par¬ 
ticular injury received by one of the Pazzi, which, as he in¬ 
forms us, that family attributed to the Medici. Giovanni de* 
Pazzi had married the daughter of Giovanni Borromeo, 
whose immense property, upon his death, should have de¬ 
scended to his daughter. But pretensions to it being made 
by Carlo, his nephew, a litigation ensued, in the event of 
which the daughter was deprived of her inheritance.* There 
is, however, reason to believe that this decree, whether justifi¬ 
able or not, and of which we have no documents to enable us 
to form a judgment, was made many years before the death 
of Piero de’ Medici, when his sons were too young to have 
taken a very active part in it; and it is certain that it pro¬ 
duced no ostensible enmity between the families. It is also 
deserving of notice, that this transaction happened at a time 
when Lorenzo was absent from Florence, on one of his youth¬ 
ful excursions through Italy. 6 

This conspiracy, of which Sixtus and his nephew were the 
real instigators, was first agitated at Rome, where the inter¬ 
course between the count Girolamo Riario and Francesco de’ 
Pazzi, in consequence of the office held by the latter, afforded 
them an opportunity of communicating to each other their 
common jealousy of the power of the Medici, and their desire 
of depriving them of their influence in Florence; in which 
event it is highly probable, that the Pazzi were to have exer¬ 
cised the chief authority in the city, under the patronage, if 
not under the avowed dominion, of the papal see. The 
principal agent engaged in the undertaking was Francesco 


* Macliiav. viii. 


96 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, to which rank he had lately been 
promoted by Sixtus, in opposition to the wishes of the Medici, 
who had for some time endeavoured to prevent him from ex¬ 
ercising his episcopal functions. If it be allowed that the 
unfavourable character given of him by Politiano is exagger¬ 
ated, it.is generally agreed that his qualities Were the reverse 
of those which ought to have been the recommendations to 
such high preferment. The other conspirators were, Giacopo 
Salviati, brother of the archbishop, Giacopo Poggio, one of 
the sons of the celebrated Poggio Bracciolini, and who, like 
all the other sons of that eminent scholar, had obtained no 
small share of literary reputation;? Bernardo Bandini, a daring 
libertine, rendered desperate by the consequences of his ex¬ 
cesses; Giovan Battista Montesicco, who had distinguished 
himself by his military talents as one of the Condottieri of the 
armies of the pope; Antonio Maffei, a priest of Volterra, and 
Stefano de Bagnone, one of the apostolic scribes, with several 
others of inferior note. 

In the arrangement of their plan, which appears to have 
been concerted with great precaution and secrecy, the con¬ 
spirators soon discovered, that the dangers which they had to 
encounter were not so likely to arise from the difficulty of 
the attempt, as from the subsequent resentment of the Flo¬ 
rentines, a great majority of whom were strongly attached to 
the Medici. Hence it became necessary to provide a military 
force, the assistance of which might be equally requisite 
whether the enterprise proved abortive or successful. By 
the influence of the pope, the king of Naples, who was then 
in alliance with him, and on one of whose sons he had re¬ 
cently bestowed a cardinal’s hat, was also induced to counte¬ 
nance the attempt. 

These preliminaries being adjusted, Girolamo wrote to his 
nephew, the cardinal Riario, then at Pisa, ordering him to 
obey whatever directions he might receive from the arch¬ 
bishop. A body of two thousand men were destined to ap¬ 
proach by different routes towards Florence, so as to be in 
readiness at the time appointed for striking the blow. 

Shortly afterwards, the archbishop requested the presence 
of the cardinal at Florence, whither he immediately repaired, 
and took up his residence at a seat of the Pazzi, about a mile 


CONSPIRACY OF THE PAZZI. 


97 


from the city. It seems to have been the intention of the 
conspirators to have effected their purpose at Fiesole, where 
Lorenzo then had his country residence, to which they sup¬ 
posed that he would invite the cardinal and his attendants. 
Nor were they deceived in this conjecture, for Lorenzo pre¬ 
pared a magnificent entertainment on this occasion: but the 
absence of Giuliano, on account of indisposition, obliged the 
conspirators to postpone the attempt.* Being thus disap¬ 
pointed in their hopes, another plan was now to be adopted; 
and on further deliberation it was resolved, that the assassina¬ 
tion should take place on the succeeding Sunday, in the 
church of the Reparata, since called Santa Maria del Fiore , 
and that the signal for execution should be the elevation of 
the host. At the same moment, the archbishop and others of 
the conspirators were to seize upon the palace, or residence 
of the magistrates, whilst the office of Giacopo de’ Pazzi was 
to endeavour, by the cry of “ Liberty!” to incite the citizens 
to revolt. 

The immediate assassination of Giuliano was committed to 
Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, and that of Lo¬ 
renzo had been intrusted to the sole hand of Montesicco. 
This office he had willingly undertaken whilst he understood 
that it was to be executed in a private dwelling, but he shrunk 
from the idea of polluting the house of God with so heinous 
a crime. 8 Two ecclesiastics were therefore selected for the 
commission of a deed, from which the soldier was deterred 
by conscientious motives. These were Stefano da Bagnone, 
the apostolic scribe, and Antonio Maffei. 

The young cardinal having expressed a desire to attend 
divine service in the church of the Reparata, on the ensuing 
Sunday, being the twenty-sixth day of April, 1478, Lorenzo 
invited him and his suite to his house in Florence. He ac¬ 
cordingly came with a large retinue, supporting the united 
characters of cardinal and apostolic legate, and was received 
by Lorenzo with that splendour and hospitality with which 
he was always accustomed to entertain men of high rank and 
consequence. Giuliano did not appear, a circumstance that 
alarmed the conspirators, whose arrangements would not 


* Valori, p. 23. 


98 


LIFE OF LOKENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


admit of longer delay. They soon, however, learned that he 
intended to be present at the church.—The service was 
already begun, and the cardinal had taken his seat, when 
Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bandini, observing that Giuliano 
was not yet arrived, left the church and went to his house, in 
order to insure and hasten his attendance. Giuliano accom¬ 
panied them, and as he walked between them, they threw 
their arms round him with the familiarity of intimate friends, 
but in fact to discover whether he had any armour under his 
dress ; 9 possibly conjecturing, from his long delay, that he had 
suspected their purpose. At the same time, by their freedom 
and jocularity, they endeavoured to obviate any apprehensions 
which he might entertain from such a proceeding . 10 The 
conspirators having taken their stations near their intended 
victims, waited with impatience for the appointed signal . 11 
The bell rang—the priest raised the consecrated wafer—the 
people bowed before it—and at the same instant Bandini 
plunged a short dagger into the breast of Giuliano.—On re¬ 
ceiving the wound, he took a few hasty steps and fell, when 
Francesco de’ Pazzi rushed upon him with incredible fury, 
and stabbed him in different parts of his body, continuing to 
repeat his strokes even after he was apparently dead. Such 
was the violence of his rage that he wounded himself deeply 
in the thigh. The priests who had undertaken the murder 
of Lorenzo were not equally successful. An ill-directed 
blow from Maffei, which was aimed at the throat, but took 
place behind the neck, rather roused him to his defence than 
disabled him . 12 He immediately threw off his cloak, and 
holding it up as a shield in his left hand, with his right he 
drew his sword, and repelled his assailants. Perceiving that 
their purpose was defeated, the two ecclesiastics, after having 
wounded one of Lorenzo’s attendants who had interposed to 
defend him, endeavoured to save themselves by flight. At 
the same moment, Bandini, his dagger streaming with the 
blood of Giuliano, rushed towards Lorenzo; but meeting in 
his way with Francesco Nori, a person in the service of the 
Medici, in whom they placed great confidence, he stabbed 
him with a wound instantaneously mortal . 13 At the approach 
of Bandini, the friends of Lorenzo encircled him, and hurried 
him into the sacristy, where Politiano and others closed the 


MURDER OP GIULIANO. 


99 


doors, which were of brass. Apprehensions being enter¬ 
tained that the weapon which had wounded him was poisoned, 
a young man attached to Lorenzo sucked the wound. 1 * A 
general alarm and consternation commenced in the church; 
and such was the tumult that ensued, that it was at first be¬ 
lieved that the building was falling in ; 15 but no sooner was it 
understood that Lorenzo was in danger, than several of the 
youth of Florence formed themselves into a body, and re¬ 
ceiving him into the midst of them, conducted him to his 
house, making a circuitous turn from the church, lest he 
should meet with the dead body of his brother. 

Whilst these transactions passed in the church, another 
commotion arose in the palace; where the archbishop, who 
had left the church, as agreed upon before the attack on the 
Medici, and about thirty of his associates, attempted to over¬ 
power the magistrates, and to possess themselves of the seat 
of government . 16 Leaving some of his followers stationed 
in different apartments, the archbishop proceeded to an in¬ 
terior chamber, where Cesare Petrucci, then gonfaloniere, 
and the other magistrates, were assembled. No sooner was 
the gonfaloniere informed of his approach, than, out of respect 
to his rank, he rose to meet him. Whether the archbishop 
was disconcerted by the presence of Petrucci, who was known 
to be of a resolute character, of which he had given a striking 
instance, in frustrating the attack of Bernardo Nardi upon 
the town of Prato, or whether his courage was not equal to 
the undertaking, is uncertain; but instead of intimidating the 
magistrates by a sudden attack, he began to inform Petrucci 
that the pope had bestowed an employment on his son, of 
which he had to deliver to him the credentials . 17 This he did 
with such hesitation, and in so desultory a manner, that it 
was scarcely possible to collect his meaning. Petrucci also 
observed that he frequently changed colour, and at times 
turned towards the door, as if giving a signal to some one to 
approach.—Alarmed at his manner, and probably aware of 
his character, Petrucci suddenly rushed out of the chamber, 
and called together the guards and attendants. By attempt¬ 
ing to retreat, the archbishop confessed his guilt . 18 In pur¬ 
suing him, Pctruccio met with Giacopo Poggio, whom he 
caught by the hair, and throwing him on the ground, de- 

h 2 


100 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


livered him into the custody of his followers. The rest of 
the magistrates and their attendants seized upon such arms 
as the place supplied, and the implements of the kitchen 
became formidable weapons in their hands. Having secured 
the doors of the palace* they furiously attacked their scat¬ 
tered and intimidated enemies, who no longer attempted re¬ 
sistance. During this commotion, they were alarmed by 
a tumult from without, and perceived from the windows 
Giacopo de’ Pazzi, followed by about one hundred soldiers, 
crying out “Liberty!” and exhorting the people to revolt. 
At the same time they found that the insurgents had forced 
the gates of the palace, and that some of them were entering 
to defend their companions. The magistrates, however, per¬ 
severed in their defence, and repulsing their enemies, secured 
the gates till a reinforcement of their friends came to their 
assistance. Petrucci was now first informed of the assassina¬ 
tion of Giuliano, and the attack made upon Lorenzo. The 
relation of this treachery excited his highest indignation. 
With the concurrence of the state counsellors, he ordered 
Giacopo Poggio to be hung in sight of the populace, out of 
the palace windows; and secured the archbishop, with his 
brother, and the other chiefs of the conspiracy. Their fol¬ 
lowers were either slaughtered in the palace, or thrown half 
alive through the windows. One only of the whole number 
escaped. He was found some days afterwards concealed in 
the wainscots, perishing with hunger, and in consideration 
of his sufferings received his pardon.* 

The young cardinal Riario, who had taken refuge at the 
altar, was preserved from the rage of the populace by the 
interference of Lorenzo, who appeared to give credit to his 
asseverations, that he was ignorant of the intentions of the 
conspirators.f It is said that his fears had so violent an 
effect upon him that he never afterwards recovered his 
natural complexion . 19 His attendants fell a sacrifice to the 
resentment of the citizens. The streets were polluted with 
the dead bodies and mangled limbs of the slaughtered. With 
the head of one of these unfortunate wretches on a lance, the 
populace paraded the city, which resounded with the cry of 


* Ammirato, iii. 118. 


+ Valori, p. 26. 


PUNISHMENT OP THE CONSPIRATORS. 


101 


“ Palle ! Palle ! 20 Perish the traitors !” 21 Francesco de’ Pazzi 
being found at the house of his uncle Giacopo, where on 
account of his wound he was confined to his bed, was dragged 
out naked and exhausted by loss of blood, and being brought 
to the palace, suffered the same death as his associate. His 
punishment was immediately followed by that of the arch¬ 
bishop, who was hung through the windows of the palace, 
and was not allowed even to divest himself of his prelatical 
robes. The last moments of Salviati, if we may credit Poli- 
tiano, were marked by a singular instance of ferocity. Being 
suspended close to Francesco de Pazzi, he seized the naked 
body with his teeth, and relaxed not from his hold even in the 
agonies of death . 22 Giacopo de’ Pazzi had escaped from the 
city during the tumult, but the day following he was made a 
prisoner by the neighbouring peasants, who, regardless of his 
intreaties to put him to death, brought him to Florence, and 
delivered him up to the magistrates . 83 As his guilt was 
manifest, his execution was instantaneous, and afforded from 
the windows of the palace another spectacle that gratified the 
resentment of the enraged multitude. His nephew Renato, 
who suffered at the same time, excited in some degree the 
commiseration of the spectators. Devoted to his studies, and 
averse to popular commotions, he had refused to be an actor 
in the conspiracy, and his silence was his only crime. The 
body of Giacopo had been interred in the church of Santa 
Croce, and to this circumstance the superstition of the people 
attributed an unusual and incessant fall of rain that succeeded 
these disturbances. Partaking jn their prejudices, or de¬ 
sirous of gratifying their revenge, the magistrates ordered his 
body to be removed without the walls of the city. The fol¬ 
lowing morning it was again torn from the grave by a great 
multitude of children, who, in spite of the restrictions of 
decency, and the interference of some of the inhabitants, after 
dragging it a long time through the streets, and treating it 
with every degree of wanton opprobrium, threw it into the 
river Arno . 84 Such was the fate of a man who had enjoyed 
the highest honours of the republic, and for his services to 
the state had been rewarded with the privileges of the eques¬ 
trian rank . 85 The rest of this devoted family were condemned 
either to imprisonment or to exile , 85 excepting only Guglielmo 


102 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


de’ Pazzi, who, though not unsuspected, was first sheltered 
from the popular fury in the house of Lorenzo, and was 
afterwards ordered to remain at his own villa, about twenty- 
five miles distant from Florence. 

Although most diligent search was made for the priests 
who had undertaken the murder of Lorenzo, it was not till 
the third day after the attempt that they were discovered, 
having obtained a shelter in the monastery of the Benedictine 
monks. No sooner were they brought from the place of their 
concealment, than the populace, after cruelly mutilating them, 
put them to death; and with difficulty were prevented from 
slaughtering the monks themselves.* Montesicco, who had 
adhered to the cause of the conspirators, although he had 
refused to be the active instrument of their project, was taken 
a few days afterwards, as he was endeavouring to save himself 
by flight, and beheaded, having first made a full confession of 
all the circumstances attending the conspiracy, by which it 
appeared that the pope was privy to the whole transaction . 27 
The punishment of Bernardo Bandini was longer delayed. 
He had safely passed • the bounds of Italy, and had taken 
refuge at length in Constantinople; but the sultan Mahomet 
being apprized of his crime, ordered him to be seized and 
sent in chains to Florence, at the same time alleging as the 
motive of his conduct, the respect which he had for the cha¬ 
racter of Lorenzo de’ Medici. He arrived in the month of 
December in the ensuing year, and met with the due reward 
of his treachery. An embassy was sent from Florence to 
return thanks to the sultan, in the name of the republic . 28 

Throughout the whole of this just but dreadful retribution, 
Lorenzo had exerted all his influence to restrain the indigna¬ 
tion of the populace, and to prevent the further effusion of 
blood. Soon after the attempt upon his life, an immense 
multitude surrounded his house, and not being convinced of 
his safety, demanded to see him . 29 He seized the opportunity 
which their affection afforded, and, notwithstanding his wound, 
endeavoured by a pathetic and forcible address to moderate 
the violence of their resentment. He entreated that they 
would resign to the magistrates the task of ascertaining and 


Polit. Conj. Pact. Comment. 


GENERAL SORROW FOR GIULIANO. 


103 


of punishing the guilty, lest the innocent should be incau¬ 
tiously involved in destruction.* His appearance and his 
admonitions had a powerful and instantaneous effect. With 
one voice the people devoted themselves to the support of his 
cause, and besought him to take all possible precautions for 
his safety, as upon that depended the hopes and welfare of 
the republic. However Lorenzo might be gratified with these 
proofs of the affection of his fellow-citizens, he could not but 
lament that inconsiderate zeal which was so likely to impel 
them to a culpable excess. Turning to some of the Florentine 
nobility by whom he was attended, he declared that he felt 
more anxiety from the intemperate acclamations of his friends, 
than he had experienced even from his own disasters.f 
The general sorrow for the loss of Giuliano was strongly 
marked. On the fourth day after his death his obsequies 
were performed, with great magnificence, in the church of 
S. Lorenzo. It appeared that he had received, from the 
daggers of Bandini and Francesco de’ Pazzi, no less than 
nineteen wounds.:}: Many of the Florentine youth changed 
their dress in testimony of respect to his memory. In the 
predilection of the Florentines for Giuliano, historians are 
agreed. Even Machiavelli allows, that he possessed all the 
humanity and liberality that could be wished for in one born 
to such an elevated station, and that his funeral was honoured 
by the tears of his fellow-citizens. § Tall of stature—strong 
in his person—his breast prominent—his limbs full and 
muscular—dark eyes—a lively look—an olive complexion— 
loose black hair turned back from his forehead:—such is the 
portrait given of Giuliano by his intimate associate, Politiano, 
who, to these particulars, has further added, that he excelled 
in active exercises, in horsemanship, in wrestling, in throwing 
the spear: that he was habituated to thirst and to hunger, 
and frequently passed a day in voluntary abstinence; pos¬ 
sessed of great courage, of unshaken fortitude, a friend to 
religion and order, an admirer of painting, music, and other 
elegant arts.|| From the same author we also learn, that 
Giuliano had given proofs of his poetical talents in several 

* Amm, iii. 118. + Valori, p. 27. { Polit. Conj. Pact. Com. 

§ Machiav. viii. || Polit. Conj. Pact. Com. 


104 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


pieces remarkable for their strength of diction, and plenitude 
of thought, but of these no specimens now remain . 30 

Shortly after this transaction, Lorenzo received a visit from 
Antonio da San Gallo, who informed him that the untimely 
death of Giuliano had prevented his disclosing to Lorenzo a 
circumstance, with which it was now become necessary that 
he should be acquainted . 31 This was the birth of a son, 
whom a lady of the family of Gorini had borne to Giuliano 
about twelve months before his death, and whom Antonio 
had held over the baptismal fount, where he received the 
name of Giulio. Lorenzo immediately repaired to the place 
of the infant’s residence, and taking him under his protection, 
delivered him to Antonio, with whom he remained until he 
arrived at the seventh year of his age. This concealed off¬ 
spring of illicit love, to whom the kindness of Lorenzo sup¬ 
plied the untimely loss of a father, was destined to act an 
important part in the affairs of Europe. The final extinction 
of the liberties of Florence; the alliance of the family of 
Medici with the royal house of France; the expulsion of 
Henry VIII. of England from the bosom of the Roman 
church; and the consequent establishment of the doctrines of 
the reformers in this island, are principally to be referred to 
this illegitimate son of Giuliano de’ Medici, who, through 
various vicissitudes of fortune, at length obtained the supreme 
direction of the Roman see, and under the name of Clement VII. 
guided the bark of St. Peter through a succession of the 
severest storms which it has ever experienced . 82 

The public grief occasioned by the death of Giuliano was, 
however, mingled with, and alleviated by exultation for the 
safety of Lorenzo. Every possible method was devised to 
brand with infamy the perpetrators of the deed. By a 
public decree, the name and arms of the Pazzi were ordered 
to be for ever suppressed. The appellations of such places 
in the city as were derived from that family were directed to 
be changed. All persons contracting marriage with the de¬ 
scendants of Andrea de’ Pazzi were declared to be ammoniti , 
and prohibited from all offices and dignities in the republic . 33 
The ancient ceremony of conducting annually the sacred fire 
from the church of S. Giovanni to the house of the Pazzi 


MEMORIALS OF THE CONSPIRACY. 


105 


was abolished, and a new method was adopted of continuing 
this popular superstition. Andrea dal Castagno was employed, 
at the public expense, to represent the persons of the traitors 
on the walls of the palace, in the execution of which he ob¬ 
tained great applause, although the figures, as a mark of 
infamy, were suspended by the feet . 34 On the other hand, 
the skill of the Florentine artists was exerted in soothing the 
feelings, and gratifying the curiosity of the public, by per¬ 
petuating the remembrance of the dangers which Lorenzo 
had escaped. By the assistance of Andrea Verocchio, Orsini, 
a celebrated modeller in wax, formed three figures as large 
as the life, which bore the most perfect resemblance of the 
person and features of Lorenzo, and which were placed in 
different churches of the territory of Florence. One of these 
represented him in the dress which he wore when he received 
the wound, and as he appeared to the populace at the window 
of his palace . 35 A more lasting memorial was devised by 
Antonio Pollajuoli, who struck a medal on this occasion, ex¬ 
hibiting in the ancient choir of the Reparata, the assassination 
of Giuliano, and the attack made upon Lorenzo. In this 
medal, the conspirators are all represented naked, not merely 
for the purpose of displaying the knowledge of the artist in 
the human figure, in which he excelled all his contemporaries, 
but, as some have conjectured, as being characteristic of the 
flagitious act in which they were engaged . 36 

Although the body of troops destined to support the con¬ 
spirators had kept aloof from the scene of action, and with 
difficulty effected their retreat from the Florentine dominions , 37 
yet Lorenzo was well aware of the storm that was gathering 
around him, and with equal prudence and resolution prepared 
to meet it. By the confession of Montesicco he was fully 
informed of the implacable hatred of the pope, who was in¬ 
flamed almost to madness by the miscarriage of his designs, 
and the publicity of his treachery. Lorenzo also knew that 
the king of Naples, who was not less formidable to Italy, 
from the ferocity and military reputation of his son, Alfonso 
duke of Calabria, than from the extent and resources of his 
own dominions, would most probably concur with the pope. 
His comprehensive eye saw at one glance the extent of the 


106 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


danger to which he was exposed, and he accordingly adopted 
every measure that might be likely to oppose or to avert it. 
He addressed himself to all the Italian states, with strong re¬ 
presentations of the conduct of the pope, and entreated them, 
by every motive which was likely to influence them, to show 
their open disapprobation of a species of treachery, from which 
neither rank, nor talents, nor virtue, could afford protection. 
He adverted to the fatal consequences -which must arise to 
Italy from the subjugation of the Florentine republic, and 
connected his cause with that of the country at large. In the 
same terms he wrote to the kings of France and of Spain, 
endeavouring to obtain their interference in his behalf, and 
to convince them of the injustice of his enemies, and of his 
own innocence and moderation . 38 Nor was he negligent in 
the meantime in providing for his own defence. By every 
possible means he incited the citizens of Florence to make 
preparation for repelling their enemies. He procured from 
all quarters large supplies of provisions, with every other re¬ 
quisite for supporting an obstinate siege. The activity of 
Lorenzo infused a similar spirit into those around him, and 
the hopes of the people were supported by the early appear¬ 
ance, in Ivlugello, of Giovanni Bentivoglio, the firm ally of 
the Medici, with a chosen band of soldiers, which he led to the 
relief of Lorenzo as soon as he was apprized of his danger. 
Moved by his representations, or jealous of the power of the 
pope and of the king of Naples, several other states of Italy 
warmly espoused the cause of the Florentines. Ercole d’Este, 
duke of Ferrara, attended in person with a powerful reinforce¬ 
ment. The Venetians, although cautious in their determination, 
displayed a manifest partiality to the Florentines, and even the 
kings of Spain and of France transmitted to Lorenzo the ful¬ 
lest assurances of their conviction of the rectitude of his con¬ 
duct, and of their willingness to interpose with all their autho¬ 
rity in his behalf . 39 So favourable a concurrence of circum¬ 
stances gave fresh spirits to the Florentines, and removed in a 
great degree the apprehensions of the friends of the Medici. 
At this juncture Politiano addressed to Gentile d’Urbino, 
bishop of Arezzo, a Latin ode, which is not less entitled to 
notice for its intrinsic merit, than as an authentic indication 
of the public opinion at the time it was written . 40 


POLITIANO’S ODE. 


307 


Ad Gentilem Episcopum, 

Gentiles animi maxima pars mei, 

Communi nimium sorte quid angerisP 
Quid curis animum lugubribus teris, 

Et me discrucias simul ? 

Passi digna quidem perpetuo sumus 
Luctu, qui mediis (heu miseri) sacris 
Ilium, ilium juvenem, vidimus, O nefas l 
Stratum sacrilega manu! 

At sunt attonito quae dare pectori 
Solamen valeant plurima, nam super 
Est, qui vel gremio creverit in tuo, 
Laurens Etruria) caput. 

Laurens quern patriae caelicolum pater 
Tutum terrifica gorgone praestitit; 

Quern Tuscus pariter, quern Venetus Leo 
Servant, et Draco pervigil. 

Illi bellipotens excubat Hercules ; 

Illi fatiferis militat arcubus ; 

Illi mittit equos Francia martios, 

Felix Francia regibus. 

Circumstat populus murmure dissono 
Circumstant juvenem purpurei patres; 
Causa vincimus, et robore militum ; 

Hac stat Juppiter, hac fa vet. 

Quare, O cum misera quid tibi Nenia, 

Si nil proficimus ? quin potius gravis 
Absterisse bono lsetitiae die 
Audes nubila pectoris. 

Nam cum jam gelidos umbra reliquerit 
Artus, non dolor hanc perpetuus retro, 
Mordacesve trahunt sollicitudines, 

Mentis, curaque pervicax. 

O Friend, whose woes this bosom shares, 

Why ceaseless mourn our mutual cares? 

Ah why thy days to grief resign, 

With tby regrets recalling mine ? 



108 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Eternal o’er the atrocious deed, 

’Tis true our kindred hearts may bleed; 

When He, twin glory of our land, 

Fell by a sacrilegious hand! 

But sure, my friend, there yet remains 
Some solace for these piercing pains, 

Whilst He, once nurtured at thy side, 

Lorenzo lives, Etruria’s pride. 

Lorenzo, o’er whose favour’d head, 

Jove his terrific gorgon spread ; 

Whose steps the lion-pair await. 

Of Florence , and Venetians state. 

For him his crest the dragon rears ; 

For him the Herculean hand appears ; 

Her martial succour Gallia brings ; 

Gallia that glories in her kings ! 

See round the youth the purpled band 
Of venerable fathers stand ; 

Exulting crowds around him throng, 

And hail him as he moves along. 

Strong in our cause and in our friends, 

Our righteous battle Jove defends ; 

Thy useless sorrows then represt, 

Let joy once more dilate thy breast. 

To animate the clay-cold frame, 

No sighs shall fan the vital flame; 

Nor all the tears that love can shed, 

Recall to life the silent dead. 

Notwithstanding the vigour and activity of Lorenzo in 
preparing for the war, he was anxiously desirous of preventing, 
if possible, such a calamity. By his moderation, and even 
kindness to the surviving relatives of the conspirators, he 
sought to obliterate the remembrance of past disturbances, 
and to unite all citizens in one common cause. Upwards of 
one hundred persons had already perished, some by the hands 
of ustice, and others by the fury of the populace . 41 Many 
had absconded or concealed themselves under apprehensions 
of being charged with a participation of the crime. Among 


VIOLENCE OF SIXTUS IV. 


109 


the latter was Averardo Salviati, a near relation of the arch¬ 
bishop of Pisa. Lorenzo being informed that he had secreted 
himself in -his house, requested, by the mediation of a com¬ 
mon friend, an interview with him, and on his arrival received 
him with such tokens of kindness and benevolence as drew 
tears from all who were present.* Salviati was not ungrateful; 
a closer intimacy took place between them, and a few years 
afterwards Lorenzo gave one of his daughters in marriage to 
Giacopo Salviati, the nephew of Averardo, whose character 
and accomplishments merited such an honour. The cardinal 
RaffaelloRiario was liberated as soon as the tumult had subsided, 
and was suffered to return to Rome . 42 To Raffaello Maffei, 
of Volterra, the brother of Antonio, one of the priests who had 
undertaken the assassination of Lorenzo, a man distinguished 
by his uncommon learning and indefatigable spirit of research, 
Lorenzo wrote a Latin letter, full of kindness and urbanity, 
which, on account of the elegance of its diction, Maffei erro¬ 
neously attributed to the pen of Politiano . 43 Even the sur¬ 
vivors of the Pazzi family, although they had at first been 
treated with great severity, were, by the interference of Lo¬ 
renzo, in a short time restored to their former honours. The' 
only public monument that remained of this transaction was the 
painting on the walls of the palace by Andrea dal Castagno, 
which was suffered to remain, long after the family of the Pazzi 
had been reinstated in their ancient rights and dignity. 

The generosity and moderation'of Lorenzo, although they 
endeared him still more to his fellow-citizens, had no effect 
upon the temper of Sixtus, who no sooner heard of the mis¬ 
carriage of his design, the death of the archbishop, and the 
restraint imposed upon the cardinal, than he gave a loose to 
his impetuosity, and poured out against Lorenzo the bitterest 
invectives. In the first paroxysms of his anger, he directed 
that the property of the Medici and of all Florentine citizens 
then in Rome should be confiscated, and the Florentines 
themselves imprisoned; and had he not entertained appre¬ 
hensions respecting the fate of the cardinal, it is probable that 
he would have treated them with still greater severity. To 
appease his wrath, the republic dispatched to Rome, Donato 
Acciajuoli, a person no less celebrated for his talents and 

* Valori, p. 35. 


110 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


his learning, than for the credit with which he had performed 
the most important embassies and filled the highest offices of 
the state. This measure, far from pacifying the pope, seemed 
to add fresh fuel to his anger. Instead of attending to the re¬ 
presentations of the ambassador, he threatened to send him as 
a prisoner to the castle of S. Angelo, and would certainly have 
executed his purpose, had not the legates from Venice and 
from Milan interfered in his favour, and declared that they 
should consider such a breach of the faith of nations as an 
insult to themselves. The resentment of Sixtus then burst 
forth through another channel. He attacked the Florentines 
with his spiritual weapons, and anathematized not only Lo¬ 
renzo de’ Medici, but the gonfaloniere and other magistrates 
of the republic. In the document which Sixtus issued on this 
occasion, Lorenzo is emphatically styled “the child of iniquity 
and the nursling of perdition.” After bestowing similar epi¬ 
thets on the magistrates, Sixtus proceeds to relate the manifold 
offences of Lorenzo against the holy see. Adverting to the 
gentleness and moderation of his own character, he then declares 
that “ according to the example of our Saviour, he had long 
suffered in peace the insults and the injuries of his enemies, 
and that he should still have continued to exercisers for¬ 
bearance, had not Lorenzo de’ Medici, with the magistrates 
of Florence, and their abettors, discarding the fear of God, 
inflamed with fury, and instigated by diabolical suggestions, 
laid violent hands on ecclesiastical persons, proh dolor et 
inauditum scelns! hung up the archbishop, imprisoned the 
cardinal, and by various means destroyed and slaughtered 
their followers.” He then solemnly excommunicates Lorenzo, 
the gonfaloniere, and other officers of the state, and their im¬ 
mediate successors; declaring them to be incapable of receiv¬ 
ing or transmitting property by inheritance or will; and pro¬ 
hibiting their descendants from enjoying any ecclesiastical 
employment. By the same instrument he suspended the 
bishops and clergy of the Florentine territories from the exer¬ 
cise of their spiritual functions. 

Whatever might have been the effect of this denunciation, 
if directed solely against the persons immediately concerned 
in the transactions to which the J)ope referred, it appears, 
that in extending his censures to the dignitaries of the church 


REPLY OF THE SYNOD. 


Ill 


who were not personally implicated in the imputed guilt, 
Sixtus had exceeded his authority; and the exasperated 
ecclesiastics, availing themselves of his imprudence, retorted 
upon the pope the anathemas which he had poured out against 
them. The most eminent civilians of the time were con¬ 
sulted on this occasion, many of whom asserted the nullity 
of the prohibition. By the exertions of Gentile d’Urbino, 
bishop of Arezzo, a convocation was summoned in the church 
of the Reparata; and Fabroni has produced from the archives 
of Florence, a document yet remaining in the hand-writing of 
Gentile, which purports to be the result of the deliberations 
which there took place . 44 The professed tendency of this 
piece is to criminate the pope as being the chief instigator of 
the enormities committed at Florence, and to exculpate 
Lorenzo de’ Medici and the Florentines from the charges 
which Sixtus had brought against them; but this vindication 
would have lost nothing of its effect, if, in exposing the guilt 
of the pontiff, it had consulted the dignity of those he had 
injured, and exhibited a more temperate and dispassionate 
refutation. How so unmodified and daring an attack can be 
reconciled to the catholic idea of the infallibility of the holy see, 
it is not easy to discover. If it be acknowledged that the bull 
of Sixtus had exceeded all the limits of decorum, it must 
also be allowed that the reply of the synod is in this respect 
equally censurable; nor is it in the power of language to con¬ 
vey a more copious torrent of abuse than was poured out upon 
this occasion by the Florentine clergy on the supreme direc¬ 
tor of the Roman church. 

Sixtus did not, however, relax from his purpose. Whilst 
he brandished in one hand the spiritual weapon, which has 
impressed with terror the proudest sovereigns of Europe, in 
the other he grasped a temporal sword, which he now openly, 
as he had before secretly, aimed at the life of Lorenzo. At 
his instigation the king of Naples dispatched an envoy to 
Florence, to prevail upon the citizens to deliver up Lorenzo 
into the hands of his enemies, or at least to banish him from 
the Tuscan territories. The alternative denounced to them 
was the immediate vengeance of both the king and the pope. 
These threats had not, however, the intended effect, but, on 
the contrary, produced another instance of the attachment of 


112 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


the Florentines to Lorenzo. They not only refused to comply 
with the proposition of the king, but avowed their firm reso¬ 
lution to suffer every extremity, rather than betray a man 
with whose safety and dignity those of the republic were so 
nearly connected. They also directed their chancellor, Bar¬ 
tolomeo Scala, to draw up an historical memorial of all the 
proceedings of the conspiracy ; 45 by which it clearly appeared, 
that throughout the whole transaction the conspirators had 
acted with the privity and assent of the pope . 46 

Lorenzo was now fully apprized of the danger of his situa¬ 
tion. It was sufficiently evident that this powerful league 
was not formed against the Florentines, but against himself; 
and that the evils of war might be avoided by a compliance 
with the requisition of the king. Under these circumstances, 
instead of sheltering himself in the affections of his fellow- 
citizens, he boldly opposed himself to the danger that threat¬ 
ened him, and resolved either to fall with dignity, or to 
render his own cause that of the republic at large. He there¬ 
fore called together about three hundred of the principal 
citizens, whom he addressed in a striking and energetic 
harangue, at the close of which he earnestly besought them, 
that as the public tranquillity could not be preserved by other 
means, nor a treaty effected with their enemies unless it were 
sealed with his blood, they would no longer hesitate to comply 
with the terms proposed, nor suffer their attention to the 
safety of an individual to bring destruction upon the state. 
When Lorenzo had concluded, Giacopo de’ Alessandri, with' 
the concurrence of every person present, declared it to be the 
unanimous resolution of the whole assembly to defend his 
life at the hazard of their own.* 

All was now prepared for war, the approaching horrors of 
which were increased by the appearance of the plague at 
Florence. In this emergency, Lorenzo thought dt advisable 
to send his wife and children to Pistoia. “ I now remove 
from you,” said he to the citizens, “these objects of my affec¬ 
tion, whom I would, if necessary, willingly devote for your 
welfare, that, whatever may be the result of this contest, the re¬ 
sentment of my enemies may be appeased with my blood only.” 

* Macliiav. viii. Amm. iii. 123. Fabroui, i. 87. 


CONDUCT OF THE WAR. 


113 


Though the duke of Calabria and the count of Urbino 
were esteemed the most formidable commanders of Italy, the 
Florentines could boast of men of great eminence and expe¬ 
rience in the military art; but the supreme command was 
intrusted to Ercole d’Este, duke of Ferrara. The enemy 
were now approaching towards Florence, and marked their 
way with devastation. After possessing themselves of several 
smaller places, they at length besieged Arezzo, but on the 
approach of the Florentine troops they prepared for an 
engagement. Notwithstanding the inferiority of the latter 
in the reputation of their generals, and in the number of their 
soldiers, they possessed such advantages as it was supposed 
would, in case of a general engagement, have insured their 
success. The citizens of Arezzo, by a vigorous defence, had 
damped the spirit of the papal and Neapolitan troops, who 
experienced also a scarcity of provisions, and were very dis¬ 
advantageous^' posted; but after the two armies had regarded 
each other for some time with mutual apprehensions, a truce 
was proposed by the duke of Urbino, which was acceded to 
by the duke of Ferrara, to the great dissatisfaction of the 
Florentines, who conceived that their general had betrayed 
their cause. The two armies retired into their winter quar¬ 
ters; and the Florentines found themselves encumbered with 
great and increasing expense, without being relieved from 
their fears.* 

This season, however, afforded Lorenzo another opportu¬ 
nity of trying the result of further negotiation; but whilst he 
endeavoured, on the one hand, to reconcile himself to the 
pope, on the other hand, he made preparation to meet his 
enemies, in case his negotiation should prove unsuccessful. 
From the connexion between his family and that of Sforza, 
he had promised himself powerful support from Milan; but 
the disagreement between the duchess and Lodovico Sforza, 
which terminated in the latter assuming the regency during 
the minority of the young duke, in a great degree disappointed 
his hopes. The Venetians had sent Bernardo Bembo, the 
father of the celebrated Pietro Bembo , 47 as their ambassador 
to Florence, and professed themselves inimical to the proceed- 


* Macliiav. viii. 

I 


114 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


ings of the pope and the king. They did not, however, yet 
think proper to engage in the war; but with that species of 
policy by which they were always distinguished, looked on 
for the purpose of taking advantage of any opportunity of 
aggrandizing themselves at the expense of their neighbours. 
In the course of the winter, different envoys arrived at Flo¬ 
rence from the emperor and the kings of France and Hungary, 
who repeated to Lorenzo their assurances of attachment and 
support, at the same time advising him once more to attempt 
a reconciliation with the pope, under the sanction of their 
names and influence. A deputation, consisting of several of 
the most respectable citizens of Florence was accordingly 
sent to Rome; but Sixtus still remained inflexible, and paid 
no more regard to the recommendations of the European 
sovereigns than he had before done to the entreaties and re¬ 
monstrances of Lorenzo himself. 

In order to testify to the king of France the sense which 
they entertained of his interposition, the Florentines des¬ 
patched Donato Acciajuoli as their ambassador to Paris. 
Shortly after his departure, intelligence was received at Flo¬ 
rence of his death, which happened at Milan, as he was pur¬ 
suing his journey. This circumstance was a subject of the 
sincerest grief to the Florentines, who well knew how to 
appreciate the virtues of their fellow-citizens, and omitted no 
opportunity of inciting the patriotism of the living, by the 
honours they bestowed on the memory of the dead. A 
sumptuous funeral was decreed to his remains; Lorenzo de’ 
Medici and three other eminent citizens were appointed 
curators of his children, who were declared to be exempt 
from the payment of taxes, and the daughters had consider¬ 
able portions assigned them from the public treasury.* 

Besides the duke of Ferrara, the Florentines had, during 
the course of the winter, prevailed upon several other ex¬ 
perienced commanders, amongst whom were Roberto Mala- 
testa, Constantino Sforza, and Rodolfo Gonzaga, to espouse 
their cause. The states of Venice also at length sent a rein¬ 
forcement, under the command of Carlo Montone and Deifebo 
d’Anguillari; by these powerful succours, the Florentines 


Amin. I. iii. 126. 


VARIOUS FORTUNE OF THE WAR. 


115 


found themselves enabled to take the field in the ensuing 
spring with great expectations of success. Emboldened by 
this support, they determined to carry on a war not merely 
defensive. Their troops were divided into two bodies, one of 
which was destined to make an irruption into the territories 
of the pope, and the other to oppose the duke of Calabria. 
At the approach of Montone, who intended to attack Perugia, 
the troops of the pope made a precipitate retreat; but the 
unexpected death of that commander relieved them in some 
degree from their fears, and they at length ventured to oppose 
the further progress of the Florentines. The two armies met 
near the lake of Perugia, the ancient Thrasymenus, rendered 
remarkable by the defeat which the Romans experienced there 
from the arms of Hannibal. Struck with the similarity of 
their situation, a sentiment of terror pervaded the papal 
troops, who were soon repulsed, and obliged to quit the field 
with considerable loss, whilst the successful army proceeded 
to invest Perugia. The other division of the Florentine 
troops was not equally successful. The mercenary views of 
the different commanders, who preferred plunder to victory, 
defeated the hopes which the Florentines had justly formed of 
their success. A disagreement took place among the leaders, 
in consequence of which the duke of Ferrara, with his own 
immediate followers, retired from the service of the republic. 
Availing himself of this opportunity, the duke of Calabria 
made an instantaneous attack upon the Florentines, who, 
having lost all confidence in their commanders, pusillanimously 
deserted their standards, and consulted their safety by a 
shameful, flight. The consternation occasioned at Florence 
by this disaster is scarcely to be described, as it was supposed 
that the duke of Calabria would immediately proceed to the 
attack of the city; and this distress was heightened by the 
ravages of the plague, and by impending famine. Happily, 
however, the apprehensions of the Florentines on this occasion 
were not wholly realized. Instead of proceeding towards 
Florence, the duke rather chose to employ himself in plun¬ 
dering the surrounding country. The capture of the town 
of Colie, which made an obstinate resistance, and of some 
adjacent places of less importance, engaged his attention till 
the detachment that had been sent to the attack of Perugia, 

i 2 


116 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


having suddenly raised the siege, returned towards Florence, 
and alleviated the fears of the citizens. An unexpected pro¬ 
position made by the duke of Calabria for a truce of three 
months, was cheerfully assented to by the Florentines, who 
thus once more obtained a temporary relief from a state of 
anxiety and a profusion of expense, which were become equally 
insupportable.* 

But although by this cessation of hostilities the tranquillity 
of the city was for a time restored, the situation of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici was in the highest degree critical and alarming. 
He had witnessed the terrors of the populace on the approach 
of the Neapolitan army, and although he had great confidence 
in the affection of the citizens, yet as the war was avowedly 
waged against him as an individual, and might at any time 
be concluded by delivering him up to his enemies, he knew 
enough of human nature to be convinced that he had just 
grounds to dread the event. The rising discontents and mur¬ 
murs of the people increased his suspicion; even the truce 
was unfavourable to him, as it gave the Florentines an oppor¬ 
tunity of estimating the injuries they had sustained by the 
war, which, like wounds received by an individual in the 
ardour of action, were not fully felt till the heat of the contest 
had subsided.t Complaints began to be heard that the public 
treasure was exhausted, and the commerce of the city ruined, 
whilst the citizens were burdened with oppressive taxes. In¬ 
sinuations of a more personal nature were not always sup¬ 
pressed; and Lorenzo had the mortification of being told, that 
sufficient blood had been already shed, and that it would be 
expedient for him rather to devise some means of effecting a 
peace, than of making further preparations for the war.J 
Under these circumstances, he resolved to adopt some mea¬ 
sure which should effectually close the contest, although 
with the hazard of his life. In deliberating on the mode of 
accomplishing his purpose, his genius suggested to him one 
of those bold expedients, which only great minds can con¬ 
ceive and execute. This was secretly to quit the city of 
Florence, to proceed immediately to Naples, and to place 
himself in the hands of Ferdinand, his avowed enemy, with 

* Machiav. viii. Amm. iii. 142. + Macliiav. viii. J Fabroni, i. 100. 


HIS LETTER TO THE SENATE. 


117 


the determination either to convince him of the injustice and 
impolicy of his conduct, and thereby induce him to agree to 
a separate peace, or to devote himself to the preservation of 
his country. 

In the commencement of the month of December, 1479, 
Lorenzo accordingly left the city, without having communi¬ 
cated his intentions to his fellow-citizens, and proceeded to 
San Miniato, a town in the Florentine state, whence he ad¬ 
dressed a letter to the magistrates of Florence, which places 
the motives of his conduct in a very clear point of view. 48 

“ Lorenzo dd Medici to the States of Florence. 

“ If I did not explain to you, before I left Florence, the 
cause of my departure, it was not from want of respect, but 
because I thought, that in the dangerous circumstances in 
which our city is placed, it was more necessary to act than to 
deliberate. It seems to me that peace is become indispensable 
to us; and as all other means of obtaining it have proved 
ineffectual, I have rather chosen to incur some degree of 
danger myself, than to suffer the city to continue longer under 
its present difficulties; I therefore mean, with your permission, 
to proceed directly to Naples; conceiving that as I am the 
person chiefly aimed at by our enemies, I may, by delivering 
myself into their hands, perhaps be the means of restoring 
peace to my fellow-citizens. Of these two things, one must 
be taken for granted; either the king of Naples, as he has 
often asserted, and as some have believed, is friendly to the 
Florentine state, and aims, even by these hostile proceedings, 
rather to render us a service, than to deprive us of our liber¬ 
ties; or he wishes to effect the ruin of the republic. If he 
be favourably disposed towards us, there is no better method 
of putting his intention to the test, than by placing myself 
freely in his hands, and this I will venture to say is the only 
mode of obtaining an honourable peace. If, on the other 
hand, the views of the king extend to the subversion of our 
liberties, we shall at least be speedily apprized of his inten¬ 
tions; and this knowledge will be more cheaply obtained by 
the ruin of one, than of all. I am contented to take upon 
myself this risk, because, as I am the person principally 
sought after, I shall be a better test of the king’s intentions; 


118 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


it being possible that my destruction is all that is aimed at; 
and again, as I have had more honour and consideration 
amongst you than my merits could claim, and perhaps more 
than have in our days been bestowed on any private citizen, 
I conceive myself more particularly bound than any other 
person to promote the interest of my country, even with the 
sacrifice of my life. With this full intention I now go; and 
perhaps it may be the will of God, that as this war was 
begun in the blood of my brother, and of myself, it may now 
by my means be concluded. All that I desire is, that my life 
and my death, my prosperity and my misfortunes, may con¬ 
tribute towards the welfare of my native place. Should the 
result be answerable to my wishes, I shall rejoice in having 
obtained peace to my country, and security to myself. Should 
it prove otherwise, my misfortunes will be alleviated by the 
idea that they were requisite for my country’s welfare; for if 
our adversaries aim only at my destruction,’ I shall be in their 
power; and if their views extend further, they will then be 
fully understood. In the latter case, I doubt not that all my 
fellow-citizens will unite in defending their liberties to the 
last extremity, and I trust with the same success as, by the 
favour of God, our ancestors have heretofore done. These are 
the sentiments with which I shall proceed; entreating heaven 
that I may be enabled on this occasion to perform what every 
citizen ought at all times to be ready to perform for his 
country. From San Miniato, the 7th December, 1479.” 19 

The departure of Lorenzo upon so novel and so dangerous 
an expedition, occasioned various opinions and conjectures at 
Florence. Those who were friendly to the Medici, or who 
were interested in the personal welfare of Lorenzo, could not 
regard this measure without great anxiety. Even those who 
entertained the highest opinion of his prudence, were inclined 
to consider his conduct in this instance as rash and inconsi¬ 
derate, and as having resulted rather from the impulse of the 
moment, than from that mature deliberation which generally 
preceded his determinations.* They remembered the fate of 
Giacopo Piccinini, who, with more claims on the favour of 
Ferdinand than Lorenzo could pretend to, had, on a visit to 
him at Naples, in violation of all the laws of honour and 


* Muvatori, ix. 533. 


VISIT TO NAPLES. 


119 


hospitality, been thrown into a dungeon, and soon afterwards 
secretly murdered. 50 Those who entertained better hopes, 
founded them on a conjecture that Lorenzo had previously 
obtained an assurance from Ferdinand of a welcome reception, 
and a safe return, which assurance was supposed to be sanc¬ 
tioned by the other states of Italy. In proportion as his 
friends were alarmed at the dangers that threatened him, 
those who feared, or who envied the authority which he had 
obtained in Florence, rejoiced in the probability of his destruc¬ 
tion, and by affecting on all occasions to express their appre¬ 
hensions of his ruin, and of a consequent change of govern¬ 
ment in Florence, endeavoured as far as in their power to 
prepare the way for those events.* 

From San Miniato, Lorenzo went to Pisa, where he re¬ 
ceived from the magistrates of Florence their unlimited autho¬ 
rity to enter into such conditions with the king as he might 
think advisable. 51 Thence he embarked for Naples; and on 
his arrival there was surprised, but certainly not displeased, 
to find that the king had information of his approach, and had 
directed the commanders of his galleys to receive him with 
due honour. This token of respect was confirmed by the 
presence of the king’s son Federigo, and his grandson Ferdi¬ 
nand, who met Lorenzo on his landing, and conducted him to 
the presence of the king.f The Neapolitans testified their 
eagerness to see a man who had been the object of such con¬ 
tention, and whose character and accomplishments were the 
subject of general admiration. On this interview with Fer¬ 
dinand, Lorenzo omitted nothing that was likely to conciliate 
his esteem, and attach him to his cause. Fully acquainted 
with the political state of Italy, and with the temper and in¬ 
tentions of its different potentates, he demonstrated to Fer¬ 
dinand the impolicy of separating the interests of the Nea¬ 
politans from those of the Florentines. He reminded him of 
the dangers which the kingdom of Naples had repeatedly 
experienced from the pretensions of the holy see, and thence 
adverted to the imprudence of contributing to the aggrandize¬ 
ment of the papal power. Nor was he silent on that flagrant 
breach of divine and human laws, which had deprived him of 
a brother, and endangered his own life; from which he justly 


* Macliiav. viii. 


+ Valori, p. 34. 


120 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


inferred, that the perpetrators of such a crime could be bound 
by no engagements but such as suited their own interest or 
ambition. To representations thus forcibly urged, it was im¬ 
possible that the king could be inattentive; and although he 
did not immediately comply with the wishes of Lorenzo, yet 
he gave him hopes of eventual success, and treated him with 
every distinction due to his character, expressing his approbation 
of him in the words of Claudian, “ Vic it prcesentia famam 
During the abode of Lorenzo at Naples, which was pro¬ 
tracted by the cautious hesitation of the king, he rendered 
his liberality, his taste, and his urbanity, subservient to the 
promotion of his political views, and was careful that the ex¬ 
pectations formed of him by the populace should not be dis¬ 
appointed. His wealth and his munificence seemed to be 
equally boundless, and were displayed, amongst other in¬ 
stances, in apportioning out in marriage, young women of the 
lower rank, who resorted to Naples from the remotest parts 
of Calabria and Appulia to share his bounty.f The pleasures 
which he experienced from thus gratifying his natural dis¬ 
position were, however, counterbalanced by the anxiety of 
his solitary moments, when the difficulties which he had to 
encounter pressed upon his mind with a weight almost irre¬ 
sistible. 52 The disposition of Ferdinand was severe and un¬ 
relenting; from an appeal to his feelings little was to be 
expected; his determination could only be influenced by mo¬ 
tives of policy or of interest. The conquests of his son 
Alfonzo had rendered him less favourable to the views of 
Lorenzo; and it was particularly unfortunate, that whilst the 
negotiation was depending, Alfonzo broke the stipulated truce, 
and gained advantages over the Florentine troops. The pope 
had also received intelligence of the arrival of Lorenzo at 
Naples, and exerted all his interest with Ferdinand to prevail 
upon him either to detain Lorenzo there, or to send him to 
Rome, on pretence of accommodating his difference with the 
holy see, and effecting a general peace. Notwithstanding 
these unfavourable circumstances, Lorenzo did not relax in 
the pursuit of his object, nor betray in public the least ap¬ 
pearance of dejection. He had already obtained the confidence 
of Caraffa, count of Metalonica, the minister of Ferdinand, 


* Valori, p. 34. 


+ Id. p. 35. 


RETURN TO FLORENCE. 


121 


and made daily progress in the affections of the king himself, 
who was at length induced seriously to weigh his propositions, 
and to consider the advantages that might result to himself 
and his family, by attaching to his interests a man of such 
talents and influence, now in the prime of life, and daily rising 
in the public estimation. Led by these considerations, and 
by the unwearied assiduities of Lorenzo, he at length gave 
way to his solicitations; and having once adopted a decided 
opinion, became as warmly devoted to Lorenzo, as he before 
had been inimical to him. The conditions of the treaty were 
accordingly agreed on; 53 and Lorenzo, who had arrived at 
Naples not merely an unprotected stranger, but an open enemy, 
left that place at the end of three months, in the character of 
an ally and a friend. 

Having thus accomplished his purpose, he instantly em¬ 
barked for Pisa, notwithstanding the entreaties of Ferdinand, 
who wished to prolong his stay. His apology to the king for 
this apparent want of respect, was the desire that he had to 
communicate to his fellow-citizens, as speedily as possible, the 
happy result of his expedition; but the excuses of Lorenzo 
were urged with a levity and jocularity which he judged most 
likely to conceal his real motives, and to prevent the suspicions 
of Ferdinand. Shortly before his departure the king pre¬ 
sented to him a beautiful horse, and Lorenzo returned his 
thanks by observing, “ That the messenger of joyful news 
ought to be well mounted.” He had, however, more urgent 
reasons for his haste; every moment that delayed his return, 
gave encouragement to his enemies, and endangered his au¬ 
thority at Florence; but above all, he was apprehensive that the 
repeated remonstrances of the pope might induce the king to 
waver in his resolution, or to change his opinion. The event 
proved that his distrust was not unfounded; Lorenzo had no 
sooner sailed from Naples, than a messenger arrived there 
from Rome, with such propositions to the king, on the part 
of the pope, as would in all probability not only have defeated 
the treaty, but have led the way to the ruin of Lorenzo de’ 
Medici. Such was the effect which this communication had 
on the mind of the king, that he despatched a letter to Lorenzo, 
entreating him, in the most pressing language, that at what¬ 
ever place he might receive it, he would immediately return 
to Naples, where the ambassador of Sixtus was ready to ac- 


122 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


cede to the articles of pacification. Having once escaped from 
the jaws of the lion, Lorenzo did not think proper a second 
time to confide in his clemency; and his determination was 
probably confirmed by the tenour of the letter from Ferdi¬ 
nand, which discovers such an extreme degree of anxiety for 
the accomplishment of his purpose, as seems scarcely consistent 
with an open and generous intention. 

After touching at Leghorn, Lorenzo returned to Pisa, 
where the event of his embassy being known, he was received 
with the utmost demonstrations of joy. Thence he hastened 
to Florence, where the exultation of the populace was un¬ 
bounded. Secured from the storm that had so long threatened 
to burst upon their heads, and restored to tranquillity by the 
magnanimity of a single citizen, they set no limits to their 
applause. All ranks of people surrounded and congratulated 
Lorenzo on his return. His faithful associate, Politiano, 
having struggled in vain to approach his patron, expressed 
his affection in a few extempore stanzas, in which is given a 
lively picture of this interesting scene; where Lorenzo is re¬ 
presented as towering above his fellow-citizens, by his supe¬ 
rior stature, and expressing his sense of their kindness by all 
the means in his power, by his smiles, his nods, his voice, and 
his hands. 54 

The reconciliation which had thus been effected between 
the king of Naples and the republic of Florence, was a cause 
of vexation not only to the pope, but to the Venetians, who 
expressed great dissatisfaction that a measure of such import¬ 
ance should have been adopted without their previous con¬ 
currence. In order to excuse to the pope the step which he 
had taken, Ferdinand alleged his apprehensions from the 
Turks, who had long threatened a descent upon Italy. Sixtus 
did not, however, relinquish the prosecution of his favourite 
object, the destruction of Lorenzo de’ Medici, in which he 
was constantly incited to persevere by his nephew, Girolamo 
Riario, whose hatred to Lorenzo was unalterable. To no 
purpose did the Florentines dispatch a new embassy to Rome 
to deprecate the wrath, and entreat the clemency of the pope. 
Riario began to make preparations for renewing the war; and 
at his instance, the duke of Calabria, instead of withdrawing 
his troops from Tuscany, remained at Sienna, where he con¬ 
tinued to exercise great authority, and to fill with apprehen- 


DESCENT OF THE TURKS UPON ITALY. 123 

sions the surrounding country. But while the affairs of Flo¬ 
rence remained in this state of suspense, a more general alarm 
took place, and speedily accomplished what the intercessions 
and humiliation of the Florentines might have failed of effecting. 
Mahomet II., the conqueror of Constantinople, was yet 
living, and meditated further victories. In turning his arms 
westward, he first attacked the island of Rhodes; but being 
delayed and irritated by a vigorous defence, he determined to 
retrieve his military credit by making a descent upon Italy, 
where he captured the important city of Otranto, and threatened 
the whole extent of that country with devastation and slavery. 

This alarming incident roused the adjacent states of Italy 
to their defence. So opportunely did it occur for the safety 
of Lorenzo, that it has given rise to an opinion that he incited 
and encouraged it.* But if Mahomet had, in fact, any invita¬ 
tion upon this occasion, it was most probably from the Vene¬ 
tians, who were strongly suspected of having favoured his 
purpose; and this suspicion was afterwards strengthened by 
the reluctance which they showed to unite with the other 
states of Italy in expelling the Turks from Otranto . 55 Com¬ 
pelled to attend to the defence of his own country, the duke 
of Calabria suddenly withdrew his troops from Sienna, and 
the pope of his own motion gave the Florentines to under¬ 
stand, that, on a proper submission, he should now listen to 
terms of reconciliation. Twelve of the most respectable citi¬ 
zens were sent to Rome, as a deputation in the name of the 
republic; but although the pope expressed his desire that 
Lorenzo should be of the number, he wisely judged that such 
a measure would neither be consistent with his honour nor his 
safety. Francesco Soderini, bishop of Volterra, made the 
oration to the pope; who in his reply once more gave way to 
his anger, and, in very severe language, reproached the Flo¬ 
rentines with their disobedience to the holy see. Having 
vented his rage, he received their submission; and in milder 
terms reconciled them to the church; at the same time touch¬ 
ing their backs with a wand, according to the usual ceremony, 
and releasing the city from his interdict. 

* Albinus, de bello Etrusco,p. 35; Camillus Portius, la Congiurade’ Ba- 
roni di Napoli contro il Re Ferdinando I.; Jannoinus ap Fabronium, ii. p. 
216; and Swinburn’s Travels in the Two Sicilies, p.*377. 


121 


0 


m 


CHAPTER V. 

Studies of Lorenzo de’ Medici—Rise of Italian literature in the fourteenth 
century—Its subsequent degradation—Revivers of it in the fifteenth 
century—Burchiello—The three brothers of the Pulci—Writings of 
Bernardo Pulci—Of^Luca Pulci—Of Luigi Pulci—Of Matteo Franco 
—Early productions of Lorenzo — Inquiry into his merits as a poet 
—Object and characteristics of poetry—Description—Talents of Lo¬ 
renzo for description—Poetic comparison—Instances of it from the 
writings of Lorenzo—Personification of material objects—Of the pas¬ 
sions and affections—Comparative excellence of the ancients and moderns 
in the “ Prosopopeia”—Instances of this figure in the writings of Lo¬ 
renzo—Various species of poetry cultivated by him—Origin of the 
Italian sonnet—Character of the sonnets of Dante—Of Petrarca—Of 
Lorenzo de’ Medici—“ Selve d’Amore” of Lorenzo—His poem of “ Ambra” 
—On hawking—Moral pieces—Sacred poems—The “ Beoni”—Rise of 
the jocose Italian satire—“ Stanze Contadinesche”—State of the Italian 
drama—The musical drama—“ Canti Carnascialeschi”—“ Canzone a 
Ballo”—Critique of Pico of Mirandula on the poems of Lorenzo— 
Opinions of other authors on the same subject—The poems of Lorenzo 
celebrated in the “ Nutricia” of Politiano. 

The establishment of peace was a blessing which Lorenzo 
felt in common with the rest of his fellow-citizens; but to him 
it was peculiarly grateful, as it left him at liberty to attend 
to the prosecution of those studies in which he had always 
found his most unembittered pleasures, and the surest alle¬ 
viation of his cares. “ When my mind is disturbed with the 
tumults of public business,” says he, writing to Ficino, “ and 
my ears are stunned with the clamours of turbulent citizens, 
how would it be possible for me to support such contention 
unless I found a relaxation in .science?” Nor was it to any 
particular study, in exclusion to others, that he addicted 


STUDIES OF LORENZO. 


125 


himself during his hours of leisure, although poetry had in 
his younger years a decided preference. “ So vigorous and 
yet so various was his genius,” says Pico of Mirandula, “ that 
he seemed equally formed for every pursuit; but that which 
principally excites my wonder is, that even when he is deeply 
engaged in the affairs of the republic, his conversation and 
his thoughts should be turned to subjects of literature as if 
he were perfect master of his time.”* Lorenzo was not, how¬ 
ever, insensible that, amidst his serious and important avoca¬ 
tions, the indulgence of a poetical taste might be considered 
as indicating a levity of disposition inconsistent with his cha¬ 
racter. “ There are some,” says he,f “ who may, perhaps, 
accuse me of having dissipated my time in writing and com¬ 
menting upon amorous subjects, particularly in the midst of 
my numerous and unavoidable occupations; to this accusation 
I have to reply, that I might, indeed, be justly condemned if 
nature had endowed mankind with the power of performing, 
at all times, those things which are most truly commendable; 
but inasmuch as this power has been conceded only to few, 
and to those few the opportunity of exercising it cannot often 
occur in the course of life, it seems to me, that considering 
our imperfect nature, those occupations may be esteemed the 
best in which there is the least to reprove.—If the reasons I 
have before given,” he afterwards adds, “ be thought insuffi¬ 
cient for my exculpation, I have only to confide in the kind¬ 
ness of my readers. Persecuted, as I have been, from my 
youth, some indulgence may perhaps be allowed me for having 
sought consolation in these pursuits.” In the sequel of his 
commentary, he has thought it necessary to touch more fully 
on the peculiarity of his situation. “ It was my intention,” 
says he, “ in my exposition of this sonnet, J to have related the 
persecutions which I have undergone; but an apprehension 
that I may be thought arrogant and ostentatious, induces 
me to pass slightly over them. In relating our own transac¬ 
tions it is not, indeed, easy to avoid these imputations. When 
the navigator informs us of the perils which his ship has 

* In Proem, ad tract. De ente et uno, ad Angelum Politianum, in op. Pici. 
Ed. Ven. 1498. 

+ Commento di Lorenzo sopra alcuni de suoi sonetti, Ed. AMo. 1554. 

+ “ Se tra gli altri sospir ch’ escon di fore.” 


126 LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 

escaped, he means rather to give us an idea of his own exer¬ 
tions and prudence, than of the obligations which he owes to 
his good fortune, and perhaps enhances the danger beyond 
the fact, in order to increase our admiration. In the same 
manner, physicians frequently represent the state of their 
patient as more dangerous than it is in reality, so that if he 
happen to die, the cause may be supposed to be in the dis¬ 
order, and not in their want of skill, and if he recover, the 
greater is the merit of the cure. I shall therefore only say, 
that my sufferings have been very severe, the authors of them 
having been men of great authority and talents, and fully de¬ 
termined to accomplish, by every means in their power, my 
total ruin. Whilst I, on the other hand, having nothing to 
oppose to these formidable enemies, but youth and inexperi¬ 
ence, saving, indeed, the assistance which I derived from 
divine goodness, w r as reduced to such an extreme of misfor¬ 
tune, that I had at the same time to labour under the excom¬ 
munication of my soul, and the dispersion of my property, to 
contend with endeavours to divest me of my authority in the 
state, and to introduce discord into my family, and with frequent 
attempts to deprive me of my life, insomuch that I should 
have thought death itself a much less evil than those with 
which I had to combat. In this unfortunate situation, it is 
surely not to be wondered at, if I endeavoured to alleviate 
my anxiety by turning to more agreeable subjects of medita¬ 
tion, and in celebrating the charms of my mistress, sought a 
temporary refuge from my cares.” 

In taking a restrospect of the state of letters in Italy, it is 
impossible not to be struck with the great superiority which 
that country possessed over the rest of Europe. To the 
Commedia of Dante, the sonnets of Petrarca, and the Deca- 
merone of Boccaccio, three little books written for the pur¬ 
poses of satire, of gallantry, and of feminine amusement, we 
are to trace the origin of learning and true taste in modern 
times.”* Whether Dante was stimulated to his singular 
work by the success of his immediate predecessors, the Pro¬ 
vencal poets, or by the example of the ancient Roman authors, 

* Andres, Dell’ Origine progresso e stato attuale d’ ogni letteratura, 
i. 339. 


RISE OF ITALIAN LITERATURE. 


127 


lias been doubted. The latter opinion seems, however, to be 
the more probable. In his Inferno, he had apparently the 
descent of JEneas in view. “ Virgil is the guide of Dante 
through these regions of horror .” 1 In the rest of his poem, 
there is little resemblance to any antecedent production. 
Compared with the JEneid, it is a piece of grand Gothic 
architecture at the side of a beautiful Roman temple. Dante 
was immediately succeeded by Boccaccio and by Petrarca, not 
as imitators, but as originals in the different branches to 
which their talents led them. Though they followed Dante, 
they did not employ themselves in cultivating the ground 
which he had broken up, but chose each for himself a new 
and an untried field, and reaped a harvest not less abundant. 
The merits of these writers have been frequently recognised 
and appreciated, but perhaps by no one with more accuracy 
than by Lorenzo himself. In attempting to show the import¬ 
ance and dignity of the Italian tongue, he justly remarks, 
that the proofs of its excellence are to be sought for in the 
writings of the three authors before mentioned; “ who,” says 
he, “ have fully shown with what facility this language may 
be adapted to the expression of every sentiment.” He then 
proceeds as follows:* “ If we look into the Commedia of 
Dante, we shall find theological and natural subjects treated 
with the greatest ease and address. We shall there discover 
those three species of composition so highly commended in 
oratory, the simple, the middle style, and the sublime; and 
shall find in perfection, in this single author, those excellences 
which are dispersed amongst the ancient Greek and Roman 
writers. Who can deny that the subject of love has been 
treated by Petrarca with more consistency and elegance than 
by Ovid, Catullus, Tibullus, Propertius, or any other of the 
Latin poets? The prose compositions of the learned and 
eloquent Boccaccio may be considered as unrivalled, not only 
on account of the invention which they display, but for the 
copiousness and elegance of the style. If, on perusing the 
Decamerone, we attend to the diversity of the subjects, some¬ 
times serious or tragical, at others conversant with common 
life, and at others humorous or ridiculous; exhibiting all 


Com. di Lorenzo, ut supra. 


128 LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 

the perturbations incident to mankind, of affection and of aver¬ 
sion, of hope and of fear; if we consider the great variety of 
the narrative, and the invention of circumstances which dis¬ 
play all the peculiarities of our nature, and all the effects of 
our passions, we may undoubtedly be allowed to determine, 
that no language is better adapted to the purposes of expres¬ 
sion than our own.” 

But although the career of these first reformers of Italian 
literature was wonderfully rapid, the disciples they formed 
were few, and of those none maintained the reputation of 
their masters. Petrarca died in 1374, and Boccaccio in the 
year following. The clouds that had been awhile dispersed 
by the lustre of their abilities, again collected, and involved 
the world in their gloom. A full century elapsed without 
producing any literary work that can be ranked with the 
compositions of those great men. 2 The attempt of Piero de* 
Medici, in the year 1441, to create a spirit of poetical emu¬ 
lation in Florence, while it serves as a proof of his munifi¬ 
cence, sufficiently indicates the low degree of estimation in 
which this study was then held, and the insignificance of its 
professors. If philosophy in the fourteenth century went 
poor and naked, in the next she had changed her destiny with 
her sister poetry.* The state of prose composition was 
equally wretched. No longer the vehicle of elegant or learned 
sentiment, the Italian language was consigned over to the use 
of the vulgar, corrupted by neglect, and debased by the mix¬ 
ture of provincial dialects. It was only on the most common 
occasions, or in the freedom of epistolary intercourse, that 
men of learning condescended to employ their native tongue; 
and even then, it appears to have been considered as inade¬ 
quate to the purpose, and the assistance of the Latin language 
was often resorted to, and intermixed with it, in order to render 
it intelligible. 3 

The only symptoms of improvement which had appeared 
in Italy, at the time that Lorenzo de’ Medici first began to 
distinguish himself by his writings, are to be found in the 
productions of Burchiello, or in those of the three brothers 
of the family of Pulci, to some of which we have before ad- 

* “ Povera e nuda va filosofia.”—Petr. 


BERNARDO PULCI. 


129 


verted. Burchiello, who flourished about the middle of the 
fifteenth century, and who exercised in Florence a profession, 
in which, as he informs us, 

“ The muses with the razor were at strife,”* 

has left a great number of sonnets, which exhibit no inconsi¬ 
derable share of wit and vivacity, and occasionally display a 
felicity of expression, that might have done honour to better 
subjects than those which generally employed his pen; but it 
is to be regretted that the excellences of these pieces are too 
often lost in their obscurity, and that although we may at 
times perceive the vivid sallies of imagination, it is only as 
we see coruscations from a cloud by night, which leave us 
again in total darkness. This obscurity has been the cause 
of great regret to his admirers, several of whom have under¬ 
taken to comment upon and illustrate his works. Crescim- 
beni is of opinion, that these extravagant productions were 
intended to satirize the absurdities of his poetical contempo¬ 
raries, and the folly of their admirers; but satire too obscure 
to be generally understood is not likely to effect a reforma¬ 
tion. 4 

The Pulci were of a noble family of Florence, but seem 
to have declined any participation in the offices of the repub¬ 
lic, for the purposes of devoting themselves to their favourite 
studies. That a close intimacy subsisted between them and 
the Medici, is apparent from many of the works of these 
brothers, some of which are inscribed to their great patrons, 
and others entirely devoted to their praise. The earliest 
production of any of this family is probably the elegy by 
Bernardo, to the memory of Cosmo de’ Medici, which he has 
addressed to Lorenzo. To his elegy on the death of the 
beautiful Simonetta, we have before assigned its proper date. 
He afterwards translated the Eclogues of Virgil, which he 
also inscribed to Lorenzo de’ Medici. 5 Bernardo is likewise 
the author of a poem on the passion of Christ, which is by 
no means devoid of poetical merit. It is preceded by a dedi¬ 
cation to a pious nun, from which it appears, that the good 
sister had not only prescribed this subject to the poet, but 

* “ La Foesia combatte col rasoio.”—Burch. 

K 


130 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


that by her pressing instances he had been induced to com¬ 
plete the work, which he affirms had cost him many a tear. 6 
In the Laurentian library, some other poems of this author 
are yet preserved, that have not hitherto been published. 

Of Luca Pulci, whose verses on the tournament of Lorenzo 
have before been noticed, we have two other poems. The 
first of these, entitled II Ciriffo Calvaneo , is an epic ro¬ 
mance, and was probably the first that appeared in Italy; it 
being certainly produced some years prior to the Morgante of 
Luigi Pulci, and to the Orlando Innamorato of Bojardo, two 
pieces which have generally been considered as the first ex¬ 
amples of this species of poetry. In relating the wars between 
the Christians and the infidels, the author seems to have pre¬ 
pared the way for the more celebrated works on the same 
subject which soon afterwards followed. 7 This poem was left 
unfinished by the author, but at the instance of Lorenzo de’ 
Medici, was, after the death of Luca, completed by Bernardo 
Giambullari. 8 The Driadeo cCAmove is a pastoral romance 
in ottava rima, and is dedicated by the author to Lorenzo de’ 
Medici, for whose particular amusement he professes to have 
written it. 9 The heroic epistles of Luca Pulci do credit to 
their author. These epistles are eighteen in number, and 
are composed in terza rima . The first is from Lucretia to 
Lauro; that is, from the accomplished Lucretia Donati to 
Lorenzo de’ Medici. The others are founded on different in¬ 
cidents in the ancient Greek and Roman history. 10 

Luigi Pulci, the youngest of these brothers, was born on 
the third day of December, 1431, and appears from many 
circumstances, to have lived on terms of the utmost friend¬ 
ship with Lorenzo de’ Medici, who in one of his poems men¬ 
tions him with great freedom and jocularity.* The principal 
work of this author is the Morgante Maggiore , a poem which 
has given rise to various opinions and conjectures, as to its 
tendency and its merits. Whether this poem, or the Orlando 
Innamorato of the count Bojardo was first written, has been 
a matter of doubt; certain it is, that in publication the Mor¬ 
gante had the priority, having been printed at Venice in 
1488, after a Florentine edition of uncertain date, whilst the 


* In his poem on Hacking, entitled La Caccia col Falcone. 


I.UIGI PULCI. 


131 


Orlando Innamorato did not appear till the year 1496. 11 Ac¬ 
cordingly the Morgante is generally regarded as the prototype 
of "the Orlando Furioso of Ariosto. It has been said that 
Ficino and Politiano had each a share in the composition of 
this work, but the poetry of Politiano is of a very different 
character, and there is no instance on record that Ficino ever 
attempted poetical composition. 12 The same degree of credit 
is due to the opinion, that Luigi Pulci was accustomed to 
recite his poem at the table of Lorenzo de’ Medici, about the 
year 1450; 13 for it must be remembered that Lorenzo de’ 
Medici was only born in 1448. It may further be observed, 
that although the Morgante was written at the particular re¬ 
quest of Lucretia, the mother of Lorenzo, it was not finished 
till after her death, which did not happen till the year 1482.* 
This singular offspring of the wayward genius of Pulci has 
been as immoderately commended by its admirers, as it has 
been unreasonably degraded and condemned by its opponents ; 
and whilst some have not scrupled to give it the precedence, 
in point of poetical merit, to the productions of Ariosto and 
of Tasso, others have decried it as vulgar, absurd, and pro¬ 
fane; and the censures of the church have been promulged in 
confirmation of the latter part of the sentence. 14 From the 
solemnity and devotion with which every canto is introduced, 
some have judged that the author meant to give a serious nar¬ 
rative; but the improbability of the relation, and the burlesque 
nature of the incidents, destroy all ideas of this kind. By 
others, this author has been accused of a total want of 
elegance in his expressions, and of harmony in his verse; but 
this work yet ranks as classical in Italian literature, and, if it 
be not poetry of the highest relish has a flavour that is yet 
perceptible. 15 

The sonnets of Luigi Pulci, printed with those of Matteo 
Franco, have the same capricious character as his other 
writings, and bear a resemblance to those of his predecessor, 
Burchiello. Franco, the poetic correspondent of Pulci, was a 
canon of Florence, and was by no means inferior to him in 
pungency and humour. It is to be regretted that these 
authors so far exceeded at times the bounds of civility and 

* Morgante Magg. cant, xxviii. stan. 124. Ed. 1546 
K 2 


132 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


decorum, that it is scarcely possible to suggest an expression 
of reproach and resentment which is not to be found in their 
writings. The family name of Pulci ( Pulex ) affords an ample 
subject for the satirical powers of Franco. 16 His person is a 
theme equally fertile. Famine, says his antagonist, was as 
naturally depicted in his countenance as if it had been the 
work of Giotto. 17 He had made an eight days’ truce with 
death, which was on the point of expiring, when he would be 
swept away to Giudecca (the lowest pit of Dante), where his 
brother Luca was gone before to prepare him a place. 18 Luigi 
supports this opprobrious contest by telling his adversary that 
he was marked at his birth with the sign of the halter, instead 
of that of the cross, and by a thousand other imputations, of 
which decency forbids a repetition. 19 We are, however, in¬ 
formed by the editor of the ancient edition of these poems, 
that although for the amusement of their readers, these 
authors so lavishly abused and satirized each other, they con¬ 
tinued in reality intimate friends; 80 and this information is 
rendered highly probable, by their having equally shared the 
favour of Lorenzo de’ Medici, whose authority would have 
suppressed the first indications of real dissension. The free¬ 
doms in which they indulged themselves called, however, for 
the interference of the inquisition, and a prohibition was 
issued against the further circulation of this work. 21 But 
although the productions of the before-mentioned authors dis¬ 
play some share of vivacity and imagination, and exhibit at 
times a natural and easy vein of poetry; yet upon the whole 
they are strongly tinctured with the rusticity of the age in 
which they were produced. 

That Lorenzo de’ Medici had begun to exercise his talents 
for poetry at a very early age, there remains decisive proof. 
We have before adverted to his interview with Federigo of 
Naples, at Pisa, in the year 1465. On this occasion he was 
requested by that prince to point out to him such pieces of 
Italian poetry as were most deserving of his attention. 
Lorenzo willingly complied with his request; and shortly 
afterwards selected a small volume, at the close of which he 
added some of his own sonnets and canzoni, addressing them 
to Federigo in a few' prefatory lines, as a testimony of his 
alfection and regard. 82 Hence it appears, that at the age of 


HIS EARLY PRODUCTIONS. 


133 


seventeen, Lorenzo had attempted different kinds of composi¬ 
tion, which may be considered not only as anterior to the 
celebrated poem of Politiano, on the Giostra of Giuliano, 
which we have before noticed, but probably to any of the 
writings of the Pulci. But, however the Pulci may contend 
with Lorenzo in priority, they fall greatly short of him in all 
the essential requisites of a poet; and whilst their productions 
bear the uniform character of a rude and uncultivated age, 
those of Lorenzo de’ Medici are distinguished by a vigour of 
imagination, an accuracy of judgment, and an elegance of 
style, which afforded the first great example of improvement, 
and entitle him, almost exclusively, to the honourable appel¬ 
lation of the restorer of Italian literature. Within the course 
of a few years, Politiano, Benivieni, and others, imbibed the 
true spirit of poetry, and Florence had once more the credit 
of rekindling that spark which was soon to diffuse a lustre 
through the remotest parts of Europe. 

If in order to justify the pretensions of Lorenzo to the 
rank here assigned him, it were sufficient merely to adduce 
the authority of succeeding critics, this would be productive 
of little difficulty. But to found our opinion of an author 
whose works are yet open to examination, on that of others, 
however it may soothe our indolence, or gratify our curiosity, 
cannot inform our judgment. It is from the writings which 
yet remain of Lorenzo de’ Medici that we are to acquire a 
just idea of his general character as a poet, and to determine 
how far they have been instrumental in effecting a reforma¬ 
tion in the taste of his countrymen, or in opening the way to 
subsequent improvements. 

The great end and object of poetry, and consequently the 
proper aim of the poet, is to communicate to us a clear and 
perfect idea of his proposed subject. What the painter ex¬ 
hibits to us by variety of colour, by light and shade, the poet 
expresses in appropriate language. The former seizes merely 
the external form, and that only in a given attitude: the 
other surrounds his object, pierces it, and discloses its most 
hidden qualities. With the former it is inert and motionless; 
with the latter it lives and moves, it is expanded or com¬ 
pressed, it glares upon the imagination, or vanishes in air, 
and is as various as nature herself. 


134 


LIFE OF LORENZO PE* MEDICI. 


The simple description of natural objects is perhaps to a 
young mind the most delightful species of poetry, and was 
probably the first employment of the poet. It may be com¬ 
pared to melody in music, which is relished even by the most 
uncultivated ear. In this department, Virgil is an exquisite 
master . 23 Still more lively are the conceptions of Dante, 
still more precise the language in which they are expressed. 
As we follow him, his wildest excursions take the appearance 
of reality. Compared with his vivid hues, how faint, how 
delicate, is the colouring of Petrarca! yet the harmony of 
the tints almost compensates for their want of force. With 
accurate descriptions of the face of nature the works of 
Lorenzo abound; and these are often heightened by those 
minute but striking characteristics, which, though open to 
all observers, the eye of the poet can alone select. Thus 
the description of an Italian winter, with which he opens his 
poem of Ambra , is marked by several appropriate and striking 
images. 

The foliage of the olive appears of a dark green, but is 
nearly white beneath. 

L’uliva, in qualche dolce piaggia aprica, 

Secondo il vento par, or verde, or bianca. 


On some sweet sunny slope the olive grows, 

Its hues still changing as the zephyr blows. 

The flight of the cranes, though frequently noticed in 
poetry, was perhaps never described in language more pictu¬ 
resque than the following, from the same poem; 

Stridendo in ciel, i gru veggonsi a lunge 
L’aere stampar di varie e belle forme ; 

E r ultima col collo steso aggiunge 
Ov’ e quella dinanzi alle vane orme. 


Marking the tracts of air, the clamorous cranes 
Wheel their due flight, in varied lines descried; 
And each with outstretched neck his rank maintains. 
In marshall’d order through th’ ethereal void. 




HIS POETRY. 


135 


The following picture from his Selve d? Amove is also drawn 
with great truth and simplicity: 

A1 dolce tempo il bon pastore informa 
Lasciar le mandre, ove nel verno giacque : 

E ’1 lieto gregge, che ballando in torma, 

Torna all’ alte montagne, alle fresche acque. 

L’ agnel, trottando pur la materna orma 
Segue ; ed alcun, che pur or ora n acque, 

L’ amorevol pastore in braccio porta: 

II fido cane a tutti fa la scorta. 


Sweet spring returns; the shepherd from the fold 
Brings forth his flock, nor dreads the wintry cold ; 

Delighted once again their steps to lead 

To the green hill, clear spring, and flowery mead. 

True to their mother’s track, the sportive young 
Trip light. The careful hind slow moves along, 

Pleased in his arms the new-dropt lamb to bear; 

His dog, a faithful guard, brings up the rear. 

In the same poem is a description of the golden age, in 
which the author seems to have exerted all his powers, in 
selecting such images as are supposed to have been peculiar 
to that happy state of life. 

But the description of natural objects awakes in the poet’s 
mind corresponding emotions; as his heart warms, his fancy 
expands, and he labours to convey a more distinct or a more 
elevated idea of the impressions of his own imagination. 
Hence the origin of figures, or figurative language; in the 
use of which he aims at describing his principal subject, by 
the qualities of some other object more generally known, or 
more striking in its nature. These figures of poetry have 
furnished the philologists of ancient and modern times with 
a great variety of minute distinctions, but many of them con¬ 
sist rather in form than in substance; comparison, expressed 
or implied, will be found to be the essence of them all. 

In the employment of comparative illustration, Lorenzo 
de’ Medici is often particularly happy. An attentive observer 
of the works of nature, as well in her general appearances, 
as in her more minute operations, intimately acquainted 



136 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


with all the finer productions of art, and accustomed to 
the most abstruse speculations of philosophy, whatever 
occurred to his mind excited a profusion of relative ideas, 
either bearing a general resemblance to his immediate sub¬ 
ject, or associated with it by some peculiar circumstance. 
The first of these he often employed for the purpose of ex¬ 
planation or of ornament in his more serious compositions; 
the latter, with great wit and vivacity, in his lighter produc¬ 
tions. At some times, one external object, or one corporeal 
action, is elucidated by another; at other times, natural phe¬ 
nomena are personified, and illustrated by sensible images; 
and instances occur where abstract ideas and metaphysical 
sentiments are brought before the mind, by a comparison with 
the objects of the material world. Of the simplest mode of 
comparison, the following is no inelegant instance: 

Quando sopra i nevosi ed alti monti, 

Apollo spande il suo bel lume adorno, 

Tal i crin suoi sopra la bianca gonna.—Son. lxxiii. 


-O’er her white dress her shining tresses flow’d; 

Thus on the mountain heights with snows o’erspread, 

The beams of noon their golden lustre shed. 

In his pastoral of Corydon , the shepherd thus addresses his 
scornful mistress, elucidating one action by another: 

Lasso quanto dolor io aggio avuto, 

Quando fuggi da gli occhi col pie scalzo ; 

Et con quanti sospir ho gia temuto 
Che spine, o fere venenose, o il balzo 

Non offenda i tuoi piedi; io mi ritegno, 

Per te fuggo i pie invano, e per te gli alzo ; 

Come chi drizza stral veloce al segno, 

Poi che tratt’ ha, torcendo il capo crede 
Drizzarlo, egli e gia fuor del curvo legno 


Ah nymph ! what pangs are mine, when causeless fright 
O’er hill, o’er valley, wings thy giddy flight, 

Lest some sharp thorn thy heedless way may meet, 

Some poisonous reptile wound thy naked feet. 




HIS POETRY. 


137 


Thy pains I feel, but deprecate in vain, 

And turn, and raise my feet, in sympathetic pain. 

So when the archer, with attentive glance, 

Marks his fleet arrow wing its way askance, 

He strives with tortuous act and head aside, 

Right to the mark its devious course to guide. 

The following sonnet affords an instance, not only of the 
illustration of one sensible object by another, but of the 
comparison of an abstract sentiment, with a beautiful natural 
image: 

SONETTO. 

Oime, che belle lagrime fur quelle 
Che ’1 nembo di disio stillando mosse f 
Quando il giusto dolor che ’1 cor percosse, 

Sail poi su nell’ amorose stelle! 

Rigavon per la delicata pelle 
Le bianehe guancie dolcemente rosse, 

Come chiar rio faria che ’n prato fosse, 

Fior bianchi, e rossi, le lagrime belle ; 

Lieto amor stava in 1’ amorosa pioggia, 

Com’ uccel dopo il sol, bramate tanto, 

Lieto riceve rugiadose stifle. 24 

Poi piangendo in quelli occhi ov’ egli alloggia, 

Facea del bello e doloroso pianto, 

Visibilmente uscir dolce faville. 


Ah pearly drops, that pouring from those eyes, 

Spoke the dissolving cloud of soft desire ! 

What time cold sorrow chill’d the genial fire, 

“ Struck the fair urns and bade the waters rise.” 

Soft down those cheeks, where native crimson vies 
With ivory whiteness, see the crystals throng ; 

As some clear river winds its stream along, 

Bathing the flowers of pale and purple dies. 

Whilst Love, rejoicing in the amorous shower, 

Stands like some bird, that after sultry heats 
Enjoys the drops, and shakes his glittering wings; 
Then grasps his bolt, and, conscious of his power, 

’Midst those bright orbs assumes his wonted seat, 

And thro’ the lucid shower his living lightning flings. 



138 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE MEDICI. 


To examples of this kind, I shall only add another, in 
which the poet has attempted te explain the mysterious in¬ 
tercourse of Platonic affection, by a familiar but fanciful 
comparison: 

Delle caveme antiche 

Trahe la fiamma del sol, fervente e chiara, 

Le picciole formiche. 

Sagace alcuna e sollecita impara, 

E dice all’ altre, ov’ ha il parco villano 
Ascoso astuto un monticel di grano; 

Ond’ esce fuor la nera turba avara: 

Tutte di mano in mano 
V anno e vengon dal monte ; 

Porton la cara preda in bocca, e ’n mano. 

Vauno leggieri, e pronte, 

E gravi e carche ritornon di fore. 

Fermon la picciola orma 
Scontrandosi in cammino ; e mentre posa 
L’ una, quell’ altra informa 
Dell’ alta preda; onde piu disiosa 
Alla dolce fatica ogn’ or 1’ invita. 

Calcata e spessa e la via lunga, e trita; 

E se riporton ben tutte una cosa, 

Piu cara e piu gradita v 

Sempre e, quant’ esser deve 
Cosa, senza la qual manca la vita. 

Lo ingiusto fascio e lieve, 

Se ’1 picciol animal senz’ esso more. 

Cosi li pensier miei 

Van piu leggieri alia mia Donna bella; 

Scontrando quei di lei 
Fermonsi, e l’un con 1’ altro allor favella. 

Dolce preda s’ e ben quanto con loro 
Porton dal caro ed immortal tesoro. 

Canz. xii. 



As from their wintry cells, 

The summer’s genial warmth impels 
The busy ants—a countless train 
That with sagacious sense explore 



HIS POETRY. 


m 


Where, provident for winter’s store, 

The careful rustic hides his treasured grain, 

Then issues forth the sable band, 

And seizing on the secret prize, 

From mouth to mouth, from hand to hand, 

His busy task each faithful insect plies, 

And often as they meet, 

With scanty interval of toil, 

Their burthens they repose awhile, 

For rest alternate renders labour sweet. 

The travell’d path their lengthened tracks betray, 

And if no varied cates they bear, 

Yet ever is the portion dear, 

Without whose aid the powers of life decay. 

Thus from my faithful breast, 

The busy messengers of love, 

Incessant towards my fair one’s bosom move ; 

But in their way some gentle thought 
They meet, with kind compassion fraught, 

Soft breathing from that sacred shrine. 

Where dwells a heart in unison with mine, 

And in sweet interchange delight awhile to rest. 

But the poet does not confine himself to the lively descrip¬ 
tion of nature, or of the corresponding emotions of his own 
mind. His next attempt is of a bolder kind, and the inani¬ 
mate objects by which he is surrounded seem to possess life 
and motion, consciousness and reason, to act and to suffer. 
The mountains frown, the rivers murmur, the woods sigh, 
and the fable of Orpheus is revived. In the use of this figure 
Petrarca is inexhaustible, and there are few rural objects 
that have not been called upon to share his emotions; the 
tenderness of the lover inspires the fancy of the poet, he ad¬ 
dresses them as if they were conscious of his passion, and 
applauds or reproaches them as they are favourable or adverse 
to the promotion of it. The works of Lorenzo afford also 
frequent instances of the use of this figure, which more than 
any other gives action and spirit to poetry. In the following 
sonnet he not only animates the violets, but represents them 
as accounting, by a beautiful fiction, for their purple colour: 


140 


LIFE OF LORENZO BE’ MEDICI. 


SONETTO. 

Non di verdi giardin, ornati, e colti 
Del soave e dolce aere Pestano, 

Veniam, Madonna, in la tua bianca mano j 
Ma in aspre selve, e valli ombrose colti; 

Ove Venere afflitta, e in pensier molti, 

Pel periglio d’Adon correndo in vano, 

Un spino acuto al nudo pie villano 
Sparse del divin sangue i bosehi folti: 

Noi sommettemmo allora il bianco fiore, 

Tanto che ’1 divin sangue non aggiunge 
A terra, ond’ il color purpureo nacque. 

Non aure estive, o rivi tolti a lunge 

Noi nutrit’ anno, ma sospir d’ amore 
L’ aure son sute, e pianti d’ Amor 1* acque. 


Not from the verdant garden’s cultured bound, 

That breathes of Pajstum’s aromatic gale, 

We sprung; but nurslings of the lonely vale, 

’Midst woods obscure, and native glooms were found; 

’Midst woods and glooms, whose tangled brakes around 
Once Venus sorrowing traced, as all forlorn 
She sought Adonis, when a lurking thorn 
Deep on her foot impress’d an impious wound. 

Then prone to earth we bow’d our pallid flowers, 

. And caught the drops divine ; the purple dyes 

Tinging the lustre of our native hue: 

Nor summer gales, nor art-conducted showers 
Have nursed our slender forms, but lovers’ sighs 
Have been our gales, and lovers’ tears our dew. 

The province of the poet is not, however, confined to the 
representation, or to the combination of material and external 
objects. The fields of intellect are equally subject to his control. 
The affections and passions of the human mind, the abstract 
ideas of unsubstantial existence, serve in their turn to exer¬ 
cise his powers. In arranging themselves under his dominion, 
it becomes necessary that they should take a visible and sub¬ 
stantial form, distinguished by their attributes, their insignia, 
and their effects. With this form the imagination of the poet 
invests them, and they then become as subservient to his pur- 



OBSERVATIONS ON POETRY. 


Ml 


pose as if they were objects of external sense. In process of 
time, some of these children of imagination acquire a kind of 
prescriptive identity, and the symbolic forms of pleasure, or 
of wisdom, present themselves to our minds in nearly as defi¬ 
nite a manner as the natural ones of Ajax, or of Achilles. 
Thus embodied, they become important actors in the drama, 
and are scarcely distinguishable from human character. But 
the offspring of fancy is infinite; and however the regions of 
poetry may seem to be peopled with these fantastic beings, 
genius will still proceed to invent, to vary, and to combine. 

If the moderns excel the ancients in any department of 
poetry, it is in that now under consideration. It must not, 
indeed, be supposed, that the ancients were insensible of the 
effects produced by this powerful charm, which more pecu¬ 
liarly than any other may be said 

“-To give to airy nothing 

A local habitation and a name.” 

But it may safely be asserted, that they have availed them¬ 
selves of this creative faculty much more sparingly, and with 
much less success, than their modern competitors. The attri¬ 
bution of sense to inert objects is, indeed, common to both, 
but that still bolder exertion which embodies abstract exist¬ 
ence, and renders it susceptible of ocular representation, is 
almost exclusively the boast of the moderns. 25 If, however, 
we advert to the few authors wdio preceded Lorenzo de’ 
Medici, we shall not trace in their writings many striking 
instances of those embodied pictures of ideal existence, which 
are so conspicuous in the works of Ariosto, Spenser, Milton, 
and subsequent writers of the higher class, who are either 
natives of Italy, or have formed their taste upon the poets of 
that nation. 26 

The writings of Lorenzo afford many instances of genuine 
poetical personification; some of which will not suffer by a com¬ 
parison with those of any of his most celebrated successors. 
Of this his representation of jealousy may afford no inadequate 
proof. 

Solo una vecchia in un oscuro canto, 

Pallida, il sol fuggendo, si sedea, 

Tacita sospirando, ed un ammanto 
D’ un incerto color cangiante havea : 



142 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


Cento occhi ha in testa, he tutti versan pianto 
E cent’ orecchie la maligna dea: 

Quel ch’ &, quel che non e, trista ode e vede : 
Mai dorme, ed ostinata a se sol crede. 


Sad in a nook obscure, and sighing deep, 

A pale and haggard beldam shrinks from view ■, 

Her gloomy vigils there she loves to keep, 

Wrapt in a robe of ever-changing hue ; 

A hundred eyes she has, that ceaseless weep, 

A hundred ears, that pay attention due. 

Imagined evils aggravate her grief, 

Heedless of sleep, and stubborn to relief. 

If his personification of hope be less discriminate, it is to 
be attributed to the nature of that passion, of which uncer¬ 
tainty is in some degree the characteristic. 

is una donna di statura immensa. 

La cima de’ capelli al ciel par monti; 

Formata, e vestita e di nebbia densa; 

Abita il sommo de’ piu alti monti. 

Se i nugoli guardando un forma, pensa 
Nove forme veder d’ animal pronti, 

Che ’1 vento muta, e poi di novo figne, 

Cosi Amor questa vana dipigne. 


Immense of bulk, her towering head she shows, 
Her floating tresses seem to touch the skies. 
Dark mists her unsubstantial shape compose 
And on the mountain’s top her dwelling lies. 

As when the clouds fantastic shapes disclose, 
For ever varying to the gazer’s eyes, 

Till on the breeze the changeful hues escape, 
Thus vague her form, and mutable her shape. 

Her attendants are also highly characteristic. 

Seguon questa infelice in ogni parte 
II sogno, e 1’ augurio, e la bugia, 

E chiromanti, ed ogni fallace arte, 

Sorte, indovini, e falsa profezia: 




HIS POETRY. 


143 


La vocale, e la scritta in sciocche carte, 

Che dicon, quando e stato, quel che fia: 

L’ archimia, e chi di terra il ciel misura, 

E fatta a volonta la conjettura. 

Illusive beings round their sovereign -wait, 

Deceitful dreams, and auguries, and lies, 

Innumerous arts the gaping crowd that cheat, 

Predictions wild, and groundless prophecies ; 

With wondrous words, or written rolls of fate. 

Foretelling—when ’tis past—what yet shall rise; 

And alchymy, and astrologic skill, 

And fond conjecture—always form’d at will. 

Though not, perhaps, strictly to be ranked in this depart¬ 
ment, I shall not deprive my readers of the following fanciful 
description of the formation of the lover’s chain. 

Non gia cosi la mia bella catena 
Stringe il mio cor gentil, pien di dolcezza: 

Di tre nodi composta lieto il mena 
Con le sue mani; il primo fe bellezza, 

La pieta 1* altro per si dolce pena, 

E F altro amor; ne tempo alcun gli spezza : 

La bella mano insieme poi gli strinse 
E di si dolce laccio il cor awinse. 

* * * * 

Quando tessuta fu questa catena, 

L’ aria, la terra, il ciel lieto concorse: 

L’ aria, non fu giammai tanto serena, 

Ne il sol giammai si bella luce porse: 

Di frondi giovinette, e di fior piena 
La terra lieta, ov’ un chiar rivo corse: 

Ciprigna in grembo al padre il di si mise, 

Lieta miro dal ciel quel loco, e rise. 

Dal divin capo, ed amoroso seno, 

Prese con ambo man rose diverse, 

E le sparse nel ciel queto e sereno: 

Di questi fior la mia donna coperse. 

Giove benigno, di letizia pieno, 

Gli umani orecchi quel bel giorno aperse 
A sentir la celeste melodia, 

Che in canti, ritmi, e suon, dal ciel venia. 



144 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Dear are those bonds my willing heart that bind, 

Form’d of three cords, in mystic union twined; 

The first by beauty’s rosy fingers wove, 

The next by pity, and the third by love. 

—The hour that gave this wondrous texture birth, 

Saw in sweet union, heaven, and air, and earth ; 

Serene and soft all ether breathed delight, 

The sun diffused a mild and temper’d light; 

New leaves the trees, sweet flowers adorn’d the mead, 

And sparkling rivers gush’d along the glade. 

Reposed on Jove’s own breast, his favourite child, 

The Cyprian queen beheld the scene and smiled ; 

Then with both hands, from her ambrosial head, 

And amorous breast, a shower of roses shed; 

The heavenly shower descending soft and slow. 

Pour’d all its fragrance on my fair below; 

Whilst all benign the ruler of the spheres 
To sounds celestial open’d mortal ears. 

From the foregoing specimens we may be enabled to form 
a general idea of the merits of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and may 
perceive, that of the essential requisites of poetic composition, 
instances are to be found in his writings. The talents of a 
poet he certainly possessed. But before we can form a com¬ 
plete estimate of his poetical character, it will be necessary 
to inquire to what purpose those talents were applied, and 
this can only be done by taking a view of the different de¬ 
partments of poetry in which he employed his pen. In the 
execution of this task, we may also be enabled to ascertain 
how far he has imitated his predecessors, and how far he has 
himself been a model to those who have succeeded him. 

The Italian sonnet is a species of composition almost coeval 
with the language itself; and may be traced back to that 
period when the Latin tongue, corrupted by the vulgar pro¬ 
nunciation, and intermixed with the idioms of the different 
nations that from time to time over-ran Italy, degenerated 
into what was called the lingua volgare; which language, 
though at first rude and unpolished, was, by successive exer¬ 
tions, reduced to a regular and determinate standard, and 
obtained at length a superiority over the Latin, not only in 
common use, but in the written compositions of the learned. 


THE ITALIAN SONNET. 


145 


The form of the sonnet, confined to a certain versification, 
and to a certain number of lines, was unknown to the Roman 
poets, who adopting a legitimate measure, employed it ae 
long as the subject required it, but was probably derivec. 
from the Proven§als; although instances of the regular stanza, 
now used in these compositions, may be traced amongst the 
Italians, as early as the thirteenth century. 27 From that time 
to the present, the sonnet has retained its precise form, and 
has been the most favourite mode of composition in the Italian 
tongue. It may, however, be justly doubted, whether the 
Italian poesy has, upon the whole, derived any great advan¬ 
tage from the frequent use of the sonnet. Confined to so 
narrow a compass, it admits not of that extent and range of 
ideas which suggest themselves to a mind already warm with 
its subject. On the contrary, it illustrates only some one 
distinct idea, and this must be extended or condensed, not as 
its nature requires, but as the rigid laws of the composition 
prescribe. One of the highest excellences of a master in this 
art consists, therefore, in the selection of a subject neither 
too long nor too short for the space which it is intended to 
occupy. 23 Hence the invention is cramped, and the free 
excursions of the mind are fettered and restrained. Hence, 
too, the greater part of these compositions display rather the 
glitter of wit than the fire of genius; and hence they have 
been almost solely appropriated to the illustration of the pas¬ 
sion of love: a subject which, from its various nature, and 
the endless analogies of which it admits, is more susceptible 
than any other of being apportioned into those detached sen¬ 
timents of which the sonnet is composed. 

To these restraints, however, the stern genius of Dante 
frequently submitted. In his Vita Nuova we have a consi¬ 
derable number of his sonnets, which bear the distinct marks 
of his character, and derogate not from the author of the 
Divina CommediaP These sonnets are uniformly devoted to 
the praises of his Beatrice; but his passion is so spiritualized, 
and so remote from gross and earthly objects, that great 
doubts have arisen among his commentators, whether the 
object of his adoration had a substantial existence, or was 
anything more than the abstract idea of wisdom, or philo¬ 
sophy. Certain it is, that the abstruse and recondite sense of 

L 


146 


LIFE OF LORENZO EE 5 MEDICI. 


these productions seems but little suited to the comprehension 
of that sex to which they are addressed, and ill calculated to 
promote the success of an amorous passion. The reputation 
of Dante as a poet is not, however, founded on this part of 
his labours; but Petrarca, whose other works have long been 
neglected, is indebted to his sonnets and lyric productions for 
the high rank which he yet holds in the public estimation. 
Without degrading his subject by gross and sensual images, 
he has rendered it susceptible of general apprehension; and, 
whether his passion was real or pretended, for even this has 
been doubted, 30 he has traced the effects of love through every 
turn and winding of the human bosom; so that it is scarcely 
possible for a lover to find himself so situated, as not to meet 
with his own peculiar feelings reflected in some passage or 
other of that engaging author. 

Without possessing the terseness of those of Dante, or the 
polish and harmony of those of Petrarca, the sonnets of 
Lorenzo de’ Medici have indisputable pretensions to high 
poetical excellence. It is indeed to be regretted, that, like 
those of his two celebrated predecessors, they are almost 
all devoted to one subject—the illustration of an amorous 
passion; but he has so diversified and embellished them with 
images drawn from other sources, as to rescue them from that 
general censure of insipidity, which may properly be applied 
to the greater part of the productions of the Italians, in this 
their favourite mode of composition. These images he has 
sought for in almost all the appearances of nature, in the 
annals of history, the wilds of mythology, and the mysteries 
of the Platonic philosophy; and has exhibited them with a 
splendour and vivacity peculiar to himself. If the produc¬ 
tions of Dante resemble the austere grandeur of Michael 
Agnolo, or if those of Petrarca remind us of the ease and 
gracefulness of Raffaello, the works of Lorenzo may be com¬ 
pared to the less correct, but more animated and splendid 
labours of the Venetian school. The poets, as well as the 
painters, each formed a distinct class, and have each had their 
exclusive admirers and imitators. In the beginning of the 
succeeding century, the celebrated Pietro Bembo attempted 
again to introduce the style of Petrarca; but his sonnets, 
though correct and chaste, are too often formal and insipid. 


HIS SONNETS. 


14 r 


Those of Casa, formed upon the same model, possess much, 
more ease, and a greater flow of sentiment. Succeeding 
authors united the correctness of Petrarca with the bolder 
colouring of Lorenzo; and in the works of Ariosto, the two 
Tassos, Costanzo, Tansillo, and Guarini, the poetry of Italy 
attained its highest degree of perfection. 

The sonnets of Lorenzo de’ Medici are intermixed with 
Canzoni , Sestine , and other lyric productions, which in gene¬ 
ral display an equal elegance of sentiment, and brilliancy of 
expression. One of his biographers is, however, of opinion, 
that the merit of his odes is inferior to that of his sonnets; 31 
but it is not easy to discover any striking evidence of the 
propriety of this remark. It must not, however, be denied, 
that his writings occasionally display too evident proofs of 
that haste with which it is probable they were all composed; 
or that they are sometimes interspersed with modes of ex¬ 
pression, which would scarcely have been tolerated among the 
more accurate and polished writers of the succeeding century. 
The language of Lorenzo de’ Medici appears even more 
obsolete, and is more tinctured with the rusticity of the 
vulgar dialect, than that of Petrarca, who preceded him by so 
long an interval. But, with all these defects, the intrinsic 
merits of his writings have been acknowledged by all those 
who have been able to divest themselves of an undue partiality 
for the fashion of the day, and who can discern true excel¬ 
lence, through the disadvantages of a dress in some respects 
antiquated, or negligent. Muratori, in his treatise on the 
poetry of Italy, has accordingly adduced several of the sonnets 
of Lorenzo, as examples of elegant composition: “It is gold 
from the mine,” 32 says that judicious critic, adverting to one 
of these pieces, “ mixed, indeed, with ruder materials, yet it 
is always gold.” 33 

The Selve d'Amove of Lorenzo de’ Medici is a composition 
in ottava rima, and, though it extends to a considerable length,, 
deserves to be held at least in equal esteem with his sonnets 
and lyric productions. 84 The stanza in which it is written is 
the most favourite mode of versification amongst the Italians, 
and has been introduced with great success into the English 
language. It was first reduced to its regular form by Boc¬ 
caccio, who employed it in his heroic romances, the Theseidc 


148 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


and the Filostrato;* but the poems of Ariosto and of Tor¬ 
quato Tasso, have established it as the vehicle of epic com¬ 
position . 35 These stanze were produced by Lorenzo at an 
early age, and are undoubtedly the same of which Landino 
and Valori expressed such warm approbation . 36 The estima¬ 
tion in which they were held may be determined by the many 
imitations which have appeared from Benivieni , 37 Serafino 
d’Aquila , 38 Politiano , 39 Lodovico Martelli,f and others; who 
seem to have contended with each other for superiority in a 
species of poetry which gives full scope to the imagination, 
and in which the author takes the liberty of expatiating on 
any subject which he conceives to be likely to engage the 
attention, and obtain the favour of his mistress. 

Among the poems of Lorenzo de’ Medici, which have been 
preserved for three centuries in manuscript, in the Laurentian 
Library, is a beautiful Ovidian allegory, entitled Ambra , being 
the name of a small island, formed by the river Ombrone, 
near Lorenzo’s villa at Poggio-Cajano, the destruction of 
which is the subject of the poem. This favourite spot he 
had improved and ornamented with great assiduity, and was 
extremely delighted with the retired situation, and romantic 
aspect of the place . 40 He was not, however, without appre¬ 
hensions that the rapidity of the river might destroy his 
improvements, which misfortune he endeavoured to prevent 
by every possible precaution; but his cares were ineffectual; 
an inundation took place, and sweeping away his labours, left 
him no consolation but that of immortalizing his Ambra in 
the poem now alluded to . 41 The same stanza is employed by 
Lorenzo in his poem on hawking, La Caccia col Falcone. This 
piece is apparently founded on a real incident. The author 
here gives us a very circumstantial, and at the same time a 
very lively account of this once popular diversion, from the de¬ 
parture of the company in the morning, to their return in the 
heat of the day. The seene is most probably at Poggio- 
Cajano, where he frequently partook of the diversions of 
hunting and of hawking, the latter of which he is said to 
have preferred . 42 In this poem, wherein the author has in- 


* Crescim. i. p. 200. Manni, Istoria del Decamerone, p. 52. 

+ Stanze in lode delle Donne , printed in the works of this author. Flor. 1548. 


HIS MORAL PIECES. 


149 


troduced many of liis companions by name, the reader will 
find much native humour, and a striking picture of the 
manners of the times. 

Lorenzo has, however, occasionally assumed in his writings 
a more serious character. His Altercazione y or poem expla¬ 
natory of the Platonic philosophy, has before attracted our 
notice; but notwithstanding this attempt has great merit, and 
elucidates with some degree of poetical ornament a dry and 
difficult subject, it is much inferior to his moral poems, one 
of which in particular exhibits a force of expression, a gran¬ 
deur and elevation of sentiment, of which his predecessors 
had set him no example, and which perhaps none of his 
countrymen have since excelled. This piece, in which the 
author calls upon the faculties of his own mind to exert 
themselves to great and useful purposes, thus commences: 

Destati pigro ingegno da quel sonno, 

Che par che gli occhi tuoi d’ un vel ricopra, 

Onde veder la verita non ponno; 

Svegliati omai; contempla, ogni tua opra 
Quanto disutil sia, vana, e fallace, 

Poi che il desio alia ragione e sopra. 

Deh pensa, quanto falsamente piace, 

Onore, utilitate, ovver diletto, 

Ove per piu s’ afferma esser la pace; 

Pensa alia dignita del tuo intelletto, 

Non dato per seguir cosa mortale, 

Ma perche avessi il cielo per suo obietto. 

Sai per esperienza, quanto vale' 

Quel, ch’ altri chiama ben, dal ben piu scosto, 

Che I’ oriente dall’ occidentale. 

Quella vaghezza, ch’ a gli occhi ha proposto 
Amor, e comincid ne* teneri anni, 

D’ogni tuo viver lieto t* ha disposto. 

Brieve, fugace, falsa, e pien d’ affanni, 

Ornata in vista, ma e poi crudel mostro, 

Che tien lupi e delfin sotto i bei panni. 

Deh pensa, qual sarebbe il viver nostro, 

Se quel, che de’ tener la prima parte, 

Preso avesse il cammin, qual io t’ ho mostro, 

Pensa, se tanto tempo, ingegno, o arte, 


150 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Avessi volto al piu giusto desio, 

Ti potresti hor in pace consolarte. 

Se ver te fosse il tuo voler piu pio, 

Forse quel, che per te si brama, o spera, 
Conosceresti me’, s’ e buono o rio. 

Dell’ eta tua la verde primavera 

Hai consumata, e forse tal fia il resto, 

Fin che del verno sia 1* ultima sera; 

Sotto falsa ombra, e sotto rio pretesto, 
Persuadendo a te, che gentilezza 
Che vien dal cuor, ha causato questo. 

Questi tristi legami oramai spezza: 

Leva dal collo tuo quella catena 
Ch’ ayolto vi tenea falsa bellezza: 

E la vana speranza, che ti mena, 

Leva dal cuor, e fa il govemo pigli 
Di te, la parte piu bella e serena: 

Et sottometta questa a’ suoi artigli 
Ogni disir al suo voler contrario, 

Con maggior forza, e con maggior consigli, 

Sieche sbattuto il suo tristo aversario, 

Non drizzi piu la venenosa cresta. 


Rise from thy trance, my slumbering genius rise, 
That shrouds from truth’s pure beam thy torpid eyes 
Awake, and see, since reason gave the rein 
To low desire, thy every work how vain. 

Ah think how false that bliss the mind explores, 

In futile honours, or unbounded stores; 

How poor the bait that would thy steps decoy 
To sensual pleasure, and unmeaning joy. 

Rouse all thy powers, for better use designed, 

And know thy native dignity of mind; 

Not for low aims and mortal triumphs given, 

Its means exertion, and its object heaven. 

Hast thou not yet the difference understood, 
’Twixt empty pleasure and substantial good? 

Not more opposed—by all the wise confest, 

The rising orient from the farthest west. 

Doom’d from thy youth the galling chain to prove 
Of potent beauty, and imperious love, 



HIS SACRED POEMS. 


151 


Their tyrant rule has blighted all thy time. 

And marr’d the promise of thy early prime. 

Though beauty’s garb thy wondering gaze may win, 

Yet know that wolves, that harpies dwell within. 

Ah think, how fair thy better hopes had sped, 

Thy widely erring steps had reason led; 

Think, if thy time a nobler use had known, 

Ere this the glorious prize had been thine own. 

Kind to thyself, thy clear discerning will, 

Had wisely learnt to sever good from ilL 
Thy spring-tide hours consumed in vain delight. 

Shall the same follies close thy wintry night? 

With vain pretexts of beauty’s potent charms, 

And nature's frailty, blunting reason’s arms ? 

—At length thy long-lost liberty regain, 

Tear the strong tie, and break the inglorious chain, 

Freed from false hopes, assume thy native powers, 

And give to Reason’s rule thy future hours; 

To her dominion yield thy trusting soul. 

And bend thy wishes to her strong control; 

Till love, the serpent that destroy’d thy rest, 

Crush’d by her hand shall mourn his humbled crest. 

The sacred poems of Lorenzo de’ Medici, distinguished by 
the names of Orazioni, and Laudef 3 have been several times 
printed in various ancient collections, from which they were 
selected and published, (with others by different persons of 
the same family,) by Cionacci, at Florence, in the year 1680.* 
The authors of the other poems in this collection are Lucretia, 
the mother of Lorenzo, Pier Francesco, his cousin, and Ber¬ 
nardo d’ Alamanni de’ Medici; but the reputation of Lorenzo 
as a poet will not be much increased by our assigning to 
him a decided superiority over his kindred. The poems of 
Lorenzo need not, however, the equivocal approbation of 
comparative praise, as they possess a great degree of positive 
excellence. In the following beautiful and affecting address 
to the deity, the sublimity of the Hebrew original is tempered 
with the softer notes of the Italian muse : 4i 

* Rime sacre dal Magnifico Lorenzo de’ Medici il Vecchio, di Madonna 
Lucrezia sua Madre, e d’ altri della stessa famiglia. Raccolte e d’ osserva- 
zione corredate per Francesco Cionacci. In Firenze, 1680. 


152 


LIFE OF LORENZO EE’ MEDICI. 


ORAZIONE. 

Oda il sacro inno tutta la Datura, 

Oda la terra, e nubilosi e foschi 
Turbini, e piove, che fan 1’ aere oscura. 

Silenzj ombrosi, e solitari boschi: 

Posate venti: udite cieli il canto, 

Perche il creato il creator conoschi. 

Il creatore, e ’1 tutto, e 1’ uno, io canto; 

Queste sacre orazion sieno esaudite 
Dell’ immortale Dio dal cerchio santo. 

Il Fattor canto, che ha distribuite 

Le terre; e ’1 ciel bilancia; e quel che vuole, 
Cue sien dell’ ocean dolci acque uscite 

Per nutrimento dell’ umana prole ; 

Per quale ancor comanda, sopra splenda 
il fuoco, e perche Dio adora e cole. 

Grazie ciascun con una voce renda 

A lui, che passa i ciel; qual vive e sente, 
Crea, e convien da lui natura prenda. 

Questo e solo e vero occhio della mente, 

Delle potenzie; a lui le laude date, 

Questo ricevera benignamente. 

O forze mie, costui solo laudate; 

Ogni virtu dell’ alma questo nurae 
Laudi, conforme alia mia voluntate. 

Santa e la cognizion, che del tuo lume 

Splende, e canta illustrato in allegrezza 
D’ intelligibil luce il mio acume. 

O tutte mie potenzie, in gran dolcezza 
Meco cantate, o spirti miei costanti, 

Cantate la costante sua fermezza. 

La mia giustizia per me il giusto canti: 

Laudate meco il tutto insieme e intero, 

Gli spirti uniti, e’ membri tutti quanti. 

Canti per me la veritate il vero, 

E tutto ’1 nostro buon, canti esso bene, 

Ben, che appetisce ciascun desidero. 

O vita, o luce, da voi in noi viene 
La benedizioD ; grazie t’ ho io, 

O Dio, da cui potenzia ogn’ atto viene. 

Il vero tuo per me te lauda Dio; 


HIS SACRED POEMS. 


153 


Per me ancor delle porole sante 
Riceve il mondo il sacrificio pio. 

Questo ehieggon le forze mie clamante: 

Cantato il tutto, e cosi son perfette 
Da lor T alte tue voglie tutti quante. 

Il tuo disio da te in te reflette ; 

Ricevi il sacrificio, o santo Re, 

Delle parole pie da ciascun dette. 

O vita, salva tutto quel ch’ e in me; 
lie tenebre, ove 1’ alma par vanegge 
Luce illumina tu, che luce se\ 

Spirto Dio, il verbo tuo la mente regge, 

Opifice, che spirto a ciascun dai, 

Tu sol se’ Dio, onde ogni cosa ha legge. 

L’ uomo tuo questo chiama sempre mai; 

Per fuoco, aria, acqua, e terra t’ ha pregato. 
Per lo spirto, e per quel che creato hai. 
Dali’ eterno ho benedizion trovato, 

E spero, come io son desideroso, 

Trovar nel tuo disio tranquillo stato; 

Fuor di te Dio, non e vero riposo. 


All nature, hear the sacred song! 

Attend, O earth, the solemn strain! 

Ye whirlwinds wild that sweep along; 

Ye darkening storms of beating rain; 

Umbrageous glooms, and forests drear ; 

And solitary deserts, hear! 

Be still, ye winds, whilst to the Maker’s praise 
The creature of his power aspires his voice to raise. 

O may the solemn breathing sound 
Like incense rise before the throne, 

Where he, whose glory knows no bound. 

Great cause of all things, dwells alone. 

’Tis he I sing, whose powerful hand 
Balanced the skies, outspread the land; 

Who spoke—from ocean’s stores sweet waters came, 
And burst resplendent forth the heaven-aspiring flame. 

One general song of praise arise 
To him whose goodness ceaseless flows; 



154 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI, 


Who dwells enthroned beyond the skies, 

And life, and breath, on all bestows. 

Great source of intellect, his ear 
Benign receives our vows sincere: 

Rise then, my active powers, your task fulfil, 

And give to him your praise, responsive to my will. 

Partaker of that living stream 
Of light, that pours an endless blaze, 

O let thy strong reflected beam, 

My understanding, speak his praise : 

My soul, in steadfast love secure, 

Praise him whose word is ever sure ; 

To him, sole just, my sense of right incline. 

Join every prostrate limb, my ardent spirit join. 

Let all of good this bosom fires. 

To him, sole good, give praises due : 

Let all the truth himself inspires. 

Unite to sing him only true. 

To him my every thought ascend, 

To him my hopes, my wishes bend. 

From earth’s wide bounds let louder hymns arise, 
And his own word convey the pious sacrifice. 

In ardent adoration join’d, 

Obedient to thy holy will, 

Let all my faculties combined, 

Thy just desires, O God, fulfil. 

From thee derived, eternal king, 

To thee our noblest powers we bring: 

O may thy hand direct our wandering way, 

O bid thy light arise, and chase the clouds away. 

Eternal spirit! whose command, 

Light, life, and being, give to all; 

O hear the creature of thy hand, 

Man, constant on thy goodness call! 

By fire, by water, air, and earth, 

That soul to thee that owes its birth, 

By these he supplicates thy blest repose, 

Absent from thee no rest his wandering spirit knows. 


JOCOSE ITALIAN LITERATURE. 


155 


The Italian language had not yet been applied to the pur¬ 
poses of satire, unless we may be allowed to apply that name 
to some parts of the Commedia of Dante, or the unpublished 
poem of Burchiello, before noticed. The Beoni 45 of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici is perhaps the earliest production that properly 
ranks under this title; the Canti Carnascialescki, or carnival 
songs, which we shall hereafter notice, and which are supposed 
by Bianchini to have set the first example of the jocose 
Italian satire, being a very different kind of composition. 46 
This piece is also composed in terza rima, and is a lively and 
severe reprehension of drunkenness. The author represents 
himself as returning, after a short absence, to Florence ; when, 
as he approached towards the Porta di Faenza , he met many 
of his fellow-citizens, hastening along the road with the 
greatest precipitation. At length he had the good fortune 
to perceive an old acquaintance, to whom he gives the appel¬ 
lation of Bartolino, and whom he requests to explain to him 
the cause of this strange commotion. 

Non altrimente a parete ugelletto, 

Sentendo d’ altri ugelli i dolci versi, 

Sendo in cammin, si volge a quell’ effetto ; 

Cosi lui, benehe appena pud tenersi, 

Che li pareva al fermarsi fatica; 

Che e’ non s’ acquista in fretta i passi persi. 


—As when some bird a kindred note that hears, 

His well-known mate with note responsive cheers, 

He recognised my voice; and at the sound 
Relax’d his speed ; but difficult he found 
The task to stop, and great fatigue it seem’d, 

For whilst he spoke, each moment lost he deem’d; 

Then thus: 

Bartolino informs him that they are all hastening to the 
bridge of Rifredi, to partake of a treat of excellent wine, 

——che presti facci i lenti piedi. 

That gives new vigour to the crippled feet. 

He then characterizes his numerous companions, who, al¬ 
though sufficiently discriminated in other respects, all agree 



156 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


in their insatiable thirst. Three priests at length make their 
appearance; Lorenzo inquires— 

Colui chi e, che ha rosse le gote P 
E due con seco con lunghe mantella ? 

Ed ei: ciascun di loro e sacerdote; 

Quel cli’ e piii grasso, e il Piovan dell’ Antella, 

Perch’ e’ ti paja straccurato in viso, 

Ha sempre seco pur la metadella: 

L’ altro, che drieto vien con dolce riso, 

Con quel naso appuntato, lungo, e strano, 

Ha fatto anche del her suo paradiso; 

Tien dignita, ch’ e pastor Fiesolano, 

Che ha in una sua tazza divozione. 

Che ser Anton seco ha, suo cappellano. 

Per ogni loco, e per ogni stagione, 

Sempre la fida tazza seco porta, 

Non ti dico altro, sino a processione; 

E credo questa fia sempre sua scorta, 

Quando lui mutera paese o corte, 

Questa sara che picchiera la porta: 

Questa sara con lui dopo la morte, 

E messa seco fia nel monimento, 

Accioche morto poi lo riconforte; 

E questa lascera per testamento. 

Non hai tu visto a procession, quand’ elli 
Ch’ ognun si fermi, fa comandamento? 

E i canonici chiama suoi fratelli; 

Tanto che tutti intorno li fan cerchio, 

E mentre lo ricuopron co’ mantelli, 

Lui con la tazza, al viso fa coperchio. 


With rosy cheeks who follows next, my friend, 
And who the gownmen that his steps attend? 

—Three pious priests—the chief in size and place, 
Antella’s rector—shows his vacant face; 

He who, with easy smile and pointed nose, 

In social converse with the rector goes, 

Of Fesule a dignified divine, 

Has wisely placed his paradise in wine. 

The favourite cup that all his wants supplies, 
Within whose circle his devotion lies, 



HIS “BEONI.” 


157 


His faithful curate, Ser Antonio brings— 

—See, at his side the goodly vessel swings. 

On all occasions, and where’er he bends 
His way, this implement its lord attends ; 

Or more officious, marches on before, 

Prepares his road, and tinkles at the door; 

This on his death-bed shall his thoughts employ, 

And with him in his monument shall lie. 

Hast thou not seen—if e’er thou chanced to meet, 

The slow procession moving through the street, 

As the superior issues his command, 

His sable brethren close around him stand; 

Then, whilst in pious act with hands outspread, 

Each with his cassock shrouds his leader’s head, 

His face the toper covers with his cup, 

And, ere the prayer be ended, drinks it up. 

The fiery temperament of an habitual drunkard is described 
by the following whimsical hyperbole: 

Come fu giunto in terra quell’ umore, 

Del fiero sputo, nell’ arido smalto, 

Unissi insieme l’umido e ’1 calore ; 

E poi quella virtu, che vien da alto, 

Li diede spirto, e nacquene un ranocchio, 

E inanzi a gli occlii nostri prese un salto. 


He sneezed: and as the burning humour fell, 

The dust with vital warmth began to swell, 

Hot, moist, and dry, their genial powers unite, 

Up sprang a frog, and leapt befbre our sight. 

So expeditions was Lorenzo in his compositions, that he is 
said to have written this piece nearly extempore, immediately 
after the incident on which it was founded took place . 47 
Posterity ought to regard this poem with particular favour, as 
it has led the way to some of the most agreeable and poignant 
productions of the Italian poets, and is one of the earliest 
models of the satires and capitoli of Berni , 43 Nelli , 49 Ariosto , 50 
Bentivoglio , 51 and others, who form a numerous class of 
writers, in a mode of composition almost peculiar to the 
natives of Italy. 



158 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


Italy has always been celebrated for the talents of its Im- 
provvisatori, or extempore poets. Throughout Tuscany, in 
particular, this custom of reciting verses has for ages been the 
constant and most favourite amusement of the villagers and 
country inhabitants. At some times the subject is a trial of 
wit between two peasants; on other occasions, a lover ad¬ 
dresses his mistress in a poetical oration, expressing his pas¬ 
sion by such images as his uncultivated fancy suggests, and 
endeavouring to amuse and engage her by the liveliest sallies 
of humour. These recitations, in which the eclogues of 
Theocritus are realized, are delivered in a tone of voice be¬ 
tween speaking and singing, and are accompanied with the 
constant motion of one hand, as if to measure the time and 
regulate the harmony; but they have an additional charm, 
from the simplicity of the country dialect, which abounds with 
phrases highly natural and appropriate, though incompatible 
with the precision of a regular language, and forms what is 
called the Lingua Contadinesca , 52 of which specimens may be 
found in the writings of Boccaccio. 53 The idea of adapting 
this language to poetry first occurred to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 
who, in his verses entitled La Nencia da Barberinoj* has left 
a very pleasing specimen of it, full of lively imagery and rus¬ 
tic pleasantry. 65 This piece no sooner appeared, than Luigi 
Pulci attempted to emulate it, in another poem, written in 
the same stanza, and called L.a Beca da Dicomana ;* but in¬ 
stead of the more chastised and delicate humour of Lorenzo, 
the poem of Pulci partakes of the character of his Morgante , 
and wanders into the burlesque and extravagant. In the fol¬ 
lowing century, Michelagnolo Buonaroti, the nephew of the 
celebrated artist of the same name, employed this style with 
great success in his admirable rustic comedy, La Lancia?* 
but, perhaps, the most beautiful instance that Italy has pro¬ 
duced, is the work of Francesco Baldovini, who, towards the 
close of the seventeenth century, published his Lamento di 
Cee.co da Varlungo ; 57 a piece of inimitable wit and simplicity, 
and which seems to have carried this species of poetry to its 
highest pitch of perfection. 

If, during the darkness of the middle ages, the drama, that 

* Published, with La Nencia , in the Canzoni a Ballo. Flor. 1568. 


ITALIAN DRAMA. 


159 


great school of human life and manners, as established among 
the ancients, was totally lost, it was not without a substitute 
in most of the nations of Europe, though of a very imperfect 
and degraded kind. To this factitious species of dramatic re¬ 
presentation, which led the minds of the people from the 
imitation of the ancient Greeks and Romans, and closed their 
eyes to their excellences, we are probably to attribute the 
slow progress which, in the revival of letters, took place in 
this important department. Innumerable attempts have in¬ 
deed been made to trace the origin of the modern drama, and 
the Italians, the Germans, the Spaniards, the French, and the 
English, 58 have successively claimed priority of each other. 
But questions of this kind scarcely admit of decision. Imita¬ 
tion is natural to man in every state of society; and where 
shall we draw the line of distinction between the polished pro¬ 
ductions of Racine, and the pantomimes of Bartholomew fair? 
This propensity to imitation, operating upon the religious or 
superstitious views of the clergy, produced at length that 
species of exhibition which was formerly known throughout 
Europe by the name of Mysteries; but it is probable, that for 
a long time they were merely calculated to strike the eyes of 
the spectators. In the city of Florence they were often pre¬ 
pared at the public expense, and at times by rich individuals, 
for the purpose of displaying their wealth, and conciliating 
the public favour. Four days in the year were solemnly 
celebrated by the four districts of the city, in honour of their 
patron saints; but the feast of St. John, the tutelary saint of 
Florence, was provided, not at the expense of the particular 
district which bore his name, but of the city at large. The 
fabrication of these spectacles employed the abilities of the 
best artists and engineers of the time.* 

It was not, however, till the age of Lorenzo de’ Medici that 
these ill-judged representations began to assume a more re¬ 
spectable form, and to be united with dialogue. One of the 
earliest examples of the sacred drama is the Rappresentazione 
of S. Giovanni e S. Paolo,™ by Lorenzo de’ Medici. Cionacci 
conjectures that this piece was written at the time of the mar¬ 
riage of Maddalena, one of the daughters of Lorenzo, to Fran- 

* Vasari, Vita di Cecca Ingegnere e di Filippo Brunelleschi. 


160 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


cesco Cibo, nephew of Innocent VIII., and that it was per¬ 
formed by his own children; there being many passages which 
seem to be intended as precepts for such as are intrusted with 
the direction of a state, and which particularly point out the 
line of conduct which he and his ancestors had pursued, in 
obtaining and preserving their influence in Florence. 60 The 
coadj utors of Lorenzo in this attempt to meliorate the imper® 
feet state of the drama were Feo Belcari, Bernardo Pulci 
and his wife Madonna Antonia de’ Tanini. 61 That Lorenzo 
had it in contemplation to employ dramatic composition 
in other subjects is also apparent. Among his poems was 
an attempt to substitute the deities of Greece and Rome, 
for the saints and martyrs of the Christian church; but 
the jealous temper of the national religion seems for a 
time to have restrained the progress which might other¬ 
wise have been expected in this important department of 
letters. Some years after the death of Lorenzo, a more de¬ 
cided effort was made by Bernardo Accolti, in his drama of 
Virginia , founded on one of the novels of Boccaccio ; 62 and 
this again was followed, at a short interval, by the Sofonisba 
of Trissino, and the Rosjnunda of Giovanni Rucellai, two 
pieces which are justly considered as the first regular produc¬ 
tions of the drama in modern times. 

The origin of the musical drama, or Italian opera, is by 
general consent attributed to Politiano, who gave the first ex¬ 
ample of it in his Orfeo. The idea of this species of compo¬ 
sition seems to have been first suggested by the eclogues of 
the ancient Greek and Roman authors; nor does there appear 
to have been any extraordinary exertion of genius in adapting 
to music the sentiments and language of pastoral life; but it 
should be remembered, that the intrinsic merit of any dis¬ 
covery is to be judged of rather by the success with which it 
is attended, than by the difficulties that were to be surmounted. 
Of the plan and conduct of this dramatic attempt, a particular 
account has been given by a very judicious and amusing 
author.* Little, however, is to be expected in point of ar¬ 
rangement, when we understand that it was the hasty produc¬ 
tion of two days, and was intended merely for the gratification 


Dr. Burney, in lus Gen. Hist, of Music, iv. 14. 


THE MUSICAL DRAMA. 


161 


of Gonzaga, cardinal of Mantua, before whom it was first re¬ 
presented. Accordingly, its principal merit consists in the 
simplicity and elegance of some of the lyric pieces with which 
it is interspersed. From the early editions of this poem, it 
appears that the character of Orpheus was first exhibited by 
the celebrated Improvvisatore , Baccio Ugolini, whose personal 
obligations to the cardinal occasioned the introduction of the 
beautiful Latin ode, in which, by a singular exertion of the 
quidlibet ciudendi, the Theban bard is introduced singing the 
praises of the cardinal, but which was afterwards superseded 
by the verses in praise of Hercules, generally found in the 
subsequent editions. 

In a dedicatory epistle prefixed to this piece, and addressed 
to Carlo Canale, the author, whilst he professes himself wil¬ 
ling to comply with the wishes of some of his friends by its 
publication, openly protests against the propriety of such a 
measure. 63 A species of conduct which, in modern times, 
might perhaps savour of affectation; but of this we may safely 
acquit Politiano, who, in the midst of his learned labours, cer¬ 
tainly regarded a slight composition in the vulgar tongue as 
much below his talents and his character. 

During the time of carnival, it was customary to celebrate 
that festival at Florence with extraordinary magnificence. 
Ajnong other amusements, it had long been usual to collect 
together, at great expense, large processions of people, some¬ 
times representing the return of triumphant warriors with 
trophies, cars, and similar devices; and at other times some 
story of ancient chivalry. These exhibitions afforded ample 
scope for the inventive talents of the Florentine artists, who 
contended with each other in rendering them amusing, ex¬ 
travagant, or terrific. The pageantry was generally displayed 
by night, as being the season best calculated to conceal the 
defects of the performance, and to assist the fancy of the 
spectators. “ It was certainly,” says Vasari,* “ an extraor¬ 
dinary sight, to observe twenty or thirty couple of horsemen, 
most richly dressed in appropriate characters, with six or eight 
attendants upon each, habited in an uniform manner, and 
carrying torches to the amount of several hundreds, after 


* Vasari, Vita di Piero di Cosimo. 
M 


162 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


•whom usually followed a triumphal car with the trophies and 
spoils of victory”—of imaginary victories, indeed, but noton 
that account less calculated to display the ingenuity of the in¬ 
ventor, or less pleasing in the estimation of the philosopher. 
The promised gaiety of the evening was sometimes unexpect¬ 
edly interrupted by a moral lesson, and the artist seized the 
opportunity of exciting those more serious emotions, which 
the astonished beholders had supposed it was his intention to 
dissipate. Thus Piero di Cosimo, a painter of Florence, ap¬ 
palled the inhabitants by a representation of the triumph of 
Death, in which nothing was omitted that might impress upon 
their minds the sense of their own mortality. 64. Prior, how¬ 
ever, to the time of Lorenzo de’ Medici, these exhibitions 
were calculated merely to amuse the eye, or were at most 
accompanied by the insipid madrigals of the populace. It was 
he who first taught his countrymen to dignify them with sen¬ 
timent, and add to their poignancy by the charms of poetry. 65 
It is true, the examples which he has himself given of these 
compositions in the Canti Carnascialeschi , or carnival songs, 
being calculated for the gratification of the multitude, and 
devoted only to the amusement of an evening, exhibit not any 
great energy of thought, nor are they distinguished by an 
equal degree of poetical ornament with his other works. 
Their merits are, therefore, principally to be estimated by the 
purity of the Florentine diction, which is allowed to be there 
preserved in its most unadulterated state. 66 The intervention 
and patronage of Lorenzo gave new spirit to these amuse¬ 
ments. Induced by his example, many of his contemporaries 
employed their talents in these popular compositions, which 
were continued by a numerous succession of writers, till the 
middle of the ensuing century, when they were diligently col¬ 
lected by Anton Francesco Grazzini, commonly called 11 
Z,asca , and published at Florence in the year 1559. 67 

The Canzoni a Ballo are compositions of a much more sin¬ 
gular and inexplicable kind. From their denomination it is 
probable, that they were sung by companies of young people* 
in concert with the music to which they danced; and the 
measure of the verse appears to be so constructed as to fall 
in with the different movements and pauses. It may, per¬ 
haps, be thought that the extreme licentiousness of some of 


THE “CANZONI A BALLO.” 


163 


these pieces militates against such an idea; but in the state of 
manners in Italy at that period, this objection can have but 
little weight. Indeed, if we trace to its source this favourite 
amusement, we shall probably discover, that a dance is in 
fact only a figurative representation of the passion of love, 
exhibited with more or less delicacy, according to the cha¬ 
racter and state of civilization of those who practise it. To 
improve its relish, and heighten its enjoyment, seems to have 
been the intention of the Canzoni a Ballo. From the known 
affability of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and the festivity of his dis¬ 
position, as well as from other circumstances, 68 there is reason 
to conclude, that he was accustomed to mingle with the popu¬ 
lace on these mirthful occasions, and to promote and direct 
their amusements. Nor are we to wonder that the arbiter of 
the politics of Italy should be employed in the streets of Flo¬ 
rence, participating in the mirth, and directing the evolutions 
of a troop of dancing girls. On the contrary, this versatility 
of talent and of disposition may be considered as the most 
distinguishing feature in the character of this extraordinary 
man; who from the most important concerns of state, and the 
highest speculations of philosophy, could stoop to partake of 
the humblest diversions of the populace, and who in every 
department obtained, by general consent, the supreme direc¬ 
tion and control. 

Thus far we have taken a review of the chief part of the 
poems which yet remain of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and have 
seen him, by his own example, stimulating his countrymen to 
the pursuit of literature. The restorer of the lyric poetry of 
Italy, the promoter of the dramatic, the founder of the satiric, 
rustic, and other modes of composition, he is not merely 
entitled to the rank of a poet, but may justly be placed 
among the distinguished few, who, by native strength, have 
made their way through paths before untrodden. Talent may 
follow and improve; emulation and industry may polish and 
refine; but genius alone can break those barriers that restrain 
the throng of mankind in the common track of life. 

The poetical merits of Lorenzo de’ Medici were perceived 
and acknowledged by his contemporaries. Were we to collect 
the various testimonies of respect and admiration that were 
produced in honour of him in different parts of Italy, they 

m 2 


164 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


would form a very unreasonable addition to the present 
volume^ We must not, however, omit to notice the opinion of 
*7 Pico afid Mirandula, who, in a letter addressed to Lorenzo, has 
entered into a full discussion of the character of his writings, 
comparing them with those of his predecessors, Dante and 
Petrarca, and contending that they unite the vigour of 
thought apparent in the former with the harmony and polish 
of the latter. Succeeding critics have, however, appealed 
against a decision, which seems to attribute to Lorenzo de’ 
Medici a superiority over the great masters of the Tuscan 
poetry; and have considered the opinion of Pico, either as an 
instance of courtly adulation, or as a proof of the yet imper¬ 
fect taste of the age. 69 Without contending for the opinion of 
Pico in its full extent, we may be allowed to remark, that the 
temper and character both of him and of Lorenzo, are equally 
adverse to the idea, that the one could offer, or the other be 
gratified, with unmerited approbation and spurious praise; 
and that Pico was not deficient in the qualifications of a critic, 
may appear even from the very letter which has been cited 
as an impeachment of his taste. For although he there treats 
the writings of Dante and Petrarca with great severity, and 
asserts not only the equality, but, in a certain point of view, 
the superiority of those of Lorenzo, yet he clearly proves that 
he had attentively studied these productions, and by many 
acute and just observations demonstrates, that he was well 
qualified to appreciate their various merits and defects. Nor 
does Pico, in avowing this opinion, stand alone amongst his 
countrymen. Even in the most enlightened period of the 
ensuing century, the pretensions of Lorenzo de’ Medici to 
rank with the great fathers of the Italian tongue, are sup¬ 
ported by an author, whose testimony cannot be suspected of 
partiality, and whose authority will be acknowledged as 
generally as his writings are known. 70 The most celebrated 
literary historians of Italy, in adverting to the age of Lorenzo, 
have acknowledged the vigour of his genius, and the success 
of his labours; Crescimbeni, in tracing the vicissitudes of the 
Tuscan poetry, informs us, that it had risen to such perfec¬ 
tion under the talents of Petrarca, that not being susceptible 
of further improvement, it began, in the common course of 
earthly things, to decline; and in a short time was so debased 


ESTIMATE OF HIS POETRY. 


165 


and adulterated, as nearly to revert to its pristine barbarity. 
“ But at this critical juncture,” says the same well-informed 
author,* “ a person arose who preserved it from ruin, and 
who snatched it from the dangerous precipice that seemed to 
await it. This was Lorenzo de’ Medici, from whose abilities 
it received that support of which it then stood so greatly in 
need; who, amidst the thickest gloom of that barbarism 
which had spread itself throughout Italy, exhibited, whilst 
yet a youth, a simplicity of style, a purity of language, a hap¬ 
piness of versification, a propriety of poetical ornament, and 
a fulness of sentiment, that recalled once more the graces and 
the sweetness of Petrarca.” If, after paying due attention to 
these authorities, we consider, that the two great authors 
with whose excellences Lorenzo is supposed to contend, 
employed their talents chiefly in one species of composition, 
whilst his were exercised in various departments; that during 
a long life devoted to letters, they had leisure to correct, to 
polish, and to improve their works, so as to bear the inspec¬ 
tion of critical minuteness, whilst those of Lorenzo must in 
general have been written with almost extemporaneous haste, 
and, in some instances, scarcely, perhaps, obtained the advan¬ 
tages of a second revisal; we must be compelled to acknow¬ 
ledge, that the inferiority of his reputation as a poet has not 
arisen from a deficiency of genius, but must be attributed to 
the avocations of his public life, the multiplicity of his 
domestic concerns, the interference of other studies and 
amusements, and his untimely death. 71 When, therefore, we 
estimate the number, the variety, and the excellence of his 
poetical works, it must be admitted, that if those talents, 
which, under so many obstacles and disadvantages, are still 
so conspicuous, had been directed to one object, and allowed 
to exert themselves to their full extent, it is in the highest 
degree probable, that, in point of poetic excellence, Italy had 
not boasted a more illustrious name than that of Lorenzo de* 
Medici. 

In dismissing this subject, it may yet be allowed to point 
out one tribute of respect to the poetical character of Lorenzo, 
which may serve at the same time to illustrate a passage in 


Della volgar Poesia, ii. 823. 


166 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


an author, who, though a modern, deserves the appellation of 
classical. This will be found at the close of the Sylva of 
Politiano, entitled Nutricia, which will scarcely be intelli¬ 
gible to the reader, without some previous acquaintance with 
the writings of Lorenzo, as the author has there, in a small 
compass, particularly celebrated most of the productions of 
his patron’s pen. 

Nec tamen Aligerum fraudarim hoc munere Dantem, 

Per Styga, per Stellas, mediique per ardua montis 
Pulchra Beatricis sub virginis ora volantem. 

Quique cupidineum repetit Petrarcha triumphum. 

Et qui bis quinis centum argumenta diebus 
Pingit, et obscuri qui semina monstrat amoris: 

Unde tibi immensse veniunt prseconia laudis, 

Ingeniis, opibusque potens, Florentia mater. 

Tu vero seternum per avi vestigia Cosmi, 

Perque patris (quis enim pietate insignior illo ?) 

Ad famam eluctans, cujus securus ad umbram 
Fulmina bellorum ridens procul aspicit Arnus. 

Mseoniae caput, O Laurens, quern plena senatu 
Curia, quemque gravi populus stupet ore loquentem. 

Si fas est, tua nunc humili patere otia cantu, 


Nor Alighieri, shall thy praise be lost, 

Who from the confines of the Stygian coast, 

As Beatrice led thy willing steps along, 

To realms of light, and starry mansions sprung; 
Nor Petrarch thou, whose soul-dissolving strains. 
Rehearse, O love! thy triumphs and thy pains; 
Nor he, whose hundred tales the means impart. 

To wind the secret snare around the heart, 

Be these thy boast, O Florence ! these thy pride. 
Thy sons! whose genius spreads thy glory wide. 

And thou, Lorenzo, rushing forth to fame, 
Support of Cosmo’s and of Piero’s name ! 

Safe in whose shadow Arno hears from far, 

And smiles to hear the thunder of the war ; 
Endow’d with arts the listening throng to move, 
The senate’s wonder, and the people’s love, 



PRAISED BY POLITIANO. 


16 ? 


Secessusque sacros avidas me ferre sub auras. 
Namque importunas mulcentem pectine curas, 
Umbrosae recolo te quondam vallis in antrum 
Monticolam traxisse deam ; yidi ipse corollas 
Nexantem, numerosque tuos prona aure bibentem: 
Viderunt socii pariter, seu grata Diana 
Nympha fuit, quamquam nulla sonuere pharetra: 
Seu soror Aonidum, et nostra tunc bospita sylva. 
Ilia tibi, lauruque tua, semperque recenti 
Flore comara cingens. pulchrum inspiravit amorem, 
Mox et Appollineis audentem opponere nervis 
Pana leves calamos nemoris sub rupe Pherai, 
Carmine dum celebras,® eadem tibi virgo vocanti 
Astitit, et sanctos nec opina afflavit honores. 

Ergo et nocticanum per te Galatea Corinthum. 4 


Chief of the tuneful train ! thy praises hear, 

—If praise of mine can charm thy cultured ear; 

For once, the lonely woods and vales among, 

A mountain-goddess caught thy soothing song, 

As swelled the notes, she pierced the winding dell, 

And sat beside thee in thy secret cell; 

I saw her hands the laurel chaplet twine, 

Whilst with attentive ear she drank the sounds divine. 
Whether the nymph to Dian’s train allied, 

—But sure no quiver rattled at her side ; 

Or from th* Aonian mount, a stranger guest, 

She chose awhile in these green, woods to rest— 

Through all thy frame while softer passions breathe, 

Around thy brows she bound the laureat wreath; 

—And still—as other themes engaged thy song, 

She with unrivall’d sweetness touch’d thy tongue; 

To tell the contest on Thessalia’s plains, 

When Pan with Phcebus tried alternate strains,® 

Or Galatea, who no more shall slight 
Coryntnus’ song, that soothes the ear of night. 4 

* Capitolo del Canto di Pan, a dramatic pastoral. 

4 The address of the shepherd Corynthus to Galatea, commencing “ La 
luna in mezzo alle minori stelle.” 



168 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI, 


Jam non dura videt: nam quis flagrantia nescit 
Vota, Cupidineoque ardentes igne querelas? 

Seu tibi Phoebeis audax concurrere flammis® 

Claro Stella die, seu lutea fiore sequaci 
Infelix Clytie, 6 seu mentem semper oberrans 
Forma subit dominae, c seu pulchrse gaudia mortis, d 
Atque pium tacto jurantem pectore amorem,* * 

Atque oculos canis/ atque manus/ niveisque capillos 
Infusos humeris,* et verba,* et lene sonantis 
Murmur aquae,* violaeque comas,* blandumque soporem. 
Laetaque quam dulcis suspiria fundat arnaror;”* 
Quantum addat formae pietas, n quam saepe decenter 


—But who shall all thy varying strains disclose, 
As sportive fancy prompts, or passion glows? 
When to thine aid thou call’st the solar beams, 
And all their dazzling lustre round thee flames,® 
Or sing’st of Clytie, sunward still inclined ; 6 
Or the dear nymph whose image fills thy mind f 
Of dreams of love, and love’s extremest joy 
Of vows of truth and endless constancy f 
Or of those eyes a thousand flames that dart; 

That hand that binds in willing chains thy heart 
The tresses o’er those ivory shoulders thrown ;* 
The secret promise made to thee alone 
The stream’s soft murmur,* and the violet’s glow/ 
And love’s embitter’d joys and rapturous woe 
How pity adds to beauty’s brightest charms ; n 


® Sonetto 66—“ O chiara Stella che co’ raggi tuoi.” 

6 Sonetto 67—“ Quaudo il sol giu dall’ oriente scende.” 
c Sonetto 103—“ Lasso, or la bella donna inia che face ?” 
d Sonetto 86—“ 0 veramente felice e beata 
Notte.” 

e Sonetto 99—“ Amorosi sospir, e quali uscite.” 
t Sonetto 88—“ Ove Madonna volge gli occlii begli.” 

^ Sonetto 78—“ O man mia soavissima e decora,” 
h Sonetto 73—“ Spesso mi torna a mente anzi giammai.” 

* Sonetto 91—“ Madonna io veggo ne’ vostri occhi belli.” 

* Sonetto 75—“ Chiar’ acque i sento del vostro mormorio.” 

1 Sonetto 80—“ Belle fresclie e purpuree viole;” 

Or, perhaps, 114—“Non di verdi giardin ornati e colti.” 
m Sonetto 39—“ Io son si certo amor di tua incertezza.” 
n Sonetto 56—“ Talhor mi prega dolcement amore.” 




PRAISED BY POLITIANO. 


169 


Palleat, utque tuum foveat cor pectore Nymphe.® 
Non vacat argutosque sales, Satyraque Bibaces 
Descriptos memorare senes : b non carmina festis 
Excipienda choris, querulasve animantia chordas/ 
Idem etiam tacitse referens pastoria vitae 
Otia, d et urbanos thyrso extimulante labores ; 

Mox fugis in coelum, non ceu per lubrica nisus 
Extremamque boni gaudes contingere metam/ 
Quodque alii studiumque vocant, durumque laborem, 
Hie tibi lubus erit: fessus civilibus actis, 

Hue is emeritas acuens ad carmina vires 
Felix ingenio, felix cui pectore tantas 
Instaurare vices, cui fas tam magna capaci 
Alternare animo, et varias ita nectere curas. 


And how thy bosom beats with soft alarms;® 

Nor wants there sprightly satire’s vivid beam, 
Whose lustre lights th’ inebriate fools to fame ; 6 
Nor choral songs, whose animating sound 
Provokes the smile, and bids the dance go round,® 
— Then free from babbling crowds, and city noise, 
Thou sing’st the pleasures rural life enjoys ; d 
Or with no faltering step, pursuest thy way, 

To touch the confines of celestial day/ 

—These the delights thy happiest moments share, 
Thy dearest lenitives of public care: 

Blest in thy genius ! thy capacious mind 
Nor to one science, nor one theme confined, 

By grateful interchange fatigue beguiles, 

In private studies and in public toils. 


° Sonetto 141—“ Dura memoria, perche non ti spegni.” 
b The Beoni, or Satire against Drunkenness. 
e Canzoni a Ballo. 

4 Altercazione, or a Dialogue between a Shepherd and a Citizen. 
* Rime sacre, See. 





170 


CHAPTER VI. 


U ffiaB 

Lorenzo endeavours to secure the peace of Italy—Rise of the modern idea 
of the balance of power—Conspiracy of Frescobaldi—Expulsion of the 
Turks from Otranto—The Venetians and the pope attack the duke of 
Ferrara—Lorenzo undertakes his defence—The Florentines and Neapo¬ 
litans ravage the papal territories—The duke of Calabria defeated by 
Roberto Malatesta—Progress of the Venetian arms—Sixtus deserts and 
excommunicates his allies—Congress of Cremona—Death of Sixtus IV.— 
Succeeded by Giambattista Cibo, who assumes the name of Innocent VIII. 
—Lorenzo gains the confidence of the new pope—The Florentines at¬ 
tempt to recover the town of Sarzana—Capture of Pietra-Santa—Lorenzo 
retires to the baths of S. Filippo—The pope forms the design of possess¬ 
ing himself of the kingdom of Naples—Lorenzo supports the king—Pre¬ 
vails upon the Florentines to take a decided part—Effects a reconcilia¬ 
tion between the king and the pope—Suppresses the insurrection at 
Osimo—Capture of Sarzana—Lorenzo protects the smaller states of Italy 
—The king of Naples infringes his treaty with the pope—Peace again re¬ 
stored—Review of the government of Florence—Regulations introduced 
by Lorenzo—Prosperity of the Florentine state—High reputation of Lo¬ 
renzo—General tranquillity of Italy. 

Soon after the termination of hostilities between Sixtus IV. 
and the republic of Florence, Lorenzo began to unfold those 
comprehensive plans for securing the peace of Italy on a 
permanent foundation, which confer the highest honour on 
his political life. Of the extensive authority which he had 
obtained by his late conduct, every day afforded additional 
proof; and it appears to have been his intention to employ it 
for the wisest and most salutary purposes. By whatever 
motives he was led to this great attempt, he pursued it with 
deep policy and unceasing assiduity, and finally experienced a 
degree of success equal to his warmest expectations. 

The situation of Italy at this period afforded an ample field 


THE BALANCE OF POWER. 


171 


for the exercise of political talents. The number of inde¬ 
pendent states of which it was composed, the inequality of 
their strength, the ambitious views of some, and the ever- 
active views of others, kept the whole country in continual 
agitation and alarm. The vicinity of these states to each 
other, and the narrow bounds of their respective dominions, 
required a promptitude of decision in cases of disagreement, 
unexampled in any subsequent period of modern history. 
Where the event of open war seemed doubtful, private 
treachery was without scruple resorted to; and where that 
failed of success, an appeal was again made to arms. The 
pontifical see had itself set the example of a mode of conduct 
that burst asunder all the bonds of society, and served as a 
convincing proof that nothing was thought unlawful which 
appeared to be expedient. To counterpoise all the jarring 
interests of these different governments, to restrain the power¬ 
ful, to succour the weak, and to unite the whole in one firm 
body, so as to enable them, on the one hand, successfully to 
oppose the formidable power of the Turks, and, on the other, 
to repel the incursions of the French and the Germans, both 
of whom were objects of terror to the less warlike inhabitants 
of Italy, were the important ends which Lorenzo proposed to 
accomplish. The effectual defence of the Florentine do¬ 
minions against the encroachments of their more powerful 
neighbours, though, perhaps, his chief inducement for en¬ 
gaging in so extensive a project, appeared in the execution of 
it, rather as a necessary part of his system, than as the prin¬ 
cipal object which he had in view. In these transactions we 
may trace the first decisive instance of that political arrange¬ 
ment, which was more fully developed and more widely ex¬ 
tended in the succeeding century, and which has since been 
denominated the balance of power. Casual alliances, arising 
from consanguinity, from personal attachment, from vicinity, 
or from interest, had indeed frequently subsisted among the 
Italian states; but these were only partial and temporary en¬ 
gagements, and rather tended to divide the country into two 
or more powerful parties, than to counterpoise the interests 
of individual governments, so as to produce in the result the 
general tranquillity. 1 

But before Lorenzo engaged in these momentous under- 


172 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


takings, he had further personal dangers to encounter. The 
moderation of his conduct could neither extinguish nor allay 
the insatiable spirit of revenge that burnt in the breast of 
Girolamo Riario. Defeated in his ambitious projects by the 
superior talents of Lorenzo, he once more had recourse to his 
treacherous practices; and, by an intercourse with some of 
the Florentine exiles, again found, even in Florence, the in¬ 
struments of his purpose. By their instigation, Battista 
Frescobaldi, with only two assistants, undertook to assassinate 
Lorenzo in the church of the Carmeli, on the day of Ascen¬ 
sion, being the last day of May, 1481. This attempt was not 
conducted with the same secrecy as that which we have before 
related. The friends of Lorenzo were watchful for his safety. 
Frescobaldi was seized, and having upon his examination dis¬ 
closed his accomplices, was executed with them on the 6th 
day of the following month. 2 The treachery of Frescobaldi 
occasioned at Florence general surprise, and was almost re¬ 
garded as an instance of insanity. He had been the consul 
of the Florentine republic at Pera, and it was at his instance 
that Bandini, the murderer of Giuliano, had been delivered 
up by Mahomet II. Yet neither the atrociousness of the 
crime, nor the dread of the example, deterred him from a 
similar enterprise. From this circumstance, Lorenzo per¬ 
ceived the necessity of being more diligently on his guard 
against the attempts of his profligate antagonists; and whilst 
he lamented the depravity of the times, that rendered such a 
precaution necessary, he was generally surrounded, when he 
appeared in public, by a number of tried friends and adhe¬ 
rents. In this respect, he has not, however, escaped censure, 
although from a quarter where it should have been silenced 
by the sense of decency, if not by the feelings of gratitude. 
The kindness shown by him to Raffaello Maffei, the brother 
of Antonio, who, in the conspiracy of the Pazzi, had under¬ 
taken to be the immediate instrument of his destruction, has 
before been noticed.* In return for such unmerited attention, 
this historian has availed himself of a measure which was ren¬ 
dered necessary by repeated instances of treachery, to repre¬ 
sent Lorenzo as a gloomy tyrant, who supported his authority, 


Page 109. 


THE TURKS EXPELLED FROM ITALY. 173 

and secured his safety in Florence, by the aid of a band of 
ruffians, and who found in music alone a solace from his 
anxiety. 3 The reputation of Lorenzo is not, however, likely 
to suffer more from the pen of one brother, than his person 
did from the dagger of the other. 

On the conclusion of the contest with the papal see, the 
first object, not only of Lorenzo, but of all the Italian poten¬ 
tates,- was the expulsion of the Turks from Otranto. For 
this purpose a league was concluded, to which the Venetians 
only refused to accede. Suspicions had already been enter¬ 
tained, that Mahomet II. had been incited to his enterprise 
by the representations of that state; and these suspicions 
were strengthened by the indifference which the Venetians 
manifested on so alarming an occasion. It is, however, pro¬ 
bable, that they kept aloof from the contest, merely for the 
purpose of availing themselves of any opportunity of aggran¬ 
dizement, which the exhausted situation of the neighbouring 
states might afford. With the powers of Italy, the kings of 
Arragon, of Portugal, and of Hungary, united their arms. 
The city of Otranto was attacked by a formidable army under 
the command of the duke of Calabria; whilst the united fleets 
of the king of Naples, the pope, and the Genoese, were sta¬ 
tioned to prevent the arrival of further aid to the besieged. 
The place was, however, defended with great courage, and the 
event yet remained doubtful, when intelligence was received 
of the death of the emperor Mahomet II., who had established 
the seat of the Turkish empire at Constantinople, and been 
the scourge of Christendom for nearly half a century. Upon 
his death, a disagreement arose between his two sons, Bajazet 
and Zizim; in consequence of which, the Turkish troops des¬ 
tined to the relief of Otranto were recalled, and the place 
was left to its fate. A capitulation was concluded on the 
tenth day of September, 1481, by which the Turks stipulated 
for a free return to their native country; but the duke of Ca¬ 
labria, on the surrender of the city, found a pretext for 
eluding the treaty, and retained as prisoners about fifteen 
hundred Turks, whom he afterwards employed in the different 
wars in which he was engaged.* 


* Muratori, ix. 537. 


174 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


Whilst the other states of Italy were thus engaged in the 
common cause, the Venetians had been devising means for 
possessing themselves of the dominions of Ercole d’Este, duke 
of Ferrara, and, by the assistance of Girolamo Riario, had 
prevailed upon the pope to countenance their pretensions. 
The duke had married the daughter of Ferdinand king of 
Naples; an alliance which, as it contributed to his credit and 
independence, had given great dissatisfaction to the Venetians. 
The first aggression was the erection of a fortress by those 
haughty republicans, on a part of the territory of Ferrara, 
which they pretended was within the limits of their own do¬ 
minions. An embassy was immediately dispatched by the 
duke to Venice, to avert, if possible, the hostile intentions 
of the senate, and to conciliate their good-will by the fairest 
representations, and the fullest professions of amity. Find¬ 
ing his efforts ineffectual, he resorted for succour to the pope; 
but Sixtus was already apprized of the part he had to act, and 
whilst he heard his solicitations with apparent indifference, 
was secretly preparing to join in his ruin. The motives by 
which Sixtus was actuated are not difficult to be discovered. 
If the family of Este could be deprived of their dominions, 
many circumstances concurred to justify the pretensions of 
the papal see to the sovereignty of Ferrara. That city was 
itself ranked among those over which the pontiffs asserted a 
signorial claim, which lay dormant, or was revived, as circum¬ 
stances required; and although Sixtus could not singly con¬ 
tend with the Venetians in the division of the spoil, yet he 
well knew that the rest of Italy would interpose, to prevent 
their possessing themselves of a territory which would add so 
considerably to their power. In the contest, therefore, which 
he supposed must necessarily take place, Sixtus was not with¬ 
out hopes of vesting the government of Ferrara in his own 
family, in the person of Girolamo Riario, who was indefatig¬ 
able in preparing for the approaching war. 

In this exigency, the duke of Ferrara had two powerful 
resources. One of these was in the support which he derived 
from his father-in-law, the king of Naples; and the other in 
the claims which he had upon the known justice of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici. Neither of these disappointed his hopes. By the 
interference of Lorenzo, the duke of Milan joined in the 


DEPENDS FERRARA. 


175 


league; and the marquis of Mantua, and Giovanni Bentivoglio, 
also became auxiliaries in the cause. The command of the 
allied army was intrusted to Federigo duke of Urbino; but 
the preparation and direction of the war chiefly rested on Lo¬ 
renzo de’ Medici, on whose activity and prudence the allied 
powers had the most perfect reliance. 4 

The first object of the allies was to discover the intentions 
of the pope. No sooner had the Venetians commenced their 
attack on the territory of Ferrara, than a formal request was 
made to Sixtus, to permit the duke of Calabria, with a body 
of Neapolitan troops, to pass through his dominions. His 
refusal sufficiently discovered the motives by which he was 
actuated. The duke immediately entered in a hostile manner 
the territories of the church, and having possessed himself of 
Terracina, Trevi, and other places, proceeded without inter¬ 
ruption till he arrived within forty miles of Rome. At the 
same time, the Florentine troops attacked and captured Cas- 
tello, which was restored to Nicolo Vitelli, its former lord. 
By these unexpected and vigorous measures, Sixtus, instead 
of joining the Venetians, was compelled to solicit their assist¬ 
ance for his own protection. The duke had approached so 
near to Rome, that his advanced parties daily committed hos¬ 
tilities at the very gates of the city. In this emergency, the 
pope had the good fortune to prevail upon Roberto Malatesta, 
lord of Rimini, to take upon him the command of his army. 
This celebrated leader, who was then in the pay of the Vene¬ 
tians, on obtaining their permission to assist their ally, pro¬ 
ceeded to Rome. Having there made the necessary arrange¬ 
ments, Roberto led out the papal troops, which were suffi¬ 
ciently numerous, and were only in need of an able general 
effectually to oppose their enemies. The duke of Calabria, 
being in daily expectation of a reinforcement under the com¬ 
mand of his brother Federigo, would gladly have avoided an 
engagement, but his adversary pressed him so vigorously, 
that he was compelled either to risk the event of a battle, or 
to incur the still greater danger of a disorderly retreat. This 
engagement, we are assured by Machiavelli, was the most 
obstinate and bloody that had occurred in Italy during the 
space of fifty years. 5 After a struggle of six hours, the con¬ 
test terminated in the total defeat of the duke, who owed his 


176 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


liberty, or his life, to the fidelity and courage of his Turkish 
followers. Having thus delivered the pope from the imminent 
danger that threatened him, Roberto returned to Rome to 
enjoy the honours of his victory; but his triumph was of short 
duration, for a few days after his arrival he suddenly died, 
not without giving rise to a suspicion, that poison had been 
administered to him by the intervention of Girolamo Riario. 6 
This suspicion received confirmation in the public opinion by 
the subsequent conduct of Sixtus and his kinsman. No sooner 
was Roberto dead, than the pope erected an equestrian statue 
to his memory; and Riario proceeded with the army which 
Roberto had lately led to victory, to dispossess his illegitimate 
son Pandolfo, to whom he had bequeathed his possessions, of 
the city of Rimini.* In this attempt, the ecclesiastical plun¬ 
derers would probably have been successful, had not the 
vigorous interference of Lorenzo de’ Medici, to whom Pan¬ 
dolfo resorted for succour, and who sent a body of Florentine 
troops to his speedy relief, frustrated their profligate purpose. 
Riario then turned his arms towards Castello, which wa 3 
courageously defended by Vittelli, till the Florentines once 
more gave him effectual aid. A similar attack, and with 
similar success, was about the same time made by Sixtus 
on the city of Pesaro, the dominion of Constantino Sforza; 
who having first engaged in the league against the Vene¬ 
tians, afterwards deserted his allies, and entered into their 
service, and was supposed to have died of grief because they 
had defrauded him of his stipulated pay. 7 

Whilst Sixtus was thus employed in defending his own 
dominions, or in attempting to seize upon those of his neigh¬ 
bours, the duke of Urbino had opposed himself to the Vene¬ 
tian army; but not with sufficient effect to prevent its making 
an alarming progress, and capturing several towns in the 
territory of Ferrara. The death of that general, 8 and the sick¬ 
ness of the duke of Ferrara, which rendered him incapable of 
attending with vigour to the defence of his dominions, opened 
to the Venetians the fullest prospect of success. This sudden 
progress of the republican arms was not, however, agreeable 
to the pope, who, having given no aid in the contest, began 


Machiav. viii. 


CONGRESS OF CREMONA. 


177 


to be apprehensive that he could claim no share in the spoil, 
whilst so considerable an accession of power to the Venetians 
might scarcely be consistent with his own safety. At the 
same time he perceived a storm gathering against him from 
another quarter. The emperor had threatened to call toge¬ 
ther a general council of the church; a measure either origin¬ 
ating with, or promoted by Lorenzo de’ Medici; and for the 
effecting of which he had despatched Baccio Ugolino to Basil. 9 
Induced by these various considerations, Sixtus was at length 
prevailed upon to detach himself from the Venetians, and to 
listen to propositions for a separate peace. Under the sanc¬ 
tion of the imperial ambassador, a league was concluded at 
Rome for five years, between the pope, the king of Naples, 
the duke of Milan, and the Florentines, for the defence of the 
duke of Ferrara. Sixtus, having engaged in the common 
cause, was not inactive. Having first warned the Venetians 
to desist from the further progress of the war, and finding his 
remonstrances disregarded, he solemnly excommunicated his 
late allies.* The Venetians, however, persisted in their pur¬ 
pose, regardless of his denunciations, and having captured the 
town of Ficarola, laid siege to the city of Ferrara itself. 

At this important juncture a congress was held at Cremona, 
for the purpose of considering on the most effectual means of 
repressing the growing power of the Venetians, and of securing 
the rest of Italy from the effects of their ambition. The per¬ 
sons who assembled on this occasion were Alfonzo duke of 
Calabria, Lodovico Sforza, Lorenzo de’ Medici, Lodovico 
Gonzaga marquis of Mantua, the duke of Ferrara; and on 
the part of the pope, Girolamo Riario, and the cardinal of 
Mantua, with others of inferior note. The king of France, 
aware of the character of Riario, advised Lorenzo by letter 
not to trust himself to this interview; 10 but the important 
consequences expected from it induced him to disregard the 
precaution. Among other arrangements, it was determined 
that the Milanese should endeavour to form a diversion by 
an attack on the Venetian territory, and that the duke of 
Calabria should repair with a powerful body of troops to 
the relief of the duke of Ferrara. By these decisive mea- 


* Fabroni, ii. 234. 

N 


178 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


sures, a speedy and effectual stop was put to the further 
progress of the Venetian arms, whilst the allied troops over¬ 
ran the territories of Bergamo, of Brescia, and Verona. 
Finding their attempt to subjugate the city of Ferrara frus¬ 
trated, and solicitous for the safety of their own dominions, 
the Venetians had recourse to negotiation, and had sufficient 
influence with Lodovico Sforza to prevail upon him to desert 
the common cause. His dereliction induced the allies to 
accede to propositions for peace, which, though sufficiently 
favourable to the Venetians, secured the duke of Ferrara 
from the ambition of his powerful neighbours, and repressed 
that spirit of encroachment which the Venetians had mani¬ 
fested, as well on this as on former occasions. 

As soon as the affairs of Italy were so adjusted as to give 
the first indications of permanent tranquillity, Sixtus died. 
The coincidence of these events gave rise to an opinion which 
was rendered in some degree credible by the knowledge of 
his restless disposition, that his death was occasioned by vex¬ 
ation at the prospect of a general peace. 11 Of the character 
of this successor of St. Peter, we have already had sufficient 
proof. It must indeed be acknowledged, that no age has 
exhibited such flagrant instances of the depravity of the 
Homan see, as the close of the fifteenth century, when the 
profligacy of Sixtus IV. led the way, at a short interval, to 
the still more outrageous and unnatural crimes of Alex¬ 
ander VI. The avarice of Sixtus was equal to his ambition. 
He was the first Roman pontiff who openly exposed to sale 
the principal offices of the church; but not satisfied with the 
disposal of such as became vacant, he instituted new ones, for 
the avowed purpose of selling them, and thereby contrived to 
obtain a certain emolument from the uncertain tenure by 
which he held his see. To Sixtus IV. posterity are also in¬ 
debted for the institution of inquisitors of the press, without 
whose licence no work was suffered to be printed. In this, 
indeed, he gave an instance of his prudence; it being extremely 
consistent, that those who are conscious of their own miscon¬ 
duct should endeavour to stifle the voice that publishes and 
perpetuates it. Even the orthodox Muratori acknowledges, 
that this pontiff had a heavy account to make up at the tribu¬ 
nal of God. 12 


ACCESSION OF INNOCENT VIII. 


179 


The death of Sixtus IV., who for the space of thirteen 
years had embroiled the states of Italy in constant dissensions, 
was a favourable omen of the continuance of tranquillity; and 
the choice made by the conclave of his successor seemed still 
further to secure so desirable an object. Giambattista Cibo, 
who obtained on this occasion the suffrages of the sacred 
college, was a Genoese by birth, though of Greek extraction. 
The urbanity and mildness of his manners formed a striking 
contrast to the inflexible character of his predecessor. From 
his envoys at Rome, Lorenzo became early acquainted with 
the disposition of the new pope, who assumed the name of 
Innocent VIII. At the time of his elevation to the supre¬ 
macy, he was about fifty-five years of age, and had several 
natural children. Vespucci, the correspondent of Lorenzo, 
represents him as a weak but well-disposed man, rather formed 
to be directed himself than capable of directing others. 

Lorenzo had perceived the disadvantages under which he 
laboured in his political transactions, on account of his dissen¬ 
sions with the papal see; and he therefore learnt with great 
satisfaction that the pope, soon after his elevation, had ex¬ 
pressed a very favourable opinion of him, and had even 
avowed an intention of consulting him on all important 
occurrences. The power of the other Italian potentates was 
bounded by the limits of their respective dominions; but Lo¬ 
renzo was well aware that the Roman pontiff superadded to 
his temporal possessions an influence that extended through¬ 
out all Christendom, and which might be found of the utmost 
importance to the promotion of his views. He, therefore, sedu¬ 
lously improved the occasion which the favourable opinion of 
Innocent afforded him; and in a short time obtained his con¬ 
fidence to such a degree, as to be intrusted with his most 
secret transactions and most important concerns. 13 This for¬ 
tunate event also first opened to the Medici the dignities and 
emoluments of the church, and thereby led the way to that 
eminent degree of splendour and prosperity which the family 
afterwards experienced. 

To the carrying into effect the pacific intentions of Lorenzo, 
several obstacles yet remained. During the commotions in 
Italy, consequent on the conspiracy of the Pazzi, the town of 
Sarzana, situated near the boundaries of the Genoese and Flo- 
n 2 


180 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE MEDICI. 


rentine dominions, and which the Florentines had purchased 
from Lodovico Fregoso, had been forcibly wrested from them 
by Agostino, one of his sons. The important contests in which 
the Florentines were engaged had for some time prevented 
them from attempting the recovery of a place, to which, accord¬ 
ing to the established custom of the times, they had undoubted 
pretensions; but no sooner were they relieved from the anxiety 
and expense of external war, then they bent their whole atten¬ 
tion to this object. In order to secure himself against the 
expected attack, Agostino had made a formal surrender of the 
town to the republic of Genoa, under which he professed to 
exercise the government. Lorenzo, therefore, entertained 
hopes, that, by the mediation of the new pope, his country¬ 
men the Genoese might be induced to resign their preten¬ 
sions; but his interference having proved ineffectual, the Flo¬ 
rentines prepared to establish their right by arms. The 
approach to Sarzana necessarily lay by the town of Pietra- 
Santa, the inhabitants of which were expected to remain 
neuter during the contest; but a detachment of Florentine 
troops, escorting a quantity of provisions and ammunition, 
passing near that place, were attacked and plundered by the 
garrison. 14 So unequivocal a demonstration of hostility ren¬ 
dered it necessary for the Florentines, before they proceeded 
to the attack of Sarzana, to possess themselves of Pietra- 
Santa. It was accordingly invested, and such artillery as was 
then in use was employed to reduce the inhabitants to sub¬ 
mission. The Genoese, however, found means to reinforce 
the garrison, whilst the sickness of some of the Florentine 
leaders, and the inactivity of others, contributed to protract 
the siege. Dispirited by resistance, the count of Pitigliano, 
one of the Florentine generals, ventured even to recommend 
to the magistrates of Florence the relinquishment of the en¬ 
terprise as impracticable, at least, for that season. These 
representations, instead of altering the purpose of Lorenzo, 
only excited him to more vigorous exertion ; by his recom¬ 
mendation, the command of the Florentine troops was given 
to Bernardo del Nero, and soon afterwards Lorenzo joined 
the army in person. His presence and exhortations had the 
most powerful effect on his countrymen. Within the space 
of a few days after his arrival, tlie besiegers reduced the place 


RETIRES TO THE BATHS OF S. FILIPPO. 181 

to such extremity, that proposals were made for a capitula¬ 
tion, which were acceded to by Lorenzo; and the town was 
received into the protection of the Florentine republic, with¬ 
out further molestation to the inhabitants.* 

From Pietra-Santa it was the intention of Lorenzo, not¬ 
withstanding the advanced season of the year, to have pro¬ 
ceeded immediately to the attack of Sarzana, but the long and 
unhealthy service in which the army had been engaged, ren¬ 
dered a temporary cessation of hostilities indispensable. 
Several of the principal commanders, together with Antonio 
Pucci, one of the Florentine commissioners to the army, had 
fallen victims to the fatigues of the war; and Lorenzo, who 
laboured under a chronic, and perhaps an hereditary com¬ 
plaint, was soon afterwards obliged to resort to the baths of 
S. Filippo for relief. Before he recovered his health, his at¬ 
tention was called towards a different quarter, in which all his 
exertions became necessary to preserve his pacific system 
from total destruction. 

This commotion originated in the turbulent designs of 
Sixtus IV., who had sown the seeds of it in his lifetime, 
although they did not spring up till after his death. The 
Neapolitan nobility, exasperated .with the princes of the house 
of Arragon, who had endeavoured to abridge their power and 
independence, were prepared, whenever occasion offered, to 
attempt the recovery of their rights. In restraining the ex¬ 
orbitant power of the nobles, which was equally formidable to 
the king and oppressive to the people, Ferdinand might have 
been justified by the expediency of. the measure, and pro¬ 
tected by the affections of his subjects ; but, in relieving them 
from the exactions of others, he began to oppress them him¬ 
self, and thus incautiously incurred that odium, which had 
before been exclusively bestowed upon his nobility. The 
spirit of disaffection that soon became apparent was not un¬ 
observed by Sixtus, who, in addition to the ambitious motives 
by which he was generally actuated, felt no small degree of 
resentment against Ferdinand, for having, without his con¬ 
currence, concluded a peace with the Florentines. A secret 
intercourse was carried on between the pope and the Neapoli- 


* Ammirato, xxv. 


182 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE' MEDICI. 


tan barons, whose resentment was ready to burst out in an open 
flame when Sixtus died. This event retarded, but did not 
defeat the execution of their purpose. No sooner was Inno¬ 
cent seated in the chair, than they began to renew with him 
the intercourse which they had carried on with his predeces¬ 
sor. They reminded him that the kingdom of Naples was 
itself a fief of the Roman see; they represented the exhausted 
state of the king’s finances, and the aversion which he had 
incurred from his subjects, as well by his own severity, as by 
the cruelties exercised in his name by the duke of Calabria; 
and exhorted him to engage in an attempt, the success of 
which was evident, and would crown his pontificate with 
glory.* The pacific temper of Innocent was dazzled with the 
splendour of such an acquisition. He encouraged the nobility 
to proceed in their designs; he raised a considerable army, 
the command of which he gave to Roberto Sanseverino; 
several of the principal cities of Naples openly revolted, and 
the standard of the pope was erected at Salerno. On the first 
indication of hostilities, the king had sent his son John, who 
had obtained the dignity of a cardinal, to Rome, for the purpose 
of inducing the pope to relinquish his attempt; but the death 
of the cardinal blasted the hopes, and added to the distresses 
of his father. 15 Attacked at the same time by foreign and 
domestic enemies, Ferdinand saw no shelter from the storm, 
but in the authority and assistance of Lorenzo. The attach¬ 
ment that subsisted between him and the pope was indeed 
known to Ferdinand; but he had himself some claims upon 
his kindness, and had reason to believe that he could not re¬ 
gard with indifference an attempt which, if successful, would 
effect a total change in the political state of Italy. Lorenzo 
did not hesitate on the part it became him to act. No sooner 
was he apprized of the dangerous situation of Ferdinand, than 
he left the baths of S. Filippo, and hastened to Florence, 
where, on his first interview with the envoy of the king, he 
gave him the most unequivocal assurances of active interfer¬ 
ence and support. Lorenzo, however, saw the necessity of 
applying an effectual remedy to the increasing evil, and with 
a degree of freedom, which the urgency of the occasion re- 


* Valori, p. 51. 


THE POPE AND THE KING OF NAPLES. 


183 


quired, entreated the king to relax in his severity towards his 
subjects. “ It grieves me to the soul,” thus he writes to 
Albino, the Neapolitan envoy, “ that the duke of Calabria 
should have acquired, even undeservedly, the imputation of 
cruelty. At all events, he ought to endeavour to remove 
every pretext for the accusation, by the most cautious regard 
to his conduct. If the people be displeased with the late im¬ 
positions, it would be advisable to abolish them, and to require 
only the usual payments; for one carlino obtained with good¬ 
will and affection, is better than ten accompanied with dissa¬ 
tisfaction and resentment.” He afterwards remonstrates with 
the king, through the same channel, on his harsh and impru¬ 
dent conduct to some merchants, who it appears had been 
dismissed from Naples, for having demanded from him the 
monies which they had advanced for his use. “ If the king 
satisfy them not,” says he, “ by paying their demands, he 
ought at least to appease them by good words; to the end 
that he may not afford them an opportunity of treating his 
name with disrespect, and of gaining credit at the same time 
to what is, and to what is not true.^’ The reply of Ferdinand 
to Albino is sufficiently expressive of the respect which he paid 
to these admonitions ; 16 but unfortunately, the precepts which 
he approved in theory, he forgot to adopt in practice; and to 
the neglect of these counsels, rather than to the courage or the 
conduct of Charles VIII., the subsequent expulsion of his family 
from the kingdom of Naples is unquestionably to be referred. 

The authority of Lorenzo de’ Medici in Florence was not 
the authority of despotism, but that of reason ; and it there¬ 
fore became necessary, that the measures which he might 
adopt should meet with the approbation of the citizens at large. 
He accordingly, without delay, called together the principal 
inhabitants, but had the mortification to find that the propo¬ 
sition which he laid before them, to afford assistance to the 
king, was received by his hearers with general disapprobation; 
some exclaiming against him, as being too precipitate in in¬ 
volving the republic in dangerous and expensive wars; whilst 
others condemned the freedom with which he opposed the 
Roman pontiff, and subjected himself and his fellow-citizens 
to those ecclesiastical censures, the ill effects of which they 
had so recently experienced. On this occasion, Lorenzo was 


184 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


reminded, that the Venetians would probably unite with the 
pope in subjugating the kingdom of Naples; in which case, 
the intervention of the Florentines would only involve them 
in the same, ruin that threatened the Neapolitan state. The 
solicitations and remonstrances of his fellow-citizens shook not 
the purpose of Lorenzo. Through the thick mist of popular 
fears and prejudices, he distinctly saw the beacon of the pub¬ 
lic welfare; and the arguments of his adversaries had already 
been anticipated and refuted in his own mind. That elo¬ 
quence which he possessed in so eminent a degree was never 
more successfully exerted; and the reasons that had deter¬ 
mined his own judgment were laid before his audience in a 
manner so impressive, as to overpower all opposition, and in¬ 
duce them unanimously to concur in his opinion. “ This 
oration,” says Valori, “ as committed to writing by some of 
his hearers, I have myself perused; and it is not possible to 
conceive any composition more copious, more elegant, or more 
convincing.” * 

The situation of Ferdinand became every day more critical. 
A general defection of his nobility took place. The two 
brothers of the family of the Coppula, one of whom was his 
prime counsellor, and the other the treasurer of the kingdom, 
held a treacherous correspondence with his enemies; and the 
duke of Calabria, who had advanced towards Iiome to pre¬ 
vent a junction of the pontifical troops with those of the in¬ 
surgents, was totally defeated by Sanseverino, and obliged to 
fly for protection into the territories of Florence. It was 
matter of gratification to some, and of surprise to all, that the 
very man, who, by his sanguinary and tyrannical disposition, 
had a short time before spread terror through the whole extent 
of Tuscany, should now appear as a fugitive at Montepul- 
ciano, imploring the assistance of the Florentines, and wait¬ 
ing the arrival of Lorenzo de’ Medici; who, being prevented 
by sickness from complying with his expectations, dispatched 
two of the principal citizens to assure the duke of the attach¬ 
ment of the Florentines to the house of Arragon, and of their 
determination to exert themselves to the utmost in its defence. 

The military force of the republic, which seldom exceeded 


Valori, p. 53. 


RECONCILIATION OF THE KING AND THE POPE. 185 

five thousand men, would have rendered small service in the 
contest, and it therefore became necessary to resort to other 
expedients. By the pecuniary assistance of the Florentines, 
the duke of Calabria was again enabled to take the field, and 
at their instance several eminent leaders of Italy engaged in 
the service of the king. The influence that Lorenzo possessed 
with Lodovico Sforza was successfully exerted to engage the 
states of Milan in the same cause. The powerful Roman 
family of the Orsini was induced not only to discountenance 
the enterprise of the pope, but to appear openly in arms 
against him ; and Innocent began to dread that the conflagra¬ 
tion which he had excited, or encouraged, in the kingdom of 
Naples, might extend to his own dominions. At the same 
time, Lorenzo de’ Medici, having still maintained an uninter¬ 
rupted intercourse with the pope, assailed him with those 
arguments which he knew were best calculated to produce 
their effect. He represented the evils and disgrace that must 
arise to all Christendom, from the frequent example set by the 
head of the church, of appealing on all occasions to the sword. 
He pointed out the improbability that the northern powers of 
Italy would permit the Roman see to annex to its dominions, 
either directly or indirectly, so extensive a territory as the 
kingdom of Naples; and earnestly exhorted the pope not to 
waste his resources, disturb his tranquillity, and endanger his 
safety, in a conflict which, at best, could only terminate in 
substituting to the house of Arragon some of those fortunate 
adventurers who had led the armies employed in its expulsion. 
Whether the appearances of hostility operated on the fears, 
or the reasoning of Lorenzo on the judgment of the pope, may 
remain in doubt; but the ardour with which he engaged in 
the conflict gradually abated, and Sanseverino was left to 
avail himself of his own courage, and that of the troops under 
bis command, without receiving either orders to retire, or 
supplies to enable him to proceed. The languor that became 
apparent between the contending sovereigns seemed to have 
communicated itself to their armies; which having met on the 
eighth day of May, 1486, an encounter took place, in which 
Ammirato not only acknowledges that not a soldier was slain, 
but that he had found no memorial that even one of the com¬ 
batants was wounded, though the contest continued for many 


186 


LIFE OF LORENZO PE’ MEDICI. 


hours, and only terminated with the day. 17 In this harmless 
trial of muscular strength, Sanseverino and his followers were, 
however, forced off the field, and the consequences were as 
decisive as if the contest had been of the most sanguinary 
kind ; for the king, availing himself of this circumstance, and 
apprized by Lorenzo of the favourable alteration in the temper 
of the pope, lost no time in laying before him such proposi¬ 
tions for the accommodation of their dispute, as afforded him 
an opportunity of declining it with credit to himself, and 
apparent safety to his Neapolitan confederates. By the con¬ 
ditions of this treaty, the king acknowledged the jurisdiction 
of the apostolic see, and agreed to pay to the pope a stipulated 
subsidy. Besides which, he engaged to pardon, freely and 
unconditionally, the nobles who had revolted against him. 

The oppressive conduct of the Italian sovereigns, or the 
restless dispositions of their subjects, seldom admitted of a 
long continuance of tranquillity ; and as Lorenzo had acquired 
a reputation for impartiality and moderation, the dissensions 
that occasionally arose were generally submitted to his de¬ 
cision. The political contentions in which the pope was 
engaged, displayed, indeed, an ample field for the exercise of 
his talents. Important as the favour of the Roman see might 
be to the success of his labours, it was not preserved without 
an unremitting attention to its interests. In the year 1486, 
Boccolino Guzzoni, a citizen of Osimo, a part of the papal 
territories, incited the inhabitants to revolt. The cardinal 
Giuliano della Rovere, afterwards Julius II., was dis¬ 
patched by the pope to reduce the place to obedience; but 
threats and entreaties were alike ineffectual, and the inhabi¬ 
tants avowed their resolution to surrender the city to the 
Turks, rather than again submit to the authority of the pope. 
From the success of the insurgents, the example began to 
spread through the adjoining districts; when Lorenzo dis¬ 
patched Gentile, bishop of Arezzo, with instructions to treat 
with Boccolino for a reconciliation. What the obstinacy of 
Boccolino had refused to the representations of the pope, was 
conceded to those of Lorenzo, under whose sanction the terms 
of the treaty were speedily concluded, and Boccolino accom¬ 
panied the ambassador of Lorenzo to Florence. Muratori 
informs us, that the artifice by which Lorenzo extricated the 


ATTACK ON SARZANA. 


187 


pope from his turbulent adversary, was the timely application 
of some thousands of golden ducats; and this he accompanies 
with an insinuation, which, if justly founded, would degrade 
the magnanimous character of Lorenzo to a level with that of 
his sanguinary and treacherous contemporaries. “ Having 
invited Boccolino to Florence,” says that author, “Lorenzo, 
with great address, prevailed upon him, for his further security, 
to repair to Milan; but the security that he there found was 
a halter from the hands of Lodovico Sforza.”* If, however, 
the death of Boccolino, when the contention was over, was of 
such importance as to induce Lorenzo to the commission of 
so atrocious a crime, it is scarcely probable that he would 
have afforded his victim so favourable an opportunity of 
escaping the blow ; but without having recourse to conjecture, 
a refutation of this calumny may be found in an author, who, 
not being considered as partial to the Medici, may on this 
occasion be admitted as an authentic witness. “ After the 
surrender of Osimo,” says Machiavelli, “ Boccolino resided a 
considerable time at Florence, under the safeguard of Lorenzo, 
honoured and respected. He afterwards went to Milan, 
where he did not experience the same fidelity, having been 
treacherously put to death there by Lodovico Sforza.” 18 

The remonstrances of the Florentines to the Genoese to 
relinquish the dominion of Sarzana, being yet disregarded, 
and the peaceable intervention of the pope and the duke of 
Milan appearing to be ineffectual, Lorenzo prepared for a 
powerful attack; and not only engaged the lords of Piombino, 
Faenza, Pitigliano, and Bologna in his cause, but applied to 
the king of Naples for such assistance as he could afford. In 
his answer to this requisition, Ferdinand confesses his high 
obligations to Lorenzo, and after lamenting his inability to 
repay them in a manner adequate to their importance, promises 
to furnish a supply of ships against the Genoese, and to give 
such other aid as the embarrassed state of his affairs would 
permit. The command of the army, destined to the attack 
of Sarzana, was given to Jacopo Guicciardini, and Pietro 
Vittorio, who, having defeated a body of the Genoese, that 
opposed their progress, began the siege of the place. The 


Muratori, ix. 554. C’t. Rayual. Anna!. Eccles. 


188 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


resistance which they met with was, however, more obstinate 
than might have been expected. Impatient of the delay, 
Lorenzo resolved to join the army, and endeavour by his 
presence to promote the exertions of the commanders, and 
excite the ardour of the soldiery. His exhortations, addressed 
personally to every rank and denomination, produced an in¬ 
stantaneous effect: a vigorous attack was made, and the 
citizens, perceiving no prospect of further succour from the 
Genoese, surrendered at the discretion of the conquerors. It 
is not improbable, that the remembrance of the disaster which 
took place on the surrender of Volterra, had operated as an 
additional motive with Lorenzo to be present at the capture 
of Sarzana; however this may be, his conduct was marked 
with the greatest clemency to the inhabitants, and the city 
was received into the protection of the Florentine state, to 
which it was only desirable, as opposing a barrier to the in¬ 
cursions of the Genoese. Elated with conquest, the Floren¬ 
tine commanders wished to carry the war into the states of 
Genoa; but Lorenzo opposed himself to this design; justly 
conceiving it to be inconsistent with the interests of his 
country and his own character to destroy that general equi¬ 
librium of the Italian states which his utmost endeavours 
were constantly exerted to maintain. The apprehensions en¬ 
tertained by the Genoese were productive, however, of con¬ 
sequences as unfavourable to their liberties, as any which 
they could have experienced from a hostile invasion. To 
secure themselves from the expected attack, they surrendered 
their states to the duke of Milan, probably with the intention 
of again asserting their independence as soon as they had an 
opportunity; an artifice to which they had frequently resorted 
on former occasions.* 

In the conduct of Lorenzo towards the smaller governments 
in the vicinity of Florence, he gave a striking instance of 
prudence and moderation. Instead of seeking for pretences 
to subjugate them, he, upon ail occasions, afforded them the 
most effectual aid in resisting every effort to deprive them of 
their independence. In his estimation, these were the true 
barriers of the Tuscan territory. By the constant intercourse 


* Muratori, ix. 535. 


PROTECTS THE SMALLER STATES. 


189 


which he maintained with the subordinate sovereigns, and the 
chief nobility of Italy, he was enabled to perceive the first 
indications of disagreement, and to extinguish the sparks 
before they had kindled into a flame. The city of Perugia 
was held by the Baglioni, Castello by the Vitelli, Bologna by 
the Bentivoli, and Faenza by the Manfredi; all of whom re¬ 
sorted to him as the umpire of their frequent dissensions, and 
their protector from the resentment, or the rapacity, of their 
more powerful neighbours. Innumerable occasions presented 
themselves, in which the Florentines might have extended the 
limits of their dominions, but it was uniformly the policy of 
Lorenzo, rather to secure what the state already possessed, 
than, by aiming at more extensive territory, to endanger the 
whole; and so fully did he accomplish his purpose, that the 
acute, but profligate, Lodovico Sforza was accustomed to say, 
“ That Lorenzo had converted into iron what he found fabri¬ 
cated of glass.”* The views of Lorenzo were not, however, 
limited by the boundaries that divide Italy from the rest of 
Europe. The influence of other states upon the politics of 
that country was daily increasing. He had, therefore, at 
almost every court, envoys and correspondents, on whose 
talents and integrity he had the greatest reliance; and who 
gave him minute and early information of every circumstance 
that might affect the general tranquillity. By these men, he 
heard, he saw, he felt, every motion and every change of the 
political machine, and was often enabled to give it an impulse 
where it was supposed to be far beyond the limits of his po wer. 
In conducting a negotiation, all circumstances seemed to 
concur in rendering him successful; but these were not the 
effects of chance, but of deep and premeditated arrangement. 
Knowing the route he had to take, the obstacles that might 
have obstructed his progress were cautiously removed, before 
his opponents were apprized of his intentions. Hence, as one 
of the Florentine annalists expresses it, 19 he became the 
balance point of the Italian potentates, whose affairs he kept 
in such just equilibrium as to prevent the preponderancy of 
any particular state. Surrounded as he was by ambitious 
despots, who knew no restraint except that of compulsion, or 


* Fabroni, i. 181. 


190 


LITE OF LORENZO Dfi’ MEDICI. 


by restless communities constantly springing up with elastic 
vigour against the hand that pressed them; it was only by 
unwearied attention that he could curb the overbearing, relieve 
the oppressed, allay their mutual jealousy, and preserve them 
from perpetual contention. By inducing them to grasp at 
unsubstantial advantages, he placed in their hands real bless¬ 
ings; and by alarming them with imaginary terrors, averted 
their steps from impending destruction. 

We have already seen, that by the terms of the treaty be¬ 
tween the pope and the king of Naples, Ferdinand was to 
pay an annual subsidy to the Roman see, and was also to 
grant an unconditional pardon to his refractory nobles. The 
latter of these conditions he immediately broke, and the other 
he only adhered to as long as he conceived that the pope was 
able to compel its performance. The cruelty and perfidy 
shown by Ferdinand in his treatment of the Neapolitan nobility, 
fixes an indelible stain upon his character; but the opera¬ 
tions of the moral world are not less certain than those of the 
natural, and the treachery of Ferdinand brought forth in due 
time its fruits of bitterness. It is true, indeed, as Muratori well 
observes, “ God does not always repay in this world, nor are 
his judgments laid open to us; but if we may on any occasion 
be allowed to interpret them, it is when they seem to be the 
retribution of cruelty. In fact, the calamities of Ferdinand 
were not long postponed. The lapse of a few years deprived 
him of life, and his posterity of the kingdom of Naples. 
Surely, he can never be worthy to rule over a people, who 
knows not how to forgive.” 20 

The refusal of Ferdinand to comply with his engagements 
again roused the resentment of the pope, the inadequacy of 
whose temporal arms to enforce his pretensions was supplied 
by the spiritual terrors of excommunication. On this occa¬ 
sion, the intervention of Lorenzo de’ Medici again became 
necessary. A long negotiation ensued, in the progress of 
which he availed himself of every opportunity afforded him 
by the circumstances of the times, the temper of the parties, 
and his own credit and authority, to prevent the disagreement 
from proceeding to an open rupture. Of his letters written 
in the course of these transactions, some are yet preserved, 
which, whilst theyxlisplay the refined policy and deep discern- 


PEACE RESTORED. 


191 


ment of their author, demonstrate how assiduously he laboured 
to avert the calamities of war. “ It appears to me,” says he, 
writing to Lanfredini, his confidential envoy at Rome, who 
was to lay these representations before the pope, “ that his 
holiness must propose to himself one of these three things: 
either to compel the king by force to comply with his requi¬ 
sition; or to compromise matters with him on the most ad¬ 
vantageous terms that can be obtained; or, lastly, to temporize 
till something better may be effected.” He then enters into 
a full discussion of the difficulties and dangers that seem 
likely to attend the making a hostile attack on the kingdom 
of Naples. He lays before the pope the situation not only of 
the other states of Italy, but of Europe; and shows the indis¬ 
pensable necessity of entering into treaties for assistance, or 
neutrality, before he engages in so hazardous an attempt. 
Having thus endeavoured to deter the pope from adopting 
any violent and unadvised measures, he adverts to the proba¬ 
bility of terminating their differences by negotiation; the op¬ 
portunity for which, however, he thinks as yet crude and im¬ 
mature, and as likely to be still further delayed by any severe 
or incautious proceedings. “ With respect to temporizing,” 
says he, “ this is undoubtedly the only course to be pursued, 
because it is better beyond comparison to let matters remain 
in their present state, with reputation to liis holiness, than to 
risk a war; especially as the king has it in his power to do 
him essential injury.” He concludes with a recapitulation of 
his former opinions. “ If the pope can accommodate matters 
with the king, consistently with his own honour, it seems to 
me that a tolerable compromise is better than a successful war. 
But as difficulties present themselves to an immediate agree¬ 
ment, I would endeavour to protract the discussion as long as 
it might be done with safety and propriety; all that I have 
advanced is, however, upon the idea, that the pope is not pre¬ 
pared to carry his point by force, for if that were the case, 
the king would soon submit ; but I fear he is too well apprized 
how far he is liable to be injured, and on this account will be 
more obstinate.” By representations of this nature, founded 
on incontestable facts, and enforced by unanswerable arguments, 
Lorenzo at length so far mitigated the anger, or abated the 
confidence of the pope, as to dispose him to listen to proposi- 


192 


LIFE OF LORENZO i>E r MEDICI. 


tions of accommodation; whilst, through the medium of his 
ambassador at Naples, he prevailed on the king to assent to 
the payment of the same subsidy which his predecessors had 
paid to the holy see. It is not easy to say to which of the 
contending parties the conduct of Lorenzo was most accept¬ 
able; the pope omitted no subsequent opportunity of confer¬ 
ring on him and his family the most important favours:; whilst 
Ferdinand unequivocally acknowledged, that to his friendship 
and fidelity he and his family were indebted for the rank 
they held, and even for their continuance in the kingdom of 
Naples. 81 

The external concerns of the republic being thus happily 
adjusted, and the tranquillity of Italy secured, Lorenzo applied 
himself to the regulation of the internal discipline of the Flo¬ 
rentine state. The government of this city was founded on 
the broadest basis of democratic equality. By its funda¬ 
mental principles, every person who contributed by his in¬ 
dustry to the support or aggrandizement of the state, had a 
right to share in the direction of it; either by delegating his 
power to others, or in exercising a portion of the supreme 
control; under the suffrages of his fellow-citizens. Inactivity 
was the only circumstance that incapacitated him from the 
enjoyment of political rights. The Florentines, as early as 
the year 1282, had classed themselves into distinct bodies, or 
municipal companies, according to their various professions; 
and in order to place their government on a truly popular 
foundation, had determined that no person should be eligible 
to a public office, unless he were either actually, or profess¬ 
edly, a member of one or other of these companies. By this 
regulation, the nobility were either excluded from the offices 
of the state, or, in order to obtain them, were obliged to de¬ 
grade the honours of their rank by the humiliating appella¬ 
tion of artisan. 22 From these associated bodies, a certain 
number of members were deputed to exercise the supreme 
government, in conjunction with an officer, whom we have 
frequently mentioned by the name of Gonfaloniere, whose 
authority was, however, subordinate to that of the delegated 
mechanics, or Priori delle arti , who continued in office only 
two months, and from three in number, had increased, at 
various intervals, to six, to eight, and lastly to ten/ 2 This 


REGULATIONS INTRODUCED BY HIM. 193 

institution had, in the time of Lorenzo de’ Medici, subsisted 
nearly two hundred years, during which the office of Gonfa- 
loniere had been filled by a regular succession of twelve hun¬ 
dred citizens, who had preserved the dignity and independ¬ 
ence of the republic, and secured to their countrymen the 
exercise of their rights. With this laudable jealousy of their 
own lioerties, the Florentines did not, like the Romans, from 
whom they derived their origin, exert their power to destroy 
the liberties of others. They wisely repressed the dangerous 
desire of subjecting to their dominion surrounding states, nor 
aspired to the invidious honour of sparing the subservient, 
and overturning the proud; and, though a community of free¬ 
men, they were content to be the first in those accomplish¬ 
ments which the flatterer of Augustus affected to despise. 21 

There is, however, reason to conjecture, that the Florentine 
government, although sufficiently vigorous for internal regu¬ 
lation, was inadequate to the exertions of external warfare. 
The hand that may steer a vessel through the tranquil ocean, 
may be unable to direct the helm amidst the fury of the storm. 
It may, indeed, well be conceived, that the delegated magis¬ 
trates, being so extremely limited, as well with respect to 
their number, as to the duration of their power, would reluct¬ 
antly determine on, and cautiously engage in measures, which 
involved the welfare, and perhaps the existence of the com¬ 
munity. Accordingly, it appears, that on important occasions 
it was customary for the magistrates to assemble the most re¬ 
spectable citizens, from whose advice they might derive assist¬ 
ance, and by whose countenance they might secure themselves 
from censure. During the late dangerous contest, this measure 
had been frequently resorted to, and with such manifest ad¬ 
vantage, that Lorenzo, after the restoration of the public tran¬ 
quillity, recommended, and obtained the establishment of a 
body of seventy citizens, who, in the nature of a senate, were 
to deliberate and to decide on all the transactions of govern¬ 
ment, as well in the affairs of peace as of war. This institu¬ 
tion, for which he might have pleaded the example of the 
Spartan legislator, was probably intended, not only to give a 
greate* degree of stability and energy to the government, but 
to counteract the democratic spirit, which was supposed to 
have risen to a dangerous excess, 25 and to operate as a safe- 

o 


194 


LIFE 01 LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


guard against an abuse which was certainly the destruction of 
all the free states of antiquity—the exercise of the powers of 
government, by the immediate interference of the citizens at 
large. 

At this period, the city of Florence was at its highest de¬ 
gree of prosperity. The vigilance of Lorenzo had secured it 
from all apprehensions of external attack; and his acknow¬ 
ledged disinterestedness and moderation had almost extin¬ 
guished that spirit of dissension for which it had been so 
long remarkable. The Florentines gloried in their illustrious 
citizen, and were gratified by numbering in their body, a man 
who wielded in his hands the fate of nations, and attracted the 
respect and admiration of all Europe. Though much inferior 
in population, extent of dominion, and military character, to 
several of the other states of Italy, Florence stood at this time 
in the first degree of respectability. The active spirit of its 
inhabitants, no longer engaged in hostile contentions, dis¬ 
played itself in the pursuits of commerce, and the improve¬ 
ment of their manufactures. Equally enterprising and acute, 
wherever there appeared a possibility of profit, or of fame, 
they were the first to avail themselves of it; and a Florentine 
adventurer, though with doubtful pretensions, has erected to 
himself a monument which the proudest conqueror might 
envy, and impressed his name upon a new world in characters 
that are now indelible. 26 The silk and linen fabrics manufac¬ 
tured by the Florentines, were in a great degree wrought 
from their native productions; but their wool was imported 
from England and from Spain, whose inhabitants indolently 
resigned their natural advantages, and purchased again at an 
extravagant price their own commodities. In almost every 
part to which the Florentines extended their trade, they were 
favoured with peculiar privileges, which enabled them to avail 
themselves of the riches they had already acquired; and the 
superstitious prohibitions of the clergy against usury were of 
little avail against a traffic in which the rich found employment 
for their wealth, and the powerful, relief in their necessities. 
The consequence of these industrious exertions was, a sudden 
increase of population in Florence; insomuch that Lorenzo 
was under the necessity of applying to the pope, for his per¬ 
mission to build in the gardens of the monasteries within the 


PROSPERITY OF FLORENCE. 


195 


wall3 of the city. By his attention, the police was also effec¬ 
tually reformed. A contemporary author assures us, that 
there was no part of Italy where the people were more re¬ 
gular in their conduct, or where atrocious crimes were less 
frequent.* “We have here,” says he, “ no robberies, no 
nocturnal commotions, no assassinations. By night or by 
day every person may transact his concerns in perfect safety. 
Spies and informers are here unknown. The accusation of 
one is not suffered to affect the safety of the many; for it is a 
maxim with Lorenzo, ‘ that it is better to confide in all than 
in a few.’ ” From the same authority we learn, that the due 
administration of justice engaged his constant attention, and 
that he carefully avoided giving rise to an idea, that he was 
himself above the control of the law. Where compulsory 
regulations lost their effect, the assiduity and example of Lo¬ 
renzo produced the most salutary consequences, and banished 
that dissipation which enervates, and that indolence which 
palsies society. By forming institutions for the cultivation 
of the ancient languages, or the discussion of philosophical 
truths, by promoting the sciences, and encouraging the useful 
and ornamental arts, he stimulated talents into action, and 
excited an emulation which called forth all the powers of the 
mind. Even the public spectacles, intended for the gratifi¬ 
cation of the multitude, partook of the polished character of 
the inhabitants, and were conceived with ingenuity, and en¬ 
livened with wit. The prosperity and happiness which the 
citizens thus enjoyed were attributed to their true source, and 
Lorenzo received the best reward of his labours in the gra¬ 
titude of his country. 

Beyond the limits of Tuscany, the character of this illus¬ 
trious Florentine was yet more eminently conspicuous. The 
glory of the republic appeared at a distance to be concentered 
in himself. To him, individually, ambassadors were fre¬ 
quently dispatched by the first monarchs of Europe; who, as 
their concerns required, alternately courted his assistance or 
solicited his advice. 27 In the year 1489, when the emperor 
Frederick III. sent an embassy to Rome, he directed them to 
pass through Florence, to obtain the patronage of Lorenzo; 

* Pliilippus Redditus Exhort, ad Pet. Med. Laur, fil. inter opusc. Joan 
Lamii, Delic. Eradit. (Flor. 1742.) 

o 2 


196 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


being, as lie said, convinced of his importance in directing the 
affairs of Italy. An interchange of kind offices subsisted be¬ 
tween this eminent citizen and John II., king of Portugal, 
who was deservedly dignified with the appellation of Great, 
and was desirous that the transactions of his life should be 
recorded by the pen of Politiano.* From Matteo Cor vino, 
whose virtues had raised him to the throne of Hungary, many, 
letters addressed to Lorenzo are yet extant, which demonstrate' 
not only the warm attachment of that monarch to the cause of 
science and the arts, but his esteem and veneration for the 
man whom he considered as their most zealous protector. 28 
As the reputation of Lorenzo increased, the assiduities of 
Louis XI. of France became more conspicuous; and in ex¬ 
change for professions of esteem, which from such a quarter 
could confer no honour, we find him soliciting from Lorenzo 
substantial favours. 89 The commercial intercourse between 
Florence and Egypt, by means of which the Florentines carried 
on their lucrative traffic in the productions of the east, was 
extended and improved by Lorenzo; and such was the estima¬ 
tion in which he was held by the sultan, that, in the year 
1487, an ambassador arrived at Florence, bringing with him, 
as a mark of his master’s esteem, many singular presents of 
rare animals and valuable commodities; amongst the former 
of which a giraffe principally attracted the curiosity of the 
populace. 30 

This epoch forms one of those scanty portions in the history 
of mankind, on which we may dwell without weeping over 
the calamities, or blushing for the crimes of our species. Ac¬ 
cordingly, the fancy of the poet, expanding in the gleam of 
prosperity, has celebrated these times as realizing the beautiful 
fiction of the golden age. This season of tranquillity is the 
interval to which Guicciardini so strikingly adverts in the 
commencement of his history, as being “ prosperous beyond 
any other that Italy had experienced, during the long course 
of a thousand years. When the whole extent of that fertile 
and beautiful country was cultivated, not only throughout its 
wide plains and fruitful valleys, but even amidst its most 
sterile and mountainous regions, and under no control but that 


Pol. Epist. x. i. ii. 


TRANQUILLITY OF ITALY. 


197 


of its native nobility and rulers, exulted, not only in the num¬ 
ber and riches of its inhabitants, but in the magnificence of 
its princes, in the splendour of many superb and noble cities, 
and in the residence and majesty of religion itself. Abound¬ 
ing with men eminent in the administration of public affairs, 
shilled in every honourable science and every useful art, it 
stood high in the estimation of foreign nations. Which extra¬ 
ordinary felicity, acquired at many different opportunities, 
several circumstances contributed to preserve, but among the 
rest, no small share of it was, by general consent, ascribed to 
the industry and the virtue of Lorenzo de’ Medici; a citizen, 
who rose so far beyond the mediocrity of a private station, 
that he regulated by his counsels the affairs of Florence, then 
more important by its situation, by the genius of its inhabit¬ 
ants, and the promptitude of its resources, than by the extent 
of its dominions; and who having obtained the implicit con¬ 
fidence of the Roman pontiff, Innocent VIII., rendered his 
name great, and his authority important in the affairs of Italy. 
Convinced of the perils that might arise, both to the Floren¬ 
tine republic and to himself, if any of the more powerful 
states should be allowed to extend tlieir dominion, he used 
every exertion that the affairs of Italy might be so balanced, 
that there should be no inclination in favour of any particular 
state; a circumstance which could not take place without the 
permanent establishment of peace, and the minutest attention 
to every event, however trivial it might appear.” Such are 
the representations of this celebrated historian. It is only to 
be regretted that these prosperous days were of such short 
duration. Like a momentary calm that precedes the ravages 
of the tempest, they were scarcely enjoyed before they were 
past. The fabric of the public happiness, erected by the 
vigilance, and preserved by the constant care of Lorenzo, re¬ 
mained indeed firm and compact during the short remainder 
of his days; but at his death it dissolved like the work of en¬ 
chantment, and overwhelmed for a time in its ruins even the 
descendants of its founder. 


198 


CHAPTER VII. 

Different progress of Italian and classical literature—Latin writings of Dante, 
Petrarca, and Boccaccio—Effects produced by tliem—Emanuel Clirysolo- 
ras—Consequences of improvement—Progress of the Laurentian Library 
—Introduction of printing in Florence—Early editions of the classic 
authors—Politiano corrects the Pandects of Justinian—Miscellanea of 
Politiano—His controversy with Merula—Establishment of the Greek 
academy at Florence—Joannes Argyropylus—Demetrius Chalcondyles— 
English scholars at Florence—Political importance obtained by men of 
learning—Florentine secretaries—Bartolommeo Scala—His controversy 
with Politiano—Learned statesmen in other governments of Italy—Men 
of rank devote themselves to study—Pico of Mirandula—Learned women 
—Alessandra Scala—Cassandra Fidelis—Result of the attention shown to 
classical learning—Translations—Italian writers of Latin poetry—Lan- 
dino—Uglino and Michael Verini—Other Latin poets of the fifteenth 
century—Character of the Latin poetry of Politiano— General idea of the 
state of literature in Florence in the latter part of the fifteenth century. 

Of the improvement that took place in the Italian language 
in the fourteenth century, of its rapid and unexpected decline 
in that which succeeded, and of its restoration under the 
auspices of Lorenzo de’ Medici, some account has already 
been given; but in tracing the history of the revival and 
progress of the ancient languages, we shall find, that as they 
were influenced by other causes, they neither flourished nor 
declined with the study of the national tongue. On the con¬ 
trary, a daily proficiency was made in classical literature, at 
the very time that the Italian language was again sinking 
into barbarism and neglect; and the former advanced, by a 
gradual but certain progress, towards that perfection which 
the latter suddenly and unexpectedly attained, from the causes 
to which we have before adverted. 

In assigning the reason for this remarkable distinction, we 


MODERN LATIN WRITINGS. 


199 


must again recur to the times of Dante, of Petrarca, and of 
Boccaccio; and observe the effects produced by the exertions 
of those great men, whose talents throw a lustre over a period 
which would otherwise be involved in total darkness. In 
estimating their labours, we shall find that their various 
attempts to reduce into form their native language, and to 
revive the study of the ancient tongues, were not only 
attended with different degrees of success, but were followed 
by consequences precisely the reverse of those "which might 
have been expected. With whatever justice Petrarca and 
Boccaccio might, in their own days, have boasted of their 
voluminous productions in the Latin tongue, the increasing 
applause bestowed on their Italian writings soon obscured 
their fame as Latin authors; and they are indebted for their 
present celebrity to works which they almost blushed to own, 
and were ashamed to communicate to each other . 1 The dif¬ 
ferent merits of their Latin and their Italian compositions 
were, however, soon appreciated; and whilst the latter were 
daily rising in the estimation of the world, the former lost a 
great share of their reputation before the close of the suc¬ 
ceeding century. *“ It is not to be denied,” says a very judi¬ 
cious critic of that period,* “ that both Dante and Petrarca 
were warm admirers of the ancients; but the Latin writings 
of Dante, like a picture that has lost its colour, exhibit little 
more than an outline. Happy, indeed, had it been, had this 
author been enabled to convey his sentiments in Latin, as 
advantageously as he has done in his native tongue. The 
numerous works of Petrarca, the- offspring of that solitude 
in which he delighted, are lasting monuments of his industry 
and his talents. Yet his style is harsh, and scarcely bears 
the character of Latinity. His writings are, indeed, full of 
thought, but defective in expression, and display the marks 
of labour without the polish of elegance; but as we sometimes 
take a potion, not for the sake of gratification, but of health, 
so from these writings we must expect to derive utility rather 
than amusement. Rude as they are, they possess, however, 
some secret charm which renders them engaging. The dis¬ 
tinguished talents of Boccaccio sunk under the pressure of 


* Paulus Cortesius, De Hominibus doctis, (Flor. 1734,) p. 7. 


200 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


the general malady. Licentious and inaccurate in his dic¬ 
tion, he has no idea of selection. All his Latin writings are 
hasty, crude, and uninformed. He labours with thought, and 
struggles to give it utterance; but his sentiments find no 
adequate vehicle, and the lustre of his native talents is ob¬ 
scured by the depraved taste of the times.” Whilst such was 
the fate of the Latin productions of these authors, their Italian 
writings were the objects rather of adoration than applause. 
No longer confined to the perusal of the closet, and the gra¬ 
tification of an individual, the poems of Dante and of Petrarca 
were read in public assemblies of the inhabitants of Florence, 
and their beauties pointed out, or their obscurities illustrated, 
by the most eminent scholars of the time. No sooner was the 
art of printing discovered, than copies of them were multi¬ 
plied with an avidity which demonstrates the high esteem in 
which they were held. Even the prolix annotations with 
which these early editions were generally accompanied, if 
they do not for the most part display the talents of the critic, 
are a proof of the celebrity of the author. This observation 
is not, however, applicable to the commentary of Dante by 
Landino, who, with a laudable perseverance, has preserved 
the remembrance of many historical facts, and related many 
circumstances indispensably necessary to the explanation of 
the Divina Commedia. His industry in the execution of a 
task so grateful to his countrymen was rewarded by the dona¬ 
tion of a villa, or residence, on the hill of Casentino, in the 
vicinity of Florence, which he enjoyed under the sanction of 
a public decree. Whilst the annotator was thus compensated, 
the exiled poet was, upward of a century after his death, 
restored to his family honours, with the same formalities as 
if he had been still living; his descendants were permitted to 
enjoy the possessions of their illustrious ancestor, and his bust, 
crowned with laurels, was raised at the public expense. 

It might then have been expected, that the successful efforts 
of these authors to improve their native tongue would have 
been more effectual than the weak, though laudable attempts 
made by them to revive the study of the ancient languages; 
but it must be remembered, that they were all of them men 
of genius, and genius assimilates not with the character of 
the age. Homer and Shakspeare have no imitators, and are 


EMANUEL CHRYSOLORAS. 


201 


no models. The example of such talent is, perhaps, upon the 
whole unfavourable to the general progress of improvement; 
and the superlative abilities of a few, have more than once 
damped the ardour of a nation . 2 But if the great Italian 
authors were inimitable in the productions of their native 
language, in their Latin writings they appeared in a subordi 
nate character. Of the labours of the ancients, enough had 
been discovered to mark the decided difference between their 
merits and those of their modern imitators; and the applauses 
bestowed upon the latter were only in proportion to the degree 
in which they approached the models of ancient eloquence. 
This competition was, therefore, eagerly entered into; nor 
had the success of the first revivers of these studies deprived 
their followers of the hope of surpassing them . 3 Even the 
early part of the fifteenth century produced scholars as much 
superior to Petrarca and his coadjutors, as they were to the 
monkish compilers and scholastic disputants who immediately 
preceded them; and the labours of Leonardo Aretino, Gia- 
nozzo Manetti, Guarino Veronese, and Poggio Bracciolini, 
prepared the way for the still more correct and classical pro¬ 
ductions of Politiano, Sannazaro, Pontano, and Augurelli. 
The declining state of Italian literature, so far, then, from 
being inconsistent with, was rather a consequence of the pro¬ 
ficiency made in other pursuits, which, whilst they were dis¬ 
tinguished by a greater degree of celebrity, demanded a more 
continued attention, and an almost absolute devotion both of 
talents and of time. 

Whatever may have been the opinion in more modern 
times, the Italian scholars of the fifteenth century did not 
attribute to the exertions of their own countrymen the resto¬ 
ration of ancient learning. That they had shown a decided 
predilection for those studies, and had excited an ardent thirst 
of further knowledge, is universally allowed: but the source 
from which that thirst was allayed was found in Emanuel 
Chrysoloras, who, after his return to his native country from 
his important embassies, was prevailed upon by the Floren¬ 
tines to pay a second visit to Italy, and to fix his residence 
among them. The obligations due to Chrysoloras are acknow¬ 
ledged in various parts of their works, by those who availed 
themselves of his instructions; and the gratitude of his imme- 


202 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


diate nearers was transfused into a new race of scholars, who 
by their eulogies on their literary patriarch, but much more 
by their own talents, conferred honour upon his memory . 4 On 
his arrival in Italy in the character of an instructor, he was 
accompanied by Demetrius Cydonius, another learned Greek. 
The ardour with which they were received by the Italian 
scholars may be conjectured from a letter of Coluccio Salu- 
tati to Demetrius, on his landing at Venice.* “I rejoice not 
so much,” says he, “ in the honour I received from your notice, 
as for the interests of literature. At a time when the study 
of the Greek language is nearly lost, and the minds of men 
are wholly engrossed by ambition, voluptuousness, or avarice, 
you appear as the messengers of the Divinity, bearing the 
torch of knowledge into the midst of our darkness. Happy 
indeed shall I esteem myself, (if this life can afford any hap¬ 
piness to a man to whom to-morrow will bring the close of 
his sixty-fifth year,) if I should by your assistance imbibe 
those principles, from which all the knowledge which this 
country possesses is wholly derived. Perhaps, even yet, the 
example of Cato may stimulate me to devote to this study the 
little that remains of life, and I may yet add to my other ac¬ 
quirements, a knowledge of the Grecian tongue.” 

If we advert to the night of thick darkness in which the 
world had been long enveloped, we may easily conceive the 
sensations that took place in the minds of men when the gloom 
began to disperse, and the spectres of false science, by turns 
fantastic and terrific, gave way to the distinct and accurate 
forms of nature and of truth. The Greeks who visited Italy 
in the early part of the fifteenth century, if they did not dif¬ 
fuse a thorough knowledge of their language, and of those 
sciences which they exclusively possessed, at least prepared a 
safe asylum for the muses and the arts, who had long trembled 
at the approach, and at length fled before the fierce aspect of 
Mahomet II. From that period a new order of things took 
place in Italy; the construction of language was investigated 
on philosophical principles; the maxims of sound criticism 
began to supplant the scholastic subtilties which had perverted 


* Melius, in vita Amb. Trav. p. 356. This early visitor has escaped the 
researches of Dr. Hody in his work, De Gr«ec. Illust 


THE LAURENTIAN LIBRARY. 


203 


for ages the powers of the human mind; and men descended 
from their fancied eminence among the regions of speculation 
and hypothesis, to tread the earth with a firm foot, and to gain 
the temple of fame by a direct, though laborious path. 

The establishment of public libraries in different parts of 
Italy, whilst it was one of the first consequences of this strik¬ 
ing predilection for the works of the ancients, became in its 
turn the active cause of further improvement. To no descrip¬ 
tion of individuals is the world more indebted, than to those 
who have been instrumental in preserving the wisdom of past 
ages, for the use of those to come, and thereby giving, as it 
were, a general sensorium to the human race. In this respect 
great obligations are due to the venerable Cosmo.* From the 
intercourse that in his time subsisted between Florence and 
Constantinople, and the long visits made by the Greek pre¬ 
lates and scholars to Italy, he had the best opportunity of 
obtaining the choicest treasures of ancient learning; and the 
destruction of Constantinople may be said to have transferred 
to Italy all that remained of eastern science . 5 After the death 
of Cosmo, his son Piero pursued with steady perseverance the 
same object, and made important additions to the various col¬ 
lections which Cosmo had begun, particularly to that of his 
own family . 6 But although the ancestors of Lorenzo laid the 
foundation of the immense collection of manuscripts, since 
denominated the Laurentian Library, he may himself claim 
the honour of having raised the superstructure. If there was 
any pursuit in which he engaged more ardently, and perse¬ 
vered more diligently than the rest, it was that of enlarging 
his collection of books and antiquities. “ We need not won¬ 
der,” says Niccolo Leoniceno, writing to Politiano,t “ at your 
eloquence and your acquirements, when we consider the ad¬ 
vantages which you derive from the favour of Lorenzo de > 
Medici, the great patron of learning in this age; whose mes¬ 
sengers are dispersed throughout every part of the earth, for 
the purpose of collecting books on every science, and who has 
spared no expense in procuring for your use, and that of 
others who may devote themselves to similar studies, the 


* Bandini, Lettera sopra i principj, &c. della Biblioteca Laurenziona. (Fir. 
1773.) 


+ Polit. Epist. ii. 7. 


204 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


materials necessary for your purpose. I well remember the 
glorious expression of Lorenzo, which you repeated to me, 
that he wished the diligence of Pico and yourself would afford 
him such opportunities of purchasing books, that, his fortune 
proving insufficient, he might pledge even his furniture to 
possess them.” Acting under the influence of such impres¬ 
sions, we cannot wonder at the progress made by Lorenzo, in 
which he derived great assistance from Hieronymo Donato, 
Ermolao Barbaro, and Paolo Cortesi; but his principal co¬ 
adjutor was Politiano, to whom he committed the care and 
arrangement of his collection, and who made excursions at 
intervals through Italy, to discover and purchase such remains 
of antiquity as suited the purposes of his patron . 7 Two jour¬ 
neys, undertaken at the instance of Lorenzo, into the east, by 
Giovanni Lascar, produced a great number of rare and valu¬ 
able works. On his return from his second expedition, he 
brought with him about two hundred copies, many of which 
he had procured from a monastery at Mount Atlios; but this 
treasure did not arrive till after the death of Lorenzo, who in 
his last moments expressed to Politiano and Pico his regret that 
he could not live to complete the collection which he was form¬ 
ing for their accommodation . 8 Stimulated by the example of 
Lorenzo, other eminent patrons of learning engaged in the 
same pursuit. Those who particularly distinguished them¬ 
selves were Mattia Corvino, king of Hungary, and Federigo 
duke of Urbino,* to both of whom Lorenzo gave permission 
to copy such of his manuscripts as they wished to possess; 
nothing being more consonant to his intentions than to diffuse 
the spirit of literature as extensively as possible. 

The newly-discovered art of printing contributed also, in 
an eminent degree, to accelerate the progress of classical lite¬ 
rature. This art was practised very early in Florence, and 
some of the Florentine authors have even been desirous of 
conferring on one of their countrymen the merit of its in¬ 
vention;! but this acute people have too many well-founded 
claims on the gratitude of posterity, to render it necessary for 
them to rely on doubtful commendation. It is, however, cer- 

* Polit. Epist. iii. G. Fabroni, i. 154 
+ Manni, della prima promulgazione de’Libri in Firenze. (Fir. 1761.) 


EARLY PRINTING AT FLORENCE. 


205 


tain that whilst Venice solicited the assistance of Nicolas Jen¬ 
sen, a native of France, and Rome began to practise the art, 
under the guidance of the two German printers, Sweynheym 
and Pannartz, Florence found amongst her own citizens, an 
artist equal to the task. Taking for his example the inscrip¬ 
tions on the ancient Roman seals,* or more probably stimu¬ 
lated by the success of his contemporaries, Bernardo Cennini, 
a Florentine goldsmith, formed the matrices of his letters in 
steel; by means of which, with the assistance of his two sons, 
Domenico and Piero, he began in the year 1471 to print the 
works of Virgil, with the commentary of Servius, which he 
published at Florence in the following year. 9 

Lorenzo de’ Medici saw the importance of a discovery, 
which had been wanting to the completion of the generous 
views of his ancestors, and availed himself of it with a degree 
of earnestness which sufficiently shows the motives by which 
he was actuated. At his instigation, several of the Italian 
scholars were induced to bestow their attention, in collating 
and correcting the manuscripts of the ancient authors, in order 
that they might be submitted to the press with the greatest 
possible accuracy. In the dialogues of Landino, published by 
him under the name of Disputationes Camaldulenses , to which 
we have had occasion to refer,f that author has devoted his 
third and fourth books to a critical dissertation on the works 
of Virgil, particularly with a view of explaining such parts 
as are supposed to contain an allegorical sense; but he soon 
afterwards performed a much more grateful office to the ad¬ 
mirers of the Roman poet, by correcting the errors with which 
his works abounded, and endeavouring to restore them to their 
original purity. In the proeme to this work, which he has 
inscribed to Piero de’ Medici, the son of Lorenzo, he recapi¬ 
tulates the favours which the ancestors of his patron have 
bestowed on men of learning, and particularly recommends 
to his imitation, in this respect, the example of his father. 
He adverts to the assassination of Giuliano de’ Medici, and 
attributes the preservation of Lorenzo at that critical juncture 
to his own courage and magnanimity. 10 Returning to his 


Manni, della prima promnlgazione de’ Libri in Firenze, (Fir. 1761,) p. 3. 
t Page 01. 


£06 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


immediate subject, he thus proceeds: u In my dialogues of 
Camaldoli, I have given a philosophical comment on the works 
of Virgil. I now mean to perform the office of a grammarian 
and critic on this author. In my former attempt, as the sub¬ 
ject is of more dignity, I have introduced your father as one 
of the disputants; but these observations, which are intended 
to inculcate a knowledge of the Latin language, I consider as 
more properly addressed to a young man of your promising 
talents and cultivated understanding.” * In the year 1482, 
Landino published also an edition of the works of Horace, 
with numerous corrections and remarks, which he inscribed 
to Guido da Feltri, the son of Federigo duke of Urbino,f to 
whom he had dedicated, in terms of the highest commenda¬ 
tion and respect, his Disputationes Camaldulenses. Landino 
was one of the first scholars who, after the revival of letters, 
devoted himself to the important task of restoring and eluci¬ 
dating these favourite authors, and his labours were received 
with unbounded applause. Of his observations on Horace 
considerable use has been made by many subsequent editors. 
On their publication, Politiano accompanied them with the 
following ode, not unworthy of the poet whose praises it is 
intended to celebrate: 11 

Ad Horatium Flaccum . 

Vates Threicio blandior Orpheo, 

Seu malis fidibus sistere lubricos 
Amnes, seu tremulo ducere pollice 
Ipsis cum latebris feras; 

Vates Aeolii pectinis arbiter, 

Qui princeps Latiam sollicitas chelyn, 

Nec segnis titulos addere noxiis 
Nigro carmine frontibus; 

Quis te a barbarica compede vindicat ? 

Quis frontis nebulam dispulit, et situ 
Deterso, livibus restituit choris, 

Curata juvenem cute ? 

* Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. i. 225. 

+ Impressum per Antonium Miscominum, Florentine , anno Salutis 
mcccclxxxii. nonis Augusti. These commentaries were republished at 
Venice, per Joannem de Forlivio et Socios, in the following year, and 
several subsequent editions have taken place. 


POLITIANO’s ODE TO HORACE. 207 

O quam nuper eras nubilus, et malo 
Obductus senio, quam nitidos ades 
Nunc vultus referens, docta fragrantibus 
Cinctus tempora floribus! 

Talem purpureis reddere solibus 
Lsetum pube nova post gelidas nives 
Serpentem, positis exuviis, solet 
Verni temperies poli. 

Talem te choreis reddidit et Lyrse 
Landinus, veterum laudibus semulus, 

Qualis tu solitus Tibur ad uvidum 
Blandam tendere barbiton. 

Nunc te deliciis, nunc decet et levi 
Lascivire joco, nunc puerilibus 
Insertum thyasis, aut fide garrula, 

Inter ludere virgines. 


Poet, than whom the bard of Thrace 
Ne’er knew to touch a sweeter string! 

O whether from their deep recess 
The tenants of the wilds thou bring, 

With all their shades; whether thy strain 
Bid listening rivers cease to flow; 

Whether with magic verse thou stain 
A lasting blot on vice’s brow; 

Poet! who first the Latian lyre 
To sweet iEolian numbers strung! 

When late repress’d thy native fire, 

When late impervious glooms o’erhung 
Thy front; O say, what hand divine 
Thy rude barbaric chains unbound, 

And bade thee in new lustre shine, 

Thy locks with vernal roses crown’d ? 

As when in spring’s reviving gleam 
The serpent quits his scaly slough, 

Once more beneath the sunny beam, 

In renovated youth to glow; 

To thy loved lyre, and choral throng, 
Landino thus their poet brings; 

Such as thy Tibur heard thy song, 

’Midst her cool shades and gushing springs. 



208 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Again with tales of whisper’d love, 

With sprightly wit of happiest vein, 

Through bands of vine-crown’d youths to rove, 

Or sport amidst the virgin train. 

It is greatly to the credit of Politiano that these verses 
were addressed to the person who was his most formidable 
rival in those studies to which he had particularly devoted 
his talents. In restoring to their original purity the ancient 
authors, he was himself indefatigable; and if to the munifi¬ 
cence of Lorenzo de’ Medici we are to attribute the preser¬ 
vation of many of these works, Politiano is, perhaps, entitled 
to our equal acknowledgments for his elucidations and cor¬ 
rections of the text, which, from a variety of causes, was fre¬ 
quently unintelligible, illegible, or corrupt. In the exercise 
of his critical talents he did not confine himself to any precise 
method, but adopted such as he conceived best suited his 
purpose; on some occasions only comparing different copies, 
diligently marking the variations, rejecting spurious readings, 
and substituting the true. In other cases he proceeded fur¬ 
ther, and added Scholia and notes illustrative of the text, 
either from his own conjectures, or the authority of other 
authors. 12 Besides the advantages which he derived from 
various copies of the same work, which enabled him to collate 
them so as to ascertain the true reading, he obtained great 
assistance from the collection of antiques formed by Lorenzo 
and his ancestors; and amongst his coins, inscriptions on 
marble, and other authentic documents, frequently elucidated 
and determined what might otherwise have remained in dark¬ 
ness or in doubt.* At the close of his remarks on Catullus, 
a memorial appears in his own handwriting, in which he in¬ 
dulges himself in an exultation of youthful vanity, in the idea 
of having surpassed all his contemporaries in the diligence 
•which he has shown in correcting the ancient authors. This 
memorial, which bears the date of 1473, at which time he was 
only ei"u.een years of age, is subscribed Angelus Bassus Po - 
litianus Before, however, we accuse our youthful critic of 
an oste ’tious display of learning, or an improper confidence 
in his own abilities, we ought to advert to another entry made 

* Menck. in vita Pol. p. 237. 


POLITIANO. 


209 


two years afterwards at the close of the works of Propertius 
in the same volume, by which he confesses, that many of his 
previous observations do not approve themselves to his riper 
judgment, and requests the reader not to form an opinion of 
his talents, his learning, or his industry, from such a speci¬ 
men: there being many things, says he, 

Me quoque, qui seripsi, judice, digna lini. 

Which I, their author, well might wish to blot. 

In this subsequent entry he denominates himself Angelus Po¬ 
ll tianus, which sufficiently marks the period when he chose to 
discontinue the appellation of Bassus ; 13 but what is of more 
importance, it serves to convince us, that with the errors of 
his judgment Politiano corrected also those of his temper, and 
that his proficiency in learning was accompanied by an equal 
improvement in modesty and candour. Among the ancient 
authors which he has thus illustrated are Ovid,* * * § Suetonius,f 
Statius, J the younger Pliny, § the Scriptores Historic Au- 
gustae,|| and Quintilian;^ some of which have been published 
with his emendations, while his valuable remarks on others 
are yet confined to the limits of the Italian libraries. The 
example of Politiano was followed by many other celebrated 
scholars, who regarded Lorenzo de’ Medici as the patron of 
their studies, and inscribed their labours with his name. Thus 
Domitio Calderino undertook to regulate the text of Martial,** 
Bartolommeo Fontio employed his talents on Persius,ff and 
Lancelotto on Columella. 14 Nor were the Greek authors 
neglected. In the year 1488, Demetrius Chalcondyles and 
Demetrius Cretensis published at Florence the first edition 
of the works of Homer, which is inscribed to Piero de’ Medici, 
the son of Lorenzo4J 

* In the Bibliotheca Marciana. 

f In the Laurentian Library. Plut. lxiv. cod. 1. 

♦ In the Corsini Library at Rome. i ,5 , L 

§ In the Laurentian Library. Plut. lxvii. cod. 7. 

|| lb. Plut. xliv. cod. 1. lb. Plut. xlvi. cod. 5. 

** Printed in Rome per Joannem Gensberg, 1474, v. De Bure : j. 2818. 

++ Published in 1481. Band. Cat. Bibl. Laur. ii. 679. 

Florentiae imp. Typis Bcrnardi et Nerii Tanaidis Nerlii Florcntv- 
norum, Nono mensis Dccembris, Anno 1488. 2 vols. fol. For an account 

P 



210 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


The system of jurisprudence which in the fifteenth century 
prevailed through the greatest part of Europe, was that of the 
Roman or civil law, which was principally founded on the 
pandects or constitutions of Justinian. Hence the correction 
and explication of the subsisting copies of this work became 
of high importance to the community. This task was re¬ 
served for the indefatigable industry of Politiano, whose 
labours in this department entitle him to rank not only with 
the earliest, but with the most learned modern professors of 
this science. In his letters, he has himself given some ac¬ 
count of his progress in this laborious work. Much addi¬ 
tional information may be found in the narrative of his life 
by Menckenius; and Bandini, who has lately had the good 
fortune to recover the commentary of Politiano, and restore 
it to its former station in the Laurentian Library, has pub¬ 
lished an historical narrative expressly on this subject.* In 
the accomplishment of this task, wbicli he was induced to 
undertake at the instance of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Politiano 
had singular advantages. An ancient and authentic copy 
found at Pisa, and supposed to have been deposited there by 
the orders of Justinian himself, had, on the capture of that 
place, been transferred to Florence, 15 and was afterwards in¬ 
trusted by Lorenzo de’ Medici to the sole custody of Poli¬ 
tiano. 16 By this he was enabled to correct the numerous 
errors, and to supply the defects of the more recent manu¬ 
scripts, as well as of two editions which had before issued 
from the press. 17 The civilians of the ensuing century have 
freely confessed their obligations to a commentator who first 
with the true spirit of research applied himself to the eluci¬ 
dation of a science in itself sufficiently complex and obscure, 
but which was rendered still more so by the imperfect state 
of those authorities to which its professors were constantly 
obliged to refer. 

Of the critical talents of Politiano, and of the variety and 
extent of his erudition, his Miscellanea alone afford a suffi- 

of this magnificent work, v. Maittaire, Annales Typograpli. i. i. 49. De Bure, 
No. 2493. 

* Eaggionamento Istorico sopra le collazioni delle Florentine Pandotte, 
fatta da Angelo Poliziano, sotto gli auspicij del Mag. Lorenzo de’ Medici &c 
Livorno, 1762. 


POLITIANO AND MERULA. 


211 


cient testimony. 18 For the publication of this work, which 
consists principally of observations on the writings of the 
ancient authors, we are also indebted to Lorenzo de’ Medici, 
to whom Politiano was accustomed, as they rode out on horse¬ 
back, to repeat the various remarks which had occurred to 
him in his morning studies.* At the request of Lorenzo, he 
was at length induced to commit them to paper, and to arrange 
them in order for the press. On their publication, he in¬ 
scribed them to his great friend and benefactor; not, as he 
assures him, merely for the purpose of testifying his gratitude 
for the assistance and advice which he had in the course of his 
work received from him, but that it might obtain favour, and 
derive authority, from the celebrity of his name. 19 

The publication of this work soon afterwards led Politiano 
into a controversy, in w r hich he conducted himself with firm¬ 
ness and moderation, and which terminated greatly to his 
honour. Lodovico Sforza, anxious to throw a veil over the 
guilt of his usurpation by an attention to the promotion of 
letters, had prevailed upon Giorgio Merula, among other 
learned men, to establish his residence at Milan, where he 
enjoyed an ample pension from the duke. The character of 
Merula stood high for his acquirements in Latin literature; 20 but 
neither his proficiency in learning, nor his intercourse with the 
great, nor even his advanced age, had softened or improved a 
disposition naturally jealous and austere. He had, however, 
singled out Politiano as the only person among the scholars 
of Italy who, in his opinion, possessed any share of merit, 
and upon an interview which they had together at Milan, had 
acknowledged, that the restoration of the language of the 
ancient Romans depended upon his exertions. 21 No sooner, 
however, did the Miscellanea of Politiano make their appear¬ 
ance, than Merula availed himself of an opportunity of de¬ 
monstrating his own superiority by depreciating the labours 
of his rival; asserting that such of the remarks of Politiano 
as were entitled to commendation, might be found in the 
critical works which he had himself previously published, or 
were in the memory of his pupils who had attended his pub¬ 
lic instractions.t He even insinuated that he had collected 

* Pol. in pvsef. ad Miscel. f Merulse Ep. inter Ep. Pol. xi. 5. 

P 2 


212 LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 

no inconsiderable number of gross errors, which he might 
probably make public on some future occasion. Politiano 
was soon apprized of this injurious treatment; and as he was 
not slow at resenting an indignity, it is probable that Merula 
would have experienced the weight of his resentment, had not 
other considerations interposed. Merula stood high in the 
opinion of his patron, whilst Politiano was known to live on 
terms of the closest intimacy with Lorenzo de’ Medici. An 
open attack might, therefore, have involved the name of Lo¬ 
renzo, whose connexions with Lodovico were of too much 
importance to be endangered in a literary contest. Thus cir¬ 
cumstanced, Politiano adopted a more discreet and serious 
method of bringing on a discussion. He addressed a letter 
to the duke, entreating that he would exert his authority with 
Merula, to induce him to publish his criticisms; at the same 
time transmitting for his perusal a letter to Merula of similar 
import.* Merula, however, refused either to retract the 
opinions which he had avowed, or to communicate to Politiano 
his remarks. In answer to a sarcasm, which Politiano might 
well have spared, he replies, “ You reproach me with my 
grey locks—I feel not their effects. I yet possess vigour of 
mind and strength of body; celerity of thought and tenacity 
of memory; of these let Politiano beware. ”f Several letters 
on this subject appear in the epistles of Politiano, and the 
contest was rising to an extreme of violence, when Merula 
suddenly died. This event gave Politiano real concern, not 
only on account of the loss of a man, of whose talents he en¬ 
tertained a high opinion, but as tending to deprive him still 
more effectually of the opportunity of defending his work.J 
Anxious, however, that nothing might be omitted which was 
necessary to the vindication of his character, he again ad¬ 
dressed himself to the duke, with earnest entreaties to transmit 
to him the criticisms of Merula; but to no purpose. This 
formidable composition, if indeed it ever existed, was reduced 
to a few loose and unimportant observations. The letters of 
Lodovico, which are remarkable for their kindness and atten¬ 
tion to Politiano, seem, however, at length to have satisfied 

* Pol. Epist. xi. 1, 2. I Merula, tit supra. 

$ Pol. Epist. xi. 11* 


GREEK ACADEMY AT FLORENCE. 213 

his restless apprehensions. “ You can have no reason, 
Angelo,” says the duke, “ to fear any injury to your reputa¬ 
tion from the suppression of the remarks of Merula, as this 
cannot be attributed to you, who, so far from wishing to con¬ 
ceal them, have used your utmost endeavours with us to lay 
them before the public; of which the present letter may serve 
as a testimony.”* 

The institution of public seminaries for promoting the 
knowledge of the ancient languages, the respect paid to those 
who undertook the task of instruction, and the ample com¬ 
pensation they derived, not only from the liberality of indivi¬ 
duals, but from the public at large, powerfully co-operated 
with the causes before mentioned in infusing a just taste for 
classical literature. Of the establishment of the academy at 
Pisa, by the exertions of Lorenzo de Medici, a brief account 
has before been given ;f but his attention to the cause of 
learning was by no means confined to this institution. The 
studies at Pisa were chiefly restricted to the Latin language, 
or to those sciences of which it was the principal vehicle; but 
it was at Florence only that the Greek tongue was inculcated 
under the sanction of a public institution, either by native 
Greeks or learned Italians, who were their powerful compe¬ 
titors, whose services were procured by the diligence of 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, and repaid by his bounty. 28 Hence suc¬ 
ceeding scholars have been profuse of their acknowledgments 
to their patron, who first formed that establishment, from which 
(to use their own classical figure), as from the Trojan horse, so 
many illustrious champions have sprung, and by means of 
which the knowledge of the Greek tongue was extended, not 
only through all Italy, but through France, Spain, Germany, 
and England, from all which countries numerous pupils attended 
at Florence, who diffused the learning they had there acquired 
throughout the rest of Europe. 23 

Of this institution, the first public professor was the eminent 
Johannes Argyropylus, who, after having enjoyed for several 
years the favour and protection of Cosmo and Piero de’ Medici, 
and having had a principal share in the education of Lorenzo, 
was selected by him as the person best qualified to give in- 


Pol. Epist.xi. 21. 


+ Page 79. 


214 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


structions on the Greek tongue. Of the disciples of Argyro- 
pylus, Politiano, if not the most diligent, was the most suc¬ 
cessful. With the precepts which he imbibed, he acquired a 
predilection for the source from whence they flowed; and his 
writings discover numerous instances of his affection and 
veneration for the man who first opened to him the treasures 
of Grecian literature. To the unlimited applause bestowed 
by the scholar on the master, one exception only occurs. 
Argyropylus had professed an open hostility to the reputation 
of Cicero, whom he represented as a sciolist in the Greek 
tongue, and as unacquainted with the tenets of the different 
sects of philosophy, to which so many of his writings relate. 
The acuteness of Argyropylus, and the influence of his autho¬ 
rity, degraded in the estimation of his pupils the character of 
the Roman orator; and Politiano, in his riper years, seems to 
shudder at the recollection of the time when the ignorance of 
Tully was a matter taken for granted by him and his fellow- 
students. 2 * During the long residence of Argyropylus in 
Italy, he had acquired an extensive knowledge of the Latin 
language—a species of praise to which few of his countrymen 
are entitled. His translations into Latin of various tracts of 
Aristotle, are, for the most part, inscribed to his successive 
patrons of the family of the Medici, in language expressive of 
his respect and gratitude.* Among his auditors we find 
Donato Acciajuoli, Janus Pannonius, and the German prelate, 
Johannes Reuchlinus, who, having had the singular good 
fortune to obtain some previous knowledge of the Greek 
tongue, displayed, it is said, on his first interview with Argy¬ 
ropylus, such an acquaintance with it, as induced the Greek 
to exclaim with a sigh, “Alas! Greece is already banished 
beyond the Alps.” 25 

To the industry of Argyropylus, and the excellence of his 
precepts, his disciple Acciajuoli has borne ample testimony; 
affirming, that whilst he inculcated his doctrines, the times of 
the ancient philosophers seemed to be again renewed. 26 If, 
however, we may give credit to the testimony of Paulus Jovius, 
the precepts and the practice of Argyropylus were not entirely 
consistent with each other; and the obesity of his figure, 


Band. Cat. Bibl. Laur. iii. pp. 3, 4, 234, 242, 359, &c. 


DEMETRIUS CHALCONDYLES. 


215 


which was supported by an immoderate supply of food and 
wine, seemed to mark him out as belonging to a different sect 
of philosophers. 27 But the bishop of Nocera had too many 
passions to gratify, to permit him to perform the part of a 
faithful historian, and there are few of his characters that are 
not discoloured or distorted by the medium through which 
they are seen. The same author attributes the death of Argy- 
ropylus to the intemperate use of melons, which brought on 
an autumnal fever, that put a period to his life in the seven¬ 
tieth year of his age. This event took place at Rome, where 
he had fixed his residence some time previous to the year 
1471. 33 

After an interval of a few years, during which there is 
reason to believe that the office of public Greek professor at 
Florence was filled by Theodorus Gaza, and not by Politiano, 
as asserted by Jovius, the loss of Argyropylus was supplied 
by Demetrius Chalcondyles, who was invited by Lorenzo de’ 
Medici to take upon himself that employment about the year 
1479. 29 It is generally understood that an enmity subsisted 
between Politiano and Chalcondyles, in consequence of which 
the latter was eventually under the necessity of quitting 
Florence, whence he retired to Milan; but for this opinion 
the only authority is that of Jovius, and of those who have 
implicitly confided in his relation. 30 This author, always 
hostile to the character of Politiano, would induce us to be¬ 
lieve, that the Italian scholar, actuated by his jealousy of the 
Greek, and availing himself of his superior wit and eloquence, 
endeavoured to injure Chalcondyles by drawing off his pupils, 
and engaging them in his own auditory; and that Lorenzo 
de’ Medici, as well in order to remove the causes of their 
contention, as to avail himself of their mutual emulation, 
divided between them the task of educating his children. It 
may, however, be observed that no traces of this dissension 
are to be found in the narrative of any contemporary author ; 
and although the known irascibility of Politiano, and his 
acknowledged animosity to the Greeks, may seem to strengthen 
the credit of Jovius, yet it will appear, on further considera¬ 
tion, that these very circumstances tend greatly to invalidate 
his testimony. The antipathies of Politiano were never con¬ 
cealed ; and his letters, which extend nearly to the time of 


216 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


his death, contain many instances of that vehemence with 
which he attacked all those who he conceived had given him 
just cause of offence; but of any dissensions with Chalcon- 
dyles, no memorial is to be found. On the contrary, Chal- 
condyles is frequently noticed, both by the Italian scholar 
and his correspondents, as living with him in habits of inti¬ 
macy. 31 The rest of the information derived from Jovius is 
equally futile. The uninterrupted affection that subsisted 
between Lorenzo and Politiano would have prevented the 
former from adopting a measure which the latter could only 
have considered as an impeachment of his talents; but inde¬ 
pendent of inferences drawn from this source, we have positive 
evidence, that however the children of Lorenzo might attend 
the incidental instructions of others, Politiano had the constant 
superintendence of their education, and was addressed on all 
occasions as the sole person honoured with that important 
trust. 82 

From the Florentine institution, it is not difficult to dis¬ 
cover the progress of Grecian literature to the rest of Europe; 
but the traces of the channels by which it was conveyed are 
in no instance more conspicuous than in those which com¬ 
municated with this country. William Grocin, 38 who was for 
some years professor of Greek literature in the university of 
Oxford, had made a journey to Italy, and had resided for the 
space of two years at Florence, where he attended the in¬ 
structions of Chalcondyles and of Politiano. Thomas Linacer, 3 * 
whose name deservedly holds the first rank among the early 
English scholars, availed himself of a similar opportunity; 
and, during his abode at Florence, was so eminently distin¬ 
guished by the elegance of his manners and his singular 
modesty, that he is said to have been selected by Lorenzo de 
Medici as the associate of his children in their studies. 35 

Such were the causes that in the fifteenth century con¬ 
curred to promote the study of the ancient languages in Italy; 
but one circumstance yet remains to be noticed, which was 
perhaps more efficacious than any other in giving life and 
energy to these pursuits. An acquaintance with the learned 
languages was, at this period, the most direct path, not only 
to riches and literary fame, but to political eminence; and the 
most accomplished scholars were, in almost every government 


POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF MEN OF LEARNING. 217 

of Italy, the first ministers of the time. This arose in a 
great degree from the very general use of the Latin tongue 
in the negotiations of different states, which rendered it 
almost impossible for any person to undertake the manage¬ 
ment of public affairs, without an habitual acquaintance with 
that language; but this was more particularly exemplified in 
Florence, where the most permanent officers were uniformly 
selected on account of their learning. During a long course 
of years the place of secretary, or chancellor of the republic, 
(for these terms seem to have been indiscriminately used,) 
was filled by scholars of the first distinction. In the beginning 
of the fifteenth century, it was held by Coluccio Salutati, who 
had been the intimate friend of Petrarca and of Boccaccio, 
and is denominated by Poggio, “ The common father and 
instructor of all the learned.”* He was succeeded by Leo¬ 
nardo Aretino, whose services to the republic were repaid by 
many privileges and favours conferred on himself and liis 
descendants.f After the death of Leonardo, this office was 
given to Carlo Marsuppini,^ and was afterwards successively 
held by Poggio Bracciolini,§ and Benedetto Accolti.|| During 
a great part of the time that the affairs of Florence were 
directed by Lorenzo de’ Medici, the chancellor of the republic 
was Bartolomeo Scala, whose life affords the best example of 
the honours and emoluments which were derived from the 
cultivation of literature. Scala deduced his origin from 
parents of the lowest rank, nor did he possess from his birth 
even the privileges of a Florentine citizen. 36 An early pro¬ 
ficiency in letters recommended him to the notice of Cosmo 
de’ Medici; and it was the pride of Scala to avow the mean¬ 
ness of his birth, and the obligations which he owed to his 
earliest patron. 37 The loss of Cosmo was amply compensated 
to Scala by the favour of his descendants, through whose 
assistance he gradually rose to honours and to affluence, and 
in the year 1472 was intrusted with the seal of the republic. 
In imitation of his predecessors in this office, Scala began a 
history of Florence,- of which he lived to complete only four 
books. 33 Ilis apologues are highly commended by Landino 
and Ficino. Of his poetry, specimens remain both in the 

* Seep. 202. Salutati died about the year 1410. + See p. 10. 

J Ibid. § See p. 12. [| See p. 44. 


218 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


Latin and Italian languages, and the former have obtained a 
place in the celebrated collection of the Latin poems of his 
illustrious countrymen.* When the proverbial uncertainty 
of public favour is considered, the life of Scala may be es¬ 
teemed a life of unusual prosperity. He transacted the con¬ 
cerns of the republic with acknowledged fidelity, industry, 
and ability; arrived at the highest dignities of the state; 
amassed wealth; ranked with men of learning; and left at 
his death a numerous progeny to inherit his riches and his 
respectability. In his controversy with Politiano, he appears, 
however, as a scholar to manifest disadvantage; but the im¬ 
petuosity of his adversary hurried him into a contest which it 
is evident he would willingly have avoided, and in which 
every effort to extricate himself only brought down a severer 
chastisement. 

From the epistles of Politiano it appears, that for some 
time these angry disputants had shared the favour of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici, without discovering any symptoms of jealousy; 
and had even been in the habit of submitting to each other 
their literary works for mutual correction. Scala, however, 
having discovered, or suspected, that Lorenzo had employed 
Politiano to revise the letters which he had written in the 
execution of his office, as chancellor of the republic, began to 
entertain a secret enmity against his rival, and omitted no 
opportunity of depreciating his writings. 39 Politiano was no 
sooner aware that his literary reputation was attacked, than 
he gave a loose to feelings which it is probable he had before 
with difficulty suppressed ; and notwithstanding the rank and 
respectability of Scala, addressed him in a style that shows 
the high opinion which he entertained of his own talents, and 
his contempt of those of his adversary. Alluding in one of 
his letters to the parentage of Scala, he gives him the appel¬ 
lation of monstrum furfuraceum. In another, he honours 
him with a comment on this title. 40 To the boasting of Scala, 
respecting the approbation expressed of him by Lorenzo, he 
returns an answer which in these days (whether more polished 
or more barbarous, the reader may determine) could only have 
been expiated in the blood of one of the disputants. 41 In this 


Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. iii. 489. 


POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF MEN OF LEARNING. 219 

transaction it must be allowed that Politiano suffered himself 
to be carried beyond all reasonable bounds, and forgot that 
respect which he owed, if not to the character of his opponent, 
at least to his own dignity and reputation. It may, perhaps, 
be thought that Lorenzo de’ Medici ought to have interposed 
his authority to suppress a contest which contributed so little 
to the credit of the parties, but it was not till after the death 
of Lorenzo that the dispute became so outrageous. It must 
be observed that Menckenius, the historian of Politiano, has 
on this occasion attributed to the expressions of Scala, an 
import which it is certain they were not intended to convey. 42 

If the circumstances before related were not sufficiently 
characteristic of the spirit of the times, we might advert to 
the other governments of Italy; where we should find that 
offices of the highest trust and confidence were often filled by 
men who quitted the superintendence of an academy, or the 
chair of a professor, to transact the affairs of a nation. 
Alfonzo king of Naples and Francesco Sforza contended in 
liberality with each other, to secure the service of Beccatelli.* 
Pontano was the confidential adviser, and frequently the 
representative to other powers, of Ferdinand, the son of 
Alfonso. 43 The brothers of the family of Simoneta directed 
for a considerable time the affairs of Milan.f Bernardo, 
Bembo, and Francesco Barbaro, maintained the literary, no 
less than the political dignity of the Venetian republic. 
When eminent talents were not engaged in public services, 
they were rewarded by the most flattering attention, and often 
by the pecuniary bounty of illustrious individuals, who relaxed 
from the fastidiousness of rank, in the company of men of 
learning, or have left memorials of their regard by their epis¬ 
tolary correspondence. 

Nor was it seldom that the characters of the scholar, and 
of the man of rank, were united in the same person. Of this 
Giovanni Pico, of Mirandula, to whom we have before fre¬ 
quently adverted, is perhaps the most illustrious instance. 
This accomplished nobleman, of whom many extraordinary 
circumstances are related, and who certainly exhibited a won¬ 
derful example of the powers of the human mind, was born 

* Zeno, Diss. Voss. i. 309, and ante, p. 24. + See page 92. 


220 


LIFE OF LORENZO PE’ MEDICI. 


at Mirandula, in the year 1463, and was one of the younger 
children of Giovan-Francesco Pico, prince of Mirandula and 
Concordia. 44 So quick was his apprehension, so retentive his 
memory, that we are told a single recital was sufficient to fix 
in his mind whatever became the object of his attention. 
After having spent seven years in the most celebrated univer¬ 
sities of Italy and France, he arrived at Rome in the twenty- 
first year of his age, with the reputation of being acquainted 
with twenty-two different languages. 45 Eager to signalize 
himself as a disputant, Pico proposed for public debate nine 
hundred questions, on mathematical, theological, and scholastic 
subjects, including also inquiries into the most abstruse points 
of the Hebraic, Chaldaic, and Arabic tongues. 46 This mea¬ 
sure, which in its worst light could only be considered as an 
ebullition of youthful vanity, might, without any great injus¬ 
tice, have been suffered to evaporate in neglect; but the 
Romish prelates, instead of consigning these propositions to 
their fate, or debating them with the impartiality of philoso¬ 
phers, began to examine them with the suspicious eyes of 
churchmen, and selected thirteen of them as heretical. To 
vindicate his labours from this dangerous imputation, Pico 
composed a Latin treatise of considerable extent, which he is 
said to have written in the space of twenty days, and which 
he inscribed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, under whose protection 
he had sheltered himself from persecution at Florence.* The 
character and acquirements of Pico afforded to his contempo¬ 
raries a subject for the most unbounded panegyric. “ He was 
a man,” says Politiano, “ or rather a hero, on whom nature 
had lavished all the endowments both of body and mind; 
erect and elegant in his person, there was something in his 
appearance almost divine. Of a perspicacious mind, a won¬ 
derful memory, indefatigable in study, distinct and eloquent 
in speech, it seems doubtful whether he was more conspicuous 
for his talents or his virtues. Intimately conversant with 
every department of philosophy, improved and invigorated by 
the knowledge of various languages, and of every honourable 


* Apologia trcdecim qucestiomim. This treatise was published with the 
other Latin works of Pico, at Venice, per Bernardinum Venetum , An. 
mcccclxxxxviii. in folio. 


PICO de’ mirandula. 


221 


science, it may truly be said, that no commendation is equal 
to his praise.” 

The instances before given of the critical talents of Pico, 
whatever may be thought of their accuracy, will at least justify 
him from the reproof of Voltaire, who is of opinion that the 
works of Dante and Petrarca would have been a more suit¬ 
able study for him, than the summary of St. Thomas, or the 
compilations of Albert the Great.* But the literary pursuits 
of Pico were not confined to commentaries upon the works of 
others. From the specimens which remain of his poetical 
compositions in his native language, there is reason to form a 
favourable judgment of those which have perished. Cres- 
cimbeni confesses, that by his early death the Tuscan poetry 
sustained a heavy loss, and that his accomplished pen might 
have rescued it from its degraded state, without the interven¬ 
tion of so many other eminent men, whose labours had been 
employed to the same purpose.f The few pieces which remain 
of his Latin poetry induce us to regret the severity of their 
author. These poems he had arranged in five books, which 
he submitted to the correction of Politiano, who, having per¬ 
formed his task, returned them, with an elegant apology for 
the freedoms he had taken. 47 Soon afterwards Pico committed 
his five books to the flames, to the great regret of Politiano, 
who has perpetuated this incident by a Greek epigram4 If 
the works thus destroyed were equal in merit to his Latin 
elegy addressed to Girolamo Benivieni, posterity have, indeed, 
reason to lament the loss.§ 

Among the circumstances favourable to the promotion of 
letters in the fifteenth century, another yet remains to be 
noticed, which it would be unpardonable to omit; and which, 
if it did not greatly contribute towards their progress, cer¬ 
tainly tended, not only to render the study of languages more 
general, but to remove the idea that the acquisition of them 
was attended with any extraordinary difficulty. This was the 
partiality shown to these studies, and the proficiency made in 
them, by women, illustrious by their birth, or eminent for 


* Volt. Essai sur les Moeurs, ii. 296. 

+ Crescimb. 1st. della volgar poesia, ii. 836. t Pol. Ep. i. 7. 
§ Opere di Benivieni, Yen. 1024. p. 75. 


222 


LIFE OF LORENZO DK’ MEDICI. 


their personal accomplishments. Among these, Alessandro, 
the daughter of Bartolomeo Scala, was peculiarly distin¬ 
guished. The extraordinary beauty of her person was sur¬ 
passed by the endowments of her mind. At an early age she 
was a proficient, not only in the Latin, but the Greek tongue, 48 
which she had studied under Joannes Lascar and Demetrius 
Chalcondyles. Such an union of excellence attracted the 
attention, and is supposed to have engaged the affections of 
Politiano; but Alessandra gave her hand to the Greek Marul- 
lus, who enjoyed at Florence the favour of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 
and in the elegance of his Latin compositions emulated the 
Italians themselves. 49 Hence probably arose those dissensions 
between Marullus and Politiano, the monuments of which yet 
remain in their writings. 50 

Of yet greater celebrity is the name of Cassandra Fidelis. 
Descended from ancestors who had changed their residence 
from Milan to Venice, and had uniformly added to the respect¬ 
ability of their rank by their uncommon learning, she began 
at an early age to prosecute her studies with great diligence, 
and acquired such a knowledge of the learned languages, that 
she may with justice be enumerated among the first scholars 
of the age. 51 The letters which occasionally passed between 
Cassandra and Politiano demonstrate their mutual esteem, if 
indeed such expression be sufficient to characterize the feel¬ 
ings of Politiano, who expresses, in language unusually florid, 
his high admiration of her extraordinary acquirements, and 
his expectation of the benefits which the cause of letters would 
derive from her labours and example. 52 In the year 1491, 
the Florentine scholar made a visit to Venice, where the 
favourable opinion which he had formed of her writings was 
confirmed by a personal interview. “ Yesterday,” says he, 
writing to his great patron, “ I paid a visit to the celebrated 
Cassandra, to whom I presented your respects. She is, in¬ 
deed, Lorenzo, a surprising woman, as well from her acquire¬ 
ments in her own language, as in the Latin; and in my 
opinion she may be called handsome. I left her, astonished 
at her talents. She is much devoted to your interests,and 
speaks of you with great esteem. She even avows her inten¬ 
tion of visiting you at Florence, go that you may prepare 
yourself to give her a proper reception.” From a letter of 


LEARNED WOMEN. 


223 


this lady, many years afterwards, to Leo X., we learn, that 
an epistolary correspondence had subsisted between her and 
Lorenzo de’ Medici;* and it is with concern we perceive that 
the remembrance of this intercourse is revived, in order to 
induce the pontiff to bestow upon her some pecuniary assist¬ 
ance; she being then a widow, with a numerous train of de¬ 
pendents. She lived, however, to a far more advanced period, 
and died in the year 1558, having completed a full century. 
Her literary acquirements, and the reputation of her early 
associates, threw a lustre on her declining years; and as her 
memory remained unimpaired to the last, she was resorted to 
from all parts of Italy, as a living monument of those happier 
days to which the Italians never adverted without regret.| 

That this attention to serious studies, by which these cele¬ 
brated women distinguished themselves, was the characteristic 
of the sex in general, cannot, perhaps, be with truth asserted. 
Yet the pretensions of the sex to literary eminence were not 
confined to these instances. The Italian historians have no¬ 
ticed many other women of high rank who obtained by their 
learning no inconsiderable share of applause.^ Politiano cele¬ 
brates as a tenth muse a lady of Sienna, to whom he gives 
the name of Cecca; 53 and from the numerous pieces in the 
learned languages, professedly addressed to women, we may 
reasonably infer, that these studies were at that time more 
generally diffused amongst them, than they have been at any 
subsequent period. 

Having thus adverted to some of the principal causes which 
accelerated the progress of classical literature m the fifteenth 
century, and observed the active part which Lorenzo de’ Me¬ 
dici took in every transaction that was favourable to its pro¬ 
motion, it may now be proper briefly to inquire what was the 
result of exertions so earnestly made, and so long continued; 
and whether the tree, which had been transplanted with so 
much difficulty, and nourished by such constant attention, 
brought forth fruit sufficient to repay the labour bestowed 
upon it. 

One of the first efforts of the Italian scholars was the trans- 

* Cass. Fidelis. Ep. 123. f Tomasin. in vita Cassandrce, p. 42. 

J Tirabosclii, vi. parte ii. p. 163. 


224 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


lation of the most eminent Greek authors into Latin. Among 
the earliest and most assiduous of these translators is Leo¬ 
nardo Aretino, whose versions of various works of Plato, 
Xenophon, Plutarch, and other Greek authors, form a list too 
extensive to be recognised in the present work. 54 The labours 
of Ficino, though not so numerous, are yet more voluminous. 
Some account of them is found in a Latin epistle from their 
author to Politiano: “ Why, my friend,” says Ficino, “ have 
you so often desired to know what works I have published? 
Is it that you may celebrate them in your verses? But ap¬ 
probation is not due to number so much as to choice, and 
merit is distinguished by quality rather than quantity. 55 If 
Ficino had adhered more closely to this maxim, it would cer¬ 
tainly have diminished nothing of his reputation, which is 
buried under the immense mass of his own labours. The 
earliest production in this department of literature, which 
united elegance with fidelity, is the translation of the history 
of Herodian, by Politiano. 56 This work he inscribed to 
Innocent VIII. in a manly and judicious address, in which he 
briefly states the rules that he had prescribed to himself in the 
execution of his work, which are yet deserving of the notice 
of all who engage in similar undertakings. 57 

From his early years, Politiano had closely attached himself 
to the study of the writings of Homer; and whilst he was 
very young had begun to translate the Iliad into Latin hexa¬ 
meter verse. 58 Whoever is acquainted with the great extent 
of his powers, and the peculiar energy of his Latin composi¬ 
tions, will regret that of this monument of his industry not a 
vestige remains. That he had made a considerable progress 
in this work appears from many authorities; and there is even 
reason to believe, that his perseverance finally overcame the 
difficulties of his undertaking. Ficino, writing to Lorenzo 
de’ Medici, and congratulating him on the success of his at¬ 
tention to liberal studies, particularly adverts to the protection 
afforded by him to Politiano, of whose translation of the 
Grecian bard he speaks in those terms of florid adulation 
which too frequently characterize his letters. 59 Another con¬ 
temporary author has plainly indicated that Politiano com¬ 
pleted his important task, 60 to the progress of which he has 


ITALIAN WRITERS OF LATIN POETRY. 225 

occasionally adverted in his own works. 61 Whether his 
youthful labours fell a sacrifice to the severity of his riper 
judgment, or perished in the general dispersion of the Medi- 
cean Library, of which he lived to be a witness, is a question 
which must yet remain undecided. 

The early part of the fifteenth century was distinguished 
by a warm admiration of the writings of the ancients, and an 
extreme avidity to^ possess them. This was succeeded, as 
might be expected, by an attention to the accuracy of the 
text, and an ardent desire of transfusing their beauties into a 
language more generally known. Towards the latter part of 
the century, a further progress was made; and from comment¬ 
ing, and translating, the Italians began to emulate these 
remains of ancient genius. Those who distinguished them¬ 
selves during the time of Cosmo and Piero de’ Medici, have 
already attracted some share of our notice; but it must in 
general be acknowledged, that although their labours exhibit 
at times a tolerable knowledge of the mechanical parts of 
learning, and have the body and form of poetic composition, 
yet the animating spirit that should communicate life and 
motion is sought for in vain; or if it be anywhere discover¬ 
able, is only to be found in the licentious productions of Bec- 
catelli.* Of that kind of composition which may be called 
classical, modern Italy had seen no examples. The writings 
of Landino, of which specimens have been already given, are, 
however, entitled to some share of approbation; and if they 
be not marked by any powerful efforts of imagination, nor 
remind us strongly of the ancient authers, they possess a flow 
of language, and a facility of diction and versification, much 
superior to his predecessors. A further proficiency was made 
by Naldo Naldio, or Naldo de Naldi§, the friend of Ficino 
and Politiano, and the frequent panegyrist of the Medici. 62 
The poem of Ugolino Yerini, De Illustratione TJrbis Floren- 
ticey is perhaps more valuable for the authenticity of the in¬ 
formation it communicates, than for its poetical excellence; 
yet Yerini has left other testimonies that entitle him to rank 
with the first Latin poets of his age. 63 These pieces are prin- 


See ante, p. 24. 

Q. 


226 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


cipally devoted to the praises of the Medici, and frequently 
advert to the characters of Lorenzo and Giuliano, and to the 
circumstances of the times. 64 

In Michael Verini, the son of Uglino, we have a surprising 
instance of early attainments in learning. He was born in 
1465; and, although he died at the age of seventeen years, 
yet in that short space of time he had obtained the admira¬ 
tion, and conciliated the esteem of his learned contemporaries. 
His principal work is a collection of Latin disticha , which 
exhibit great facility, both of invention and expression, and 
an acquaintance with human life and manners far beyond his 
years. His Latin letters, of which a large collection is pre¬ 
served in the Laurentian Library,* and which are chiefly 
addressed to his father, are as honourable to the paternal 
kindness of the one, as to the filial affection of the other. His 
death is said to have been occasioned by his repugnance to 
obey the prescription of his physicians, who recommended an 
experiment which it seems his modesty did not approve, and 
he fell a sacrifice to his pertinacious chastity. 65 From his 
letters it appears that both he and his father lived on terms of 
intimacy and friendship with Landino, Bartolomeo Fontio, 
and Politiano, and that Lorenzo de’ Medici occasionally passed 
a leisure hour in convivial intercourse with this learned 
family. 66 

The reputation acquired by the Florentines in the cultiva¬ 
tion of Latin poetry stimulated the exertions of other Italian 
scholars. On the memorable occasion of the conspiracy of 
the Pazzi, Platinus Platus, a Milanese, addressed to Lorenzo 
de’ Medici a copy of verses, which obtained his warm appro¬ 
bation. 67 The exertions of Lorenzo in establishing the 
academy at Pisa gave rise to a poem of greater merit and 
importance, by Carolus de Maximis.j' To the authors before 
mentioned we may add the names of Cantalicio, Nicodemo 
Folengi, Alessandro Braccio, and Aurelio Augurelli, all of 
whom have cultivated Latin poetry with different degrees of 

* Plut. lxxxx. cod. 28. From these letters Bandini has, in his valuable 
catalogue, given copious extracts, iii. 462, et scq. 

+ De studio Pisance urbis et ejus situs maxima felicitate , ad Laurentium 
Medicem. This piece is preserved in the Laurentian Library. (Plut. lxxxxi. 
cod. 46. Band. Cat. iii. 850.) 


POLITIANO’S LATIN POETRY. 


227 


success, and have addressed some portion of their works to 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, to which the reader may not be displeased 
to refer. 68 

Of all these authors, though some possess a considerable 
share of merit, not one of them can contend, in point of 
poetical excellence, with Politiano, who in his composition 
approaches nearer to the standard of the ancients than any 
man of his time; yet, whilst he emulates the dignity of Virgil, 
or reminds us of the elegance of Horace, he suggests not to 
our minds the idea of servile imitation. Of the character of 
his writings various opinions have indeed been entertained, 
which have been detailed at large by Baillet, and still more 
copiously by Menckenius.* It may, therefore, be sufficient 
on this occasion to caution the reader against an implicit ac¬ 
quiescence in the opinions of two eminent modern authors who 
have either obliquely censured, or too cautiously approved his 
poetical works. 69 In the attempt made by Politiano to restore 
a just taste for the literature of the ancients, it is not to be 
denied that he had powerful coadjutors in Pontano and Sana- 
zaro, 70 whose labours have given to the delightful vicinity of 
Naples new pretensions to the appellation of classic ground. 
Nor will it diminish his reputation, if we admit that the 
empire which he had founded was in the next century ex«- 
tended and secured by the exertions of Fracastoro, Vida, 
Naugerio, and Flaminio, 71 in whom the great poets of the 
Augustan age seem once more to be revived. Whilst the 
study of polite literature wa3 thus emerging from its state of 
reptile torpor, the other sciences felt the effects of the same 
invigorating beam; and the city of Florence, like a sheltered 
garden in the opening of spring, re-echoed with the earliest 
sounds of returning animation. The Platonic academy existed 
in full splendour, and served as a common bond to unite, at 
stated intervals, those who had signalized themselves by scien¬ 
tific or literary pursuits. The absurd pretensions of judicial 
astrology were freely examined and openly exposed; and ob¬ 
servation and experiment were at length substituted in the 
place of conjecture and of fraud. 72 Paolo Toscanelli had 
already erected his celebrated Gnomon. 73 Lorenzo da Volpaja 


* Baillet, Jugemens des Sjavans, iv. 18, Menck. in vita Pol. passim. 

a 2 


228 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


constructed for Lorenzo de’ Medici, a clock, or piece of 
mechanism, which not only marked the hour of the day, but 
the motions of the sun and of the planets, the eclipses, the 
signs of the zodiac, and the whole revolutions of the heavens. 74 
A laudable attempt was made by Francesco Berlinghieri to 
facilitate the study of geography, by uniting it with poetry. 75 
In metaphysics, several treatises made their appearance, some 
of which are inscribed by their authors to Lorenzo de’ Medici. 76 
His efforts to promote the important science of medicine, and 
to rescue it from the absurdities in which it was enveloped, 
are acknowledged by several of its most eminent professors, 
who cultivated it on more liberal principles, and have attri¬ 
buted their proficiency to his bounty. 77 In the practice and 
theory of music, Antonio Squarcialupi excelled all his prede¬ 
cessors ; and Lorenzo is said to have written a poem in his 
praise. 78 Ilis liberality was emulated by many other illus¬ 
trious citizens, who were allied to him by affinity, or attached 
by the ties of friendship and of kindred studies, and the in¬ 
numerable literary works of this period, the production of 
Florentine authors, evince the success that attended their ex¬ 
ertions. Of these works many yet hold a high rank, not only 
for practical knowledge, but for purity of diction ; and upon 
the whole they bear the stamp of industry, talents, and good 
sense. And as they certainly excel, both in point of infor¬ 
mation and composition, the productions that immediately 
preceded them, so they are, perhaps, justly to be preferred to 
many of those of the ensuing century ; when, by an over¬ 
strained attention to the beauty of language, the importance 
of the subject was frequently neglected or forgotten, and the 
talents of the first men of the age being devoted rather to 
words than to things, were overwhelmed in a prolixity of 
language, that in the form of letters, orations, and critical 
dissertations, became the opprobrium of literature, and the 
destruction of true taste. 


229 


CHAPTER VIII. 


Domestic character of Lorenzo de' Medici—Accused of being addicted to 
licentious amours—Children of Lorenzo—His conduct towards them— 
Politiano accompanies them to Pistoia—They remove to Caffagiolo— 
Dissensions between Politiano and Madonna Clarice—He retires to 
Fiesole, and writes his poem entitled “Rusticus”—Piero de’ Medici-— 
Giovanni de’ Medici—Lorenzo discharges his debts, and quits commerce 
for agriculture—Villa of Poggio-Cajano—Careggi—Fiesole and other 
domains—Piero visits the pope—Giovanni raised to the dignity of a car¬ 
dinal—Admonitory letter of Lorenzo—Piero marries Alfonsina Orsini— 
Visits Milan—Learned ecclesiastics favoured by Lorenzo—Mariano 
Gennazano—Girolamo Savonarola—Matteo:Bosso—Death of Madonna 
Clarice—Assassination of Girolamo Riario—Tragical death of Galeotto 
Manfredi, prince of Faenza. 

Having hitherto traced the conduct of Lorenzo de’ Medici in 
public life, we may now be allowed to follow him to his do¬ 
mestic retreat, and observe him in the intercourse of his 
family, the education of his children, or the society of his 
friends. The mind of man varies with his local situation, 
and before it can be justly estimated, must be viewed in 
those moments when it expands in the warmth of confidence, 
and exhibits its true colours in the sunshine of affection. 
Whether it was from the suggestions of policy, or the versa¬ 
tility of his natural disposition, that Lorenzo de’ Medici turned 
with such facility from concerns of high importance to the 
discussion of subjects of amusement and the levity of convi¬ 
vial intercourse, certain it is, that few persons have displayed 
this faculty in so eminent a degree. “ Think not,” says Poli¬ 
tiano, writing to his friend,* “ that any of our learned asso¬ 
ciates, even they who have devoted their lives to study, are 

* Ang. Polit. Lodovico Odaxio. Ep. iii. G. 


230 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


to be esteemed superior to Lorenzo de’ Medici, either for 
acuteness in disputation, or for good sense in forming a just 
decision; or that he yields to any of them in expressing his 
thoughts with facility, variety, and elegance. The examples 
of history are as familiar to him as the attendants that sur¬ 
round his table; and when the nature of his subject admits 
of it, his conversation is abundantly seasoned with the salt 
collected from that ocean, from which Venus herself first 
sprung.” 1 Ilis talent for irony was peculiar, and folly and 
absurdity seldom escaped his animadversion. 2 In the col¬ 
lections formed by the Florentines, of the motti e burle of 
celebrated men, Lorenzo bears a distinguished part; but when 
expressions adapted to the occasion of a moment are trans¬ 
planted to the page of a book, and submitted to the cool con¬ 
sideration of the closet, they too often remind us of a flower 
cropt from its stalk, to be preserved in arid deformity. Pos¬ 
sibly, too, those who have assumed the task of selection may 
not have been accurate in their choice, and perhaps the cele¬ 
brity of his name may have been an inducement to others to 
attribute to him witticisms unworthy of his character. Yet 
the bon-mots of Lorenzo may rank with many of those which 
have been published with importance, and read with avidity. 3 
Grazzini has also introduced this eminent man as amusing 
himself with a piece of meditated jocularity, in order to free 
himself from the importunate visits of a physician, who too 
frequently appeared at his table; but, for the veracity of this 
narrative, we have only the authority of a professed novelist. 4 
Nor is it likely that Lorenzo, though he frequently indulged 
in the licence allowed by the Roman satirist, would have for¬ 
gotten the precaution with which it is accompanied, 5 or would 
have misemployed his time and his talents, in contriving and 
executing so insipid and childish an entertainment. 

Although there is reason to believe that Clarice Orsini, the 
wife of Lorenzo, was not the object of his early passion, yet 
that lie lived with her in uninterrupted affection, and treated 
her on all occasions with the respect due to her rank and her 
virtues, appears from many circumstances. He has not, how¬ 
ever, escaped an imputation which has sometimes attached 
itself to names of great celebrity, and which, indeed, too often 
taints the general mass of excellence with the leaven of human 


HIS DOMESTIC CHARACTER. 


231 


nature. “ Such a combination of talents and of virtues,” says 
Machiavelli, r * as appeared in Lorenzo de’ Medici, was not 
counterbalanced by a single fault, although he was incredibly 
devoted to the indulgence of an amorous passion.” * In as¬ 
serting a particular defect, it is remarkable that the historian 
admits it not as an exception to his general approbation. Yet 
it is not to be denied, that if such an accusation were esta¬ 
blished, it would be difficult to apologize for Lorenzo, although 
the manners of the age, and the vivacity of his natural dispo¬ 
sition, might be urged in extenuation of his misconduct. In 
justice, however, to his character, it must be observed, that 
the history of the times furnishes us with no information, either 
as to the circumstances attending his amours, or the particular 
objects of his passion; 6 nor indeed does there appear, from the 
testimony of his contemporaries, any reason to infer that he 
is justly charged with this deviation from the rules of virtue 
and of decorum. 7 Probably this imputation is founded only 
on a presumption arising from the amorous tendency of some 
of his poetical writings; and certain it is, that if the offspring 
of imagination and the effusions of poetry be allowed to decide, 
the grounds of his conviction may be found in almost every 
line. It may, perhaps, be observed that these pieces were 
chiefly the productions of his youth, before the restrictions of 
the marriage vow had suppressed the breathings of passion; 
but how shall we elude the inference which arises from the 
following lines? 

Teco I’ avessi il ciel donna congiunto 
In matrimonio: ah che pria non venisti 
A1 mondo, o io non son piu tardo giunto ? 


O that the marriage bond had joined our fate, 
Nor I been born too soon, nor thou too late! 

Or from these, which are still more explicit? 

Ma questo van pensiero a che soggiorno? 

Se tu pur dianzi, ed io fui un tempo avanti, 
Dal laccio conjugal legato intorno? 

* Hist. Flor. viii. 



232 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


But why these thoughts irrelevant and vain! 

If I, long since in Hymen’s fetters tied. 

Am doom’d to hear another call thee bride ? 

Nor must it be denied that this elegiac fragment, though 
incorrect and unfinished, is distinguished by that pathos and 
glow of expression which genuine passion can alone inspire. 
If in this piece Lorenzo be amorous, in others he is licentious; 
and if we admit the production of a moment of levity, as the 
evidence of his feelings, the only regret that he experienced 
was from the reflection, that he had in the course of his past 
time imprudently neglected so many opportunities of collect¬ 
ing the sweets that were strewn in his way. But shall we 
venture to infer, that because Lorenzo wrote amorous verses, 
and amused himself with jeux (Tesprit, his life was dissolute, 
and his conduct immoral? “ As poetry is the flower of science,” 
says Menage, “ so there is not a single person of education 
who has not composed, or at least wished to compose verses; 
and as love is a natural passion, and poetry is the language of 
love, so there is no one who has written verses who has not 
felt the effects of love.” If we judge with such severity, what 
will become of the numerous throng of poets who have thought 
it sufficient to allege in their justification, that if 

Their verse was wanton, yet their lives were chaste? 

or what shall we say to the extensive catalogue of learned 
ecclesiastics, who have endeavoured to fill the void of celibacy 
by composing verses on subjects of love? 8 

Whatever may be thought of the conduct or the sentiments 
of Lorenzo on this head, it does not appear that he left any 
offspring of illicit love; but by his wife Clarice he had a 
numerous progeny, of which three sons and four daughters 
arrived at the age of maturity. Piero, his eldest son, was 
born on the fifteenth day of February, 1471; Giovanni, on 
the eleventh day of December, 1475 ; and Giuliano, his 
youngest, in 1478. Of these, the first was distinguished by a 
series of misfortunes too justly merited, the two latter by an 
unusual degree of prosperity: Giovanni having obtained the 
dignity of the Tiara, which he wore by the name of Leo X.; 


HIS FAMILY REMOVE TO PISTOIA. 


233 


and Giuliano having allied himself by marriage to the royal 
house of France, and obtained the title of Duke of Nemours. 

In no point of view does the character of this extraordinary 
man appear more engaging than in his affection towards his 
children, in his care of their education, and in his solicitude for 
their welfare. In their society he relaxed from his impor¬ 
tant occupations, and accustomed himself to share their plea¬ 
sures and promote their amusements. 9 By what more certain 
means can a parent obtain that confidence so necessary to 
enable him to promote the happiness of his children? The 
office of an instructor of youth he considered as of the highest 
importance. “ If,” says he, “ we esteem those who contribute 
to the prosperity of the state, we ought to place in the first 
rank the tutors of our children, whose labours are to influ¬ 
ence posterity, and on whose precepts and exertions the dig¬ 
nity of our family and of our country in a great measure 
depends. 10 

Soon after the conspiracy of the Pazzi, when Lorenzo 
thought it expedient to remove his family to Pistoia, they 
were accompanied by Politiano, as the instructor of his sons, 
who gave frequent information to his patron of their situation, 
and the progress made in the education of his children. These 
confidential letters enable us to form a more accurate idea of 
the disposition of their author than we can collect from any 
of his writings intended for publication. Restless, impatient 
of control, and conceiving all merit to be concentered in the 
acquisition of learning, he could brook no opposition to his 
authority. The intervention of Madonna Clarice, in the direc¬ 
tion of her children, was in his judgment impertinent, because 
she was unlettered, and a woman. In one of his letters he 
earnestly requests that Lorenzo will delegate to him a more 
extensive power; whilst in another, written on the same day, 
he acknowledges that this request was made under the impulse 
of passion, and solicits indulgence for the infirmity of his 
temper. The subsequent eminence of his pupils renders these 
letters interesting. What friend of literature can be indif¬ 
ferent to the infancy of Ltso the Tenth? “ Piero,” says Poli¬ 
tiano, “ attends to his studies with tolerable diligence. We 
daily make excursions through the neighbourhood, we visit 
the gardens with which the city abounds, and sometimes look 


234 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


into the library of Maestro Zambino, where I have found 
some good pieces, both in Greek and Latin. Giovanni rides 
out on horseback, and the people follow him in crowds.” 
From Pistoia the family retired in the close of the year to 
Caffagiolo, where they passed the winter; from whence Poli- 
tiano continued his correspondence with Lorenzo, and occa¬ 
sionally addressed himself to his mother, Madonna Lucretia, 
between whom and this eminent scholar there subsisted a 
friendly and confidential intercourse. These letters afford an 
additional proof of the querulousness of genius, and may serve 
to reconcile mediocrity to its placid insignificance. “ The 
only news I can send you,” thus he writes to this lady, “ is, 
that we have here such continual rains that it is impossible to 
quit the house, and the exercises of the country are changed 
for childish sports within doors. Here I stand by the fire¬ 
side, in my great coat and slippers, that you might take me 
for the very figure of melancholy. Indeed I am the same at 
all times; for I neither see nor hear, nor do anything that 
gives me pleasure, so much am I affected by the thoughts of 
our calamities; sleeping and waking, they still continue to 
haunt me. Two days since we were all rejoicing upon hear¬ 
ing that the plague had ceased—now we are depressed on 
being informed that some symptoms of it yet remain. Were 
we at Florence we should have some consolation, were it only 
that of seeing Lorenzo when he returned to his house; but 
here we are in continual anxiety, and I, for my part, am half 
dead with solitude and weariness. The plague and the war 
are incessantly in my mind. I lament past misfortunes, and 
anticipate future evils; and I have no longer at my side my 
dear Madonna Lucretia, to whom I might unbosom my cares.” 
Such is the melancholy strain in which Politiano addresses 
the mother of Lorenzo; but we seldom complain except to those 
we esteem, and this letter is a better evidence of the feelings 
of Politiano than a volume of well-turned compliments. 

In conciliating the regard of Clarice, Politiano was not 
equally fortunate. Her interference with him in his office 
appeared to him an unpardonable intrusion. “ As for Gio¬ 
vanni,” says he, “ his mother employs him in reading the 
psalter, which I by no means commend. Whilst she declined 
interfering with him, it is astonishing how rapidly he im- 


POLITIANO AND MADONNA CLARICE. 235 

proved, insomuch that he read without assistance. There is 
nothing,” he proceeds, “which I ask more earnestly of 
Heaven, than that I may be able to convince you of my 
fidelity, my diligence, and my patience, which I would prove 
even by my death. Many things, however, I omit, that 
amidst your numerous avocations I may not add to your soli¬ 
citude.” When Politiano wrote thus to his patron, it is not 
to be supposed that his conduct at Caffagiolo was distinguished 
by moderation or complacency. The dissensions between 
him and Madonna Clarice consequently increased, till at 
length the intemperance or the arrogance of Politiano afforded 
her a just pretext for compelling him to quit the house. By 
a letter from Clarice to her husband on this occasion, we are 
informed of the provocation which she received, and must 
confess that she had sufficient cause for the measure she 
adopted; for what woman can bear with patience the stings 
of ridicule. “ I shall be glad,” says she, “ to escape being 
made the subject of a tale of Franco’s, as Luigi Pulci was; 
nor do I like that Messer Agnolo should threaten that he 
would remain in the house in spite of me. You remember I 
told you, that if it was your will he should stay, I was per¬ 
fectly contented; and although I have suffered infinite abuse 
from him, yet if it be with your assent, I am satisfied. But I 
do not believe it to be so.” On this trying occasion, as on 
many others, Politiano experienced the indulgence and friend¬ 
ship of Lorenzo, who, seeing that a reconciliation between 
the contending parties was impracticable, allowed the banished 
scholar a residence in his house at Fiesole. No longer fretted 
by female opposition, or wearied with the monotonous task of 
inculcating learning, his mind soon recovered its natural 
tone; and the fruits of the leisure which he enjoyed yet 
appear in a beautiful Latin poem, inferior in its kind only to 
the Georgies of Virgil, and to which he gave the title of 
Busticus-. In the close of this poem, he thus expresses his 
gratitude to his constant benefactor: 

Talia Fesuleo leDtus meditabar in antro, 

Pure sub urbano Medicum, qua mons sacer urbem 

Mseoniam, longique volumina despicit Abni. 

Qua bonus hospitium felix, plaeidamque quietem 


236 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Indulget Laurens, Laurens haud ultima Phceb 
Gloria, jactatis Laurens fida anchora musis ; 
Qui si certa magis premiserit otia nobis, 

Afflabor majore Deo.- 


Thus flow the strains, whilst here at ease reclined 
At length the sweets of calm repose I find; 

Where Fesule, with high impending brow, 

O’erlooks Mseonian Florence stretch’d below. 

Whilst Arno, winding through the mild domain. 

Leads in repeated folds his lengthen’d train; 

Nor thou thy poet’s grateful strain refuse, 

Lorenzo ! sure resource of every muse; 

Whose praise, so thou his leisure hour prolong, 

Shall claim the tribute of a nobler song. 

Were we to give implicit credit to the testimony of his 
tutor, Piero de’ Medici united in himself all the great qualities 
by which his progenitors had been successively distinguished: 
“ The talents of his father, the virtues of his grandfather, and 
the prudence of the venerable Cosmo.” 11 Lorenzo himself 
had certainly formed a favourable opinion of his capacity; and 
is said to have remarked that his eldest son would be distin¬ 
guished for ability, his second for probity, his third by an 
amiable temper.* The fondness of a parent was gratified in 
observing those instances of an extraordinary memory which 
Piero displayed in his childhood, and in listening to the poeti¬ 
cal pieces which he was accustomed to recite to the familiar 
circle of friends, who perhaps admired, and certainly applauded 
his efforts. Among these were some of the whimsical pro¬ 
ductions of Matteo Franco. 12 As he advanced in years, his 
father was desirous that he should always participate in the 
conversation of those eminent scholars who frequented the 
palace of the Medici; and it was with pleasure that Lorenzo 
saw the mutual attachment that subsisted between his son and 
the professors of literature in general. 13 The celebrated epistles 
of Politiano, which were collected by their author at the in¬ 
stance of Piero, and to whom they were inscribed in terms of 
grateful affection, bear ample testimony to his acquirements; 


Valori, p. 64, 



GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI. 


237 


and the frequent mention made of his name by the learned 
correspondents of Politiano, is a convincing proof of his atten¬ 
tion to their interests, and his attachment to the cause of 
letters. Happy if the day that opened with such promising 
appearances had not been seen so suddenly overclouded; 

“-Sed zephyri spes portavere paternas,” 

and Piero, by one inconsiderate step, which his subsequent 
efforts could never retrieve, rendered ineffectual all the solici¬ 
tude of his father, and all the lessons of his youth. 

Giovanni, the second son of Lorenzo, was destined, from 
his infancy, to the church. Early brought forward into pub¬ 
lic view, and strongly impressed with a sense of the necessity 
of a grave deportment, he seems never to have been a child. 
At seven years of age he was admitted into holy orders, and 
received the tonsura from Gentile, bishop of Arezzo. From 
thenceforth he was called Messer Giovanni, and was soon 
afterwards declared capable of ecclesiastical preferment. Be¬ 
fore he was eight years of age he was appointed by Louis XI. 
of France, abbot of Fonte Dolce, which was immediately suc¬ 
ceeded by a presentation from the same patron, to the arch¬ 
bishopric of Aix, in Provence; but in this instance the 
liberality of the king was opposed by an invincible objection, 
for before the investiture could be obtained from the pope, 
information was received at Florence that the archbishop was 
yet living. This disappointment was, however, compensated 
by the abbacy of the rich monastery of Pasignano. 14 Of the 
glaring indecorum of bestowing spiritual functions on a child, 
Lorenzo was fully sensible, and he accordingly endeavoured 
to counteract the unfavourable impression which it might 
make on the public mind, by inculcating upon his son the 
strictest attention to his manners, his morals, and his improve¬ 
ment. He had too much sagacity not to be convinced, that 
the surest method of obtaining the rewards of merit is to de¬ 
serve them; and Messer Giovanni was not more distinguished 
from his youthful associates by the high promotions which he 
enjoyed, than he was by his attention to his studies, his strict 
performance of the duties enjoined him, and his inviolable 
regard to truth. 

In providing for the expenses of the wars in which the 


238 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Florentines had been engaged, considerable debts had been 
incurred; and as they had not yet learned the destructive 
expedient of anticipating their future revenue, or transferring 
their own burthens to their posterity, it became necessary to 
provide for the payment of these demands. Besides the debts 
contracted in the name of the republic, Lorenzo had been 
obliged to have recourse to his agents in different countries to 
borrow large sums of money, which had been applied to the 
exigencies of the state; but it was no improbable conjecture, 
that the money which had been lavishly expended during the 
heat of the contest, would be repaid with reluctance when the 
struggle was over. These considerations occasioned him great 
anxiety; for whilst, on the one hand, he dreaded the disgrace 
of being wanting in the performance of his pecuniary engage¬ 
ments, he was not perhaps less apprehensive, on the other 
hand, of diminishing his influence in Florence by the impo¬ 
sition of additional taxes. From this difficulty he saw no 
possibility of extricating himself, but by the most rigid atten¬ 
tion, as well to the improvement of the public revenue, as to 
the state of his own concerns. The increasing prosperity of 
the city of Florence seconded his efforts, and in a short time 
the creditors of the state were fully reimbursed, without any 
increase of the public burthens. His own engagements yet 
remained incomplete; but whilst he was endeavouring, from 
his large property and extensive concerns, to discharge the 
demands against him, a decree providing for the payment of 
his debts out of the public treasury relieved him from his diffi¬ 
culties, and proved that the affection of his fellow-citizens yet 
remained unimpaired.* Lorenzo did not, however, receive 
this mark of esteem, without bitterly exclaiming against the 
negligence and imprudence of his factors and correspondents, 
who, by their inattention to his affairs, had reduced him to the 
necessity of accepting such a favour. From this period he 
determined to close his mercantile concerns with all possible 
expedition, well considering, that besides the inherent uncer¬ 
tainty of these transactions, the success of them depended too 
much on the industry and integrity of others. He therefore 
resolved to turn his attention to occupations more particularly 


* Valori, p. 38. 


HIS VILLA. 


239 


under his own inspection, and to relinquish the fluctuating 
advantages of commerce for the more certain revenue derived 
from the cultivation of his rich farms and extensive posses¬ 
sions in different parts of Tuscany. 

His villa of Poggio-Cajano was, in his intervals of lei¬ 
sure, his favourite residence. Here he erected a magnificent 
mansion, 15 and formed the complete establishment of a 
princely farmer. Of this fertile domain, and of the labours 
of Lorenzo in its cultivation and improvement, one of his 
contemporaries has left a very particular and authentic de¬ 
scription.* “ The village of Cajano,” says he, “ is built on 
the easy slope of a hill, and is at the distance of about ten 
miles from Florence. The road to it from the city is very 
spacious, and excellent even in winter, and is in every respect 
suitable for all kinds of carriages. The river Ombrone winds 
round it with a smooth deep stream, affording great plenty of 
fish. The villa of Lorenzo is denominated Ambra , either from 
the name of the river, or on account of its extraordinary 
beauty. His fields are occasionally refreshed with streams of 
fine and wholesome water, which Lorenzo, with that magnifi¬ 
cence which characterizes all his undertakings, has conveyed 
by an aqueduct over mountains and precipices for many 
miles. 16 The house is not yet built, but the foundations are 
laid. Its situation is midway between Florence and Pistoia. 
Towards the north, a spacious plain extends to the river, and 
is protected from the floods, which sudden rains sometimes 
occasion, by an immense embankment. From the facility with 
which it is watered in summer, it is so fertile, that three crops 
of hay are cut in each year; but it is manured every other 
year, lest the soil should be exhausted. On an eminence about 
the middle of the farm are very extensive stables, the floors 
of which, for the sake of cleanliness, are laid with stone. 
These buildings are surrounded with high walls and a deep 
moat, and have four towers like a castle. Here are kept a 
great number of most fertile and productive cows, which 
afford a quantity of cheese, equal to the supply of the 
city and vicinity of Florence; so that it is now no longer 
necessary to procure it, as formerly, from Lombardy. A 


* Mic. Verini, Ep. xvi. ap. Band. Cat. Bib. Laur. iii. 483. 


240 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


brood of hogs, fed by the whey, grow to a remarkable size. 
The villa abounds with quails, and other birds, particularly 
water-fowl, so that the diversion of fowling is enjoyed here 
without fatigue. Lorenzo has also furnished the woods with 
pheasants and with peacocks, which he procured from Sicily. 
His orchards and gardens are most luxuriant, extending along 
the banks of the river. His plantation of mulberry trees is 
of such extent, that we may hope ere long to have a dimi¬ 
nution in the price of silk. But why should I proceed in 
my description? come and see the place yourself; and you 
will acknowledge, like the queen of Sheba when she visited 
Solomon, that the report is not adequate to the truth.” 

Like the gardens of Aleinous, the farm of Lorenzo has 
frequently been celebrated in the language of poetry. To his 
own poem, on the destruction of his labours by the violence 
of the river, we have before adverted.* Politiano thus con¬ 
cludes his Sylva, devoted to the praises of Homer, to which, 
on account of its having been written at this place, he has 
given the name of Ambra ; 17 

Macte opibus, macte ingenio, mea gloria Laurens, 

Gloria musarum Laurens ! montesque propinquos 
Perfodis, et longo suspensos excipis arcu, 

Praegelidas ducturus aquas, qua prata supinum 
Lata videt podium, riguis ub" ~rima lymphis; 

Aggere tuta novo, piscosisqut undique septa 
Limitibus, per quse multo servante molosso 
Plena Tarentinis succrescunt ubera vaccis ; 

Atque aliud nigris missum (quis credat) ab Indis, 

Ruminat ignotas armentum discolor herbas. 

At vituli tepidis clausi fcenilibus intus, 

Expectant tota sugendas nocte parentes. 

Interea magnis lac densum bullit ahenis, 

Brachiaque exertus senior, tunicataque pubes 
Comprimit, et longa siccandum ponit in umbra. 

Utque pise pascuntur oves, ita vastus obeso 
Corpore, sus calabar cavea stat clausus olenti, 

Atque aliam ex alia poscit grunnitibus escam. 

Celtiber ecce sibi latebrosa cuniculus antra 


* See ante, p. 148. 


HIS VILLA AT CAJANO. 


241 


Perforat; innumerus net serica vellera bombyx; 
At vaga floriferos errant dispersa per hortos, 
Multiforumque replent operosa examina suber; 
Et genus omne avium captivis instrepit alis. 
Dumque Antenorei volucris cristata Timavi 
Parturit, et custos capitoli gramina tondet, 

Multa lacu se mersat anas, subitaque volantes 
Nube diem fuscant Veneris tutela columbse. 


Go on, Lorenzo, thou the muse’s pride, 

Pierce the hard rock and scoop the mountain’s side ; 
The distant streams shall hear thy potent call, 

And the proud arch receive them as they fall. 

Thence o’er thy fields the genial waters lead, 

That with luxuriant verdure crown the mead. 

There rise thy mounds th’ opposing flood that ward, 
There thy domains thy faithful mastiffs guard: 
Tarentum there her horned cattle sends, 

Whose swelling teats the milky rill distends : 

There India’s breed of various colours range, 

Pleased with the novel scene and pastures strange, 
Whilst nightly closed within their shelter’d stall 
For the due treat their lowing offspring call. 

Meantime the milk in spacious coppers boils,' 

With arms upstript the elder rustic toils, 

The young assist the curdled mass to squeeze, 

And place in cooling shades the recent cheese. 

Wide o’er thy downs extends thy fleecy charge : 

There the Calabrian hog, obese and large, 

Loud from his sty demands his constant food ; 

And Spain supplies thee with thy rabbit brood. 

Where mulberry groves their length of shadow spread, 
Secure the silkworm spins his lustrous thread; 

And, cull’d from every flower the plunderer meets, 

The bee regales thee with her rifled sweets: 

There birds of various plume and various note 
Flutter their captive wings; with cackling throat 
The Paduan fowl betrays her future breed, 

And there the geese, once Rome’s preservers, feed, 

And ducks amusive sport amidst thy floods, 

And doves, the pride of Venus, throng thy woods. 

R 



242 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDLCI. 


When Lorenzo was prevented by his numerous avocations 
from enjoying his retreat at Poggio-Cajano, his other villas 
in the vicinity of Florence afforded him an opportunity of de¬ 
voting to his own use, or the society of his friends, those 
shorter intervals of time which he could withdraw from the 
service of the public. His residence at Careggi was in every 
respect suitable to his rank. The house, which was erected 
by his grandfather, and enlarged by his father, was sufficiently 
commodious. The adjacent grounds, which possessed every 
natural advantage that wood and water could afford, were im¬ 
proved and planted under his own directions, 18 and his gardens 
were provided with every vegetable, either for ornament or 
use, which the most diligent research could supply. 19 But 
Fiesole seems to have been the general resort of his literary 
friends, to many of whom he allotted habitations in the neigh¬ 
bourhood, during the amenity of the summer months. Of 
these Politiano and Pico were the most constant, and perhaps 
the most welcome guests. Landino, Scala, and Ficino were 
also frequent in their visits; and Crinitus, the pupil of Poli¬ 
tiano, and Marullus, his rival in letters and in love, were oc¬ 
casionally admitted to this select society. 20 “ Superior, per¬ 
haps,” says Voltaire, (substituting, however, Lascar and Chal- 
condyles, for Scala and Crinitus,) “ to that of the boasted 
sages of Greece.” Of the beauties of this place, and of the 
friendly intercourse that subsisted among these eminent men, 
Politiano, in a letter to Ficino, gives us some idea.* “ When 
you are incommoded,” says he, “ with the heat of the season 
in your retreat at Careggi, you will perhaps think the shelter 
of Fiesole not undeserving your notice. Seated between the 
sloping sides of the mountain, we have here water in abund¬ 
ance, and being constantly refreshed with moderate winds, 
find little inconvenience from the glare of the sun. As you 
approach the house, it seems embosomed in the wood, but 
when you reach it, you find it commands a full prospect of 
the city. Populous as the vicinity is, yet I can here enjoy 
that solitude so gratifying to my disposition. But I shall 
tempt you with other allurements. Wandering beyond the 
limits of his own plantation, Pico sometimes steals unex- 


* Pol. Ep. x. xiv. 


HIS OTHER DOMAINS. 


243 


pectedly on my retirement, and draws me from my shades 
to partake of his supper. What kind of supper that is, you 
well know; sparing, indeed, but neat, and rendered gra eful 
by the charms of his conversation. Be you, however, my 
guest. Your supper here shall be as good, and your wine 
perhaps better, for in the quality of my wine I shall contend 
for superiority even with Pico himself.” 

Besides his places of residence before noticed, Lorenzo had 
large possessions in different parts of Tuscany. His house at 
Caffagiolo, near the village of that name, among the romantic 
scenes of the Apennines, had been the favourite residence of 
his grandfather Cosmo; who, on being asked why he preferred 
this place to his more convenient habitation at Fiesole, is said 
to have assigned as a reason, that Caffagiolo seemed pleasanter, 
because all the country he could see from his windows was his 
own. At Agnana, in the territory of Pisa, Lorenzo had a 
fertile domain, which he improved by draining, and bringing 
into cultivation the extensive marshes that lay in its neigh¬ 
bourhood, the completion of which was only prevented by his 
death.* Another estate in the district of Yolterra was ren¬ 
dered extremely fruitful by his labours, and yielded him an 
ample revenue. Valori relates, that Lorenzo was highly gra¬ 
tified with the amusement of horse-racing, and that he kept 
many horses for this purpose, amongst which was a roan, that 
on every occasion bore away the prize. The same author 
professes to have heard from Politiano, that as often as this 
horse happened to be sick, or was wearied with the course, 
he refused any nourishment except from the hands of Lorenzo, 
at whose approach he testified his pleasure by neighing and by 
motions of his body, even whilst lying on the ground; so that 
it is not to be wondered at, says this author, by a kind of 
commendation rather more striking than just, that Lorenzo 
should be the delight of mankind, when even the brute crea¬ 
tion expressed an affection for him. 21 

In the year 1484, at which time Piero de’ Medici, the eldest 
son of Lorenzo, was about fourteen years of age, his father 
judged it expedient to send him to Rome, on a visit to the 
pope, and appointed Seala and Politiano as his companions. 


* Valori, p. 39. 


244 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


He did not, however, implicitly confide in their discretion, 
hut drew up himself very full and explicit directions for the 
conduct of his son during his absence. These instructions 
yet remain, and may serve, as much as any circumstance 
whatever, to give us an idea of the sagacity and penetration 
of Lorenzo, and of his attention, not only to the regulation 
of the manners of his son, but to the promotion of his own 
views. He advises him to speak naturally, without affecta¬ 
tion, not to be anxious to display his learning, to use expres¬ 
sions of civility, and to address himself with seriousness, and 
yet with ease to all. On his arrival at Rome, he cautions him 
not to take precedence of his countrymen who are his supe¬ 
riors in age; “for though you are my son,” says he, “you will 
remember that you are only a citizen of Florence like them¬ 
selves.” He suggests to him what topics it will be proper for 
him to dwell upon in his interview with the pope; and directs 
him to express, in the most explicit manner, the devotion of 
his father to the holy see. He then proceeds to the essential 
object of his mission. “After having thus recommended me 
to his holiness, you will inform him, that your affection for 
your brother induces you to speak a word in his favour. You 
can here mention that I have educated him for the priesthood, 
and shall closely attend to his learning and his manners, so 
that he may not disgrace his profession; that in this respect 
I repose all my hopes on his holiness; who, having already 
given us proofs of his kindness and affection, will add to our 
obligations by any promotion w T hich he may think proper to 
bestow upon him; endeavouring by these and similar expres¬ 
sions to recommend your brother to his favour as much as lies 
in your power.” 

In whatever manner Piero acquitted himself on his youth¬ 
ful embassy, it is probable that this interview accomplished 
the object on which the future fortunes of his house were so 
materially to depend, and Giovanni de’ Medici, when only 
thirteen years of age, ranked with the prime supporters of 
the Roman church. It seems, however, that although the 
pope had complied with the pressing instances of Lorenzo, in 
bestowing on his son the dignity of a cardinal, he was not in¬ 
sensible of the indecorum of such a measure, for he expressly 
prohibited him from assuming the insignia of his rank for 


GIOVANNI DE* MEDICI MADE CARDINAL. 245 

three years, requesting that he would apply that interval to 
the diligent prosecution of his studies. He accordingly went 
to Pisa, where the regularity of his conduct, and his attention 
to his improvement, justified in some degree the extraordi¬ 
nary indulgence which he had experienced; in consequence 
of which his father made the most pressing instances to the 
pope to shorten the term of his probation. “ Trust the ma¬ 
nagement of this business to me,” said Innocent; “ I have 
heard of his good conduct, and of the honours which he has 
obtained in his college disputes. I consider him as my own 
son, and shall, when it is least expected, order his promotion 
to be made public; besides which, it is my intention to do 
much more for his advancement than is at present supposed.” 
The three years were, however, suffered to elapse, and the 
young cardinal was then admitted to all the honours of his 
rank, the investiture having been performed by Matteo Bosso, 
prior of the monastery at Fiesole, who has left, in one of his 
letters, a particular narrative of the ceremony.* After pass¬ 
ing a few days with his father at Florence, Giovanni hastened 
to Rome to pay his respects to the pope. On his approach 
to that city he was met and congratulated by several other 
cardinals, who made no hesitation in receiving into their 
number so young an associate. By the seriousness and pro¬ 
priety of his demeanour, he obviated as much as possible the 
unfavourable impression which a promotion so unprecedented 
had made on the public mind. Soon after his arrival at 
Rome, his father addressed to him an admonitory letter, as 
conspicuous for sound sense as for paternal affection; but 
which discovers the deep policy of Lorenzo, and the great 
extent of his views. This letter may, without any unreason¬ 
able assumption, be considered as the guide of the future life 
and fortunes of a son, who afterwards attained the highest 
rank in Christendom, and supported it with a dignity which 
gave it new lustre. 82 

Lorenzo dd Medici , to Giovanni de Medici , CardmaL 

“ You, and all of us who are interested in your welfare, 
ought to esteem ourselves highly favoured by Providence, 

* Reeuperationes Fesulan*. Ep. cx. 


246 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


not only for the many honours and benefits bestowed on our 
house, but more particularly for having conferred upon us, 
in your person, the greatest dignity we have ever enjoyed. 
This favour, in itself so important, is rendered still more so 
by the circumstances with which it is accompanied, and espe¬ 
cially by the consideration of your youth, and of our situation 
in the world. The first thing that I would therefore suggest 
to you is, that you ought to be grateful to God, and continu¬ 
ally to recollect that it is not through your merits, your pru¬ 
dence, or your solicitude, that this event has taken place, but 
through his favour, which you can only repay by a pious, 
chaste, and exemplary life; and that your obligations to the 
performance of these duties are so much the greater, as in 
your early years you have given some reasonable expectation 
that your riper age may produce such fruits. It would, in¬ 
deed, be highly disgraceful, and as contrary to your duty as 
to my hopes, if at a time when others display a greater share 
of reason, and adopt a better mode of life, you should forget 
the precepts of your youth, and forsake the path in which you 
have hitherto trodden. Endeavour, therefore, to alleviate the 
burthen of your early dignity, by the regularity of your life, 
and by your perseverance in those studies which are suitable 
to your profession. It gave me great satisfaction to learn, 
that, in the course of the past year, you had frequently, of 
your own accord, gone to communion and confession; nor do 
I conceive that there is any better way of obtaining the favour 
of heaven, than by habituating yourself to a performance of 
these and similar duties. This appears to me to be the most 
suitable and useful advice which, in the first instance, I can 
possibly give you. 

“ I well know, that as you are now to reside at Home, 
that sink of all iniquity, the difficulty of conducting yourself 
by these admonitions will be increased. The influence of 
example is itself prevalent; but you will probably meet with 
those who will particularly endeavour to corrupt and incite 
you to vice; because, as you may yourself perceive, your 
early attainment to so great a dignity is not observed without 
envy, and those who could not prevent your receiving that 
honour, will secretly endeavour to diminish it, by inducing 
you to forfeit the good estimation of the public; thereby pre- 


HIS LETTER TO HIS SON GIOVANNI. 


247 


cipitating you into that gulf into which they have themselves 
fallen; in which attempt the consideration of your youth will 
give them a confidence of success. To these difficulties you 
ought to oppose yourself with the greater firmness, as there 
is at present less virtue amongst your brethren of the college. 
I acknowledge, indeed, that several of them are good and 
learned men, whose lives are exemplary, and whom I would 
recommend to you as patterns of your conduct. By emulat¬ 
ing them you will be so much the more known and esteemed, 
in proportion as your age, and the peculiarity of your situa¬ 
tion, will distinguish you from your colleagues. Avoid, how¬ 
ever, as you would Scylla or Charybdis, the imputation of 
hypocrisy; guard against all ostentation, either in your con¬ 
duct or your discourse; affect not austerity, nor even appear 
too serious. This advice you will, I hope, in time understand 
and practise better than I can express it. 

“ You are not unacquainted with the great importance of 
the character which you have to sustain, for you well know 
that all the Christian world would prosper if the cardinals 
■were what they ought to be; because in such a case there 
would always be a good pope, upon which the tranquillity ot 
Christendom so materially depends. Endeavour, then, to ren¬ 
der yourself such, that if all the rest resembled you, we might 
expect this universal blessing. To give you particular direc¬ 
tions as to your behaviour and conversation, would be a matter 
of no small difficulty. I shall therefore only recommend, that 
in your intercourse with the cardinals, and other men of rank, 
your language be unassuming and respectful, guiding yourself, 
however, by your own reason, and not submitting to be im¬ 
pelled by the passions of others, who, actuated by improper 
motives, may pervert the use of their reason. Let it satisfy 
your conscience that your conversation is without intentional 
offence; and if, through impetuosity of temper, any one should 
be offended, as his enmityis without just cause, so it will not 
be very lasting. On this, your first visit to Home, it will, 
however, be more advisable for you to listen to others than 
to speak much yourself. 

“You are now devoted to God and the church; on which 
account you ought to aim at being a good ecclesiastic, and 
to show that you prefer the honour and state of the church, 


248 


LIFE OF LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


and of the apostolic see, to every other consideration. Xor, 
while you keep this in view, will it be difficult for you to favour 
your family and your native place. On the contrary, you should 
be the link to bind this city closer to the church, and our 
family with the city; and although it be impossible to foresee 
what accidents may happen, yet I doubt not but this may be 
done with equal advantage to all; observing, however, that 
you are always to prefer the interests of the church. 

“ You are not only the youngest cardinal in the college, 
but the youngest person that ever was raised to that rank; 
and you ought, therefore, to be the most vigilant and unas¬ 
suming, not giving others occasion to wait for you, either in 
the chapel, the consistory, or upon deputations. You will 
soon get a sufficient insight into the manners of your brethren. 
With those of less respectable character, converse not with 
too much intimacy; not merely on account of the circum¬ 
stance in itself, but for the sake of public opinion. Converse 
on general topics with all. On public occasions let your 
equipage and dress be rather below than above mediocrity. 
A handsome house and a well-ordered family will be preferable 
to a great retinue and a splendid residence. Endeavour to 
live with regularity, and gradually to bring your expenses 
within those bounds which in a new establishment cannot 
perhaps be expected. Silk and jewels are not suitable for 
persons in your station. Your taste will be better shown in 
the acquisition of a few elegant remains of antiquity, or in the 
collecting of handsome books, and by your attendants being 
learned and well-bred rather than numerous. Invite others 
to your house oftener than you receive invitations. Practise 
neither too frequently. Let your own food be plain, and take 
sufficient exercise, for those who wear your habit are soon 
liable, without great caution, to contract infirmities. The 
station of a cardinal is not less secure than elevated; on which 
account those who arrive at it too frequently become negli¬ 
gent, conceiving that their object is attained, and that they can 
preserve it with little trouble. This idea is often injurious 
to the life and character of those who entertain it. Be atten¬ 
tive, therefore, to your conduct, and confide in others too 
little rather than too much. There is one rule which I would 
recommend to your attention in preference to all others: Rise 


piero de’ medici’s marriage. 


249 


early in the morning. This will not only contribute to your 
health, but will enable you to arrange and expedite the busi¬ 
ness of the day; and as there are various duties incident to 
your station, such as the performance of divine service, study¬ 
ing, giving audience, &c., you will hnd the observance of this 
admonition productive of the greatest utility. Another very 
necessary precaution, particularly on your entrance into public 
life, is to deliberate every evening on what you may have to 
perform the following day, that you may not be unprepared 
for whatever may happen. With respect to your speaking 
in the consistory, it will be most becoming for you at present 
to refer the matters in debate to the judgment of his holiness, 
alleging as a reason your own youth and inexperience. You 
will probably be desired to intercede for the favours of the 
pope on particular occasions. Be cautious, however, that you 
trouble him not too often; for his temper leads him to be most 
liberal to those who weary him least with their solicitations. 
This you must observe, lest you should give him offence, re¬ 
membering also at times to converse with him on more 
agreeable topics; and if you should be obliged to request 
some kindness from him, let it be done with that modesty and 
humility which are so pleasing to his disposition. Farewell.” 

As the policy of Lorenzo led him to support a powerful 
influence at Rome, and as he had frequently experienced the 
good effects of the connexion which subsisted between him 
and the family of the Orsini, he thought it advisable to 
strengthen it; and accordingly proposed a marriage between 
his son Piero, and Alfonsina, the daughter of Roberto Orsini, 
count of Tagliacozzo and Albi. This proposal was eagerly 
listened to by Yirginio Orsini, who was then considered as 
the head of that powerful family, the chiefs of which, though 
subordinate to the pope, scarcely considered themselves as 
subjects, and frequently acted with the independence of sove¬ 
reign princes. In the month of March, 1487, these nuptials 
were celebrated at Naples, in the presence of the king and his 
court, with extraordinary pomp. 23 Lorenzo, on his marriage 
with Clarice Orsini, had received no portion; but the repu¬ 
tation which he had now acquired was more than an equiva¬ 
lent for the pride of ancestry, and Yirginio agreed to pay 
12,000 Neapolitan ducats as a portion with his niece. 84 On 


250 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


this occasion Piero was accompanied by Bernardo Rucellai, 
who had married Nannina, one of the sisters of Lorenzo, and 
who has not only signalized himself as a protector of learned 
men, but was himself one of the most accomplished scholars 
of his time. 25 

The marriage of Piero de’ Medici was soon afterwards 
followed by that of his sister Maddalena with Francesco Cibo, 
the nephew of the pope, and who then bore the title of count of 
Anguillara. 26 Of the three other daughters of Lorenzo, Lu- 
cretia intermarried with Giacopo Salviati;* Contessina, with 
Piero Ridolfi; and Louisa, his youngest, after having been 
betrothed to Giovanni de’ Medici, of a collateral branch of the 
same family, died before the time appointed for the nuptials.* 7 

In the year 1488, Piero de’ Medici took a journey to Milan, 
to be present at the celebration of the nuptials of the young 
duke Galeazzo Sforza, with Isabella, granddaughter of Fer¬ 
dinand, king of Naples. The whole expense of this journey 
was defrayed by Lodovico Sforza, who paid a marked respect 
to Piero, and directed that he should always appear in public 
at the side of the duke. By a letter yet existing, from the 
Florentine legate to Lorenzo de’ Medici, it appears that these 
nuptials were celebrated with great magnificence; but amidst 
the splendour of diamonds and the glitter of brocade, were en¬ 
twined the serpents of treachery and of guilt. Even in giving 
the hand of Isabella to a nephew, whom he regarded rather as 
an implement of his ambition than as his lawful sovereign, 
Lodovico himself burnt w r ith a criminal passion for her; and 
the gravest of the Italian historians assures us that it was the 
public opinion, that he had, by means of magic and incantations, 
prevented the consummation of a marriage, which, while it 
promoted his political views, deprived him of the object of his 
love.f The prejudices of the age, and the wickedness of 
Lodovico, sufficiently countenance the probability of such an 
attempt; but the means employed were so far successful, as 
to prevent that circumstance taking place for several months, 
is an assertion, of the veracity of which posterity may be 
allowed to doubt. 

Of this princess an incident is recorded which does equal 


* See p. 109. 


+ Giucciard. Hist, d’ Italia, i. 


ISABELLA SFORZA. 


251 


honour to her conjugal affection and her filial piety.* When 
Charles VIII. of France, at the instigation of Lodovico Sforza, 
entered Italy, a few years after her marriage, for the avowed 
purpose of depriving her father of the throne of Naples, he 
passed through Pavia, where the young duke then lay on his 
death-bed, not without giving rise to suspicions that he had 
been poisoned. Touched with his misfortunes, and mindfnl 
of the relationship between Galeazzo and himself, who were 
sisters’ children, Charles resolved to see him. The presence 
of Lodovico, who did not choose to risk the consequences of 
a private and confidential interview, whilst it restricted the 
conversation of the king to formal inquiries about the health 
of the duke, and wishes for his recovery, excited both in him 
and in all present a deeper compassion for the unhappy 
prince. Isabella perceived the general sympathy, and throwing 
herself at the feet of the monarch, recommended to his pro¬ 
tection her unfortunate husband, and her infant son; at the 
same time, by tears and entreaties, earnestly endeavouring to 
turn his resentment from her father and the house of Arragon. 
Attracted by her beauty, and moved by her solicitations, 
Charles appeared for a moment to relent, and the fate of Italy 
was suspended in the balance; but the king recollecting the 
importance of his preparations, and the expectations which 
his enterprise had excited, soon steeled his feelings against 
this feminine attack, and resolved, in spite of the suggestions 
of pity and the claims of humanity, to persevere in his design. 

Having now secured the tranquillity of Italy, and the pros¬ 
perity of his family by every means that prudence could 
dictate, Lorenzo began to enjoy the fruits of his labours. 
These he found in the affection and good-will of his fellow- 
citizens ; in observing the rapid progress of the fine arts, to¬ 
wards the promotion of which he had so amply contributed; 
in the society and conversation of men of genius and learning; 
and in the inexhaustible stores of knowledge with which he 
had enriched his own discriminating and comprehensive mind. 

As his natural disposition, or the effects of his education, 
frequently led him to meditate with great seriousness on moral 
and religious subjects, so there were no persons for whom he 


* Id. ib. 


252 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


entertained a greater esteem than those who adorned their 
character as teachers of religion by a corresponding rectitude 
of life and propriety of manners. Amongst these he particu¬ 
larly distinguished Mariano de Genazano, an Augustine monk, 
and superior of his order, for whose use, and that of his asso¬ 
ciates, he erected in the suburbs of Florence an extensive 
building, which he endowed as a monastery, and to which he 
was himself accustomed occasionally to retire, with a few 
select friends, to enjoy the conversation of this learned eccle¬ 
siastic. Politiano, in the preface to his Miscellanea, inveigh¬ 
ing against those who affected to consider the study of polite 
letters as inconsistent with the performance of sacred func¬ 
tions, adduces Mariano as an illustrious instance of their 
union. “ On this account,” says he to Lorenzo, “ I cannot 
sufficiently admire your highly esteemed friend Mariano, 
whose proficiency in theological studies, and whose eloquence 
and address in his public discourses, leave him without a rival. 
The lessons which he inculcates derive additional authority 
from his acknowledged disinterestedness, and from the severity 
of his private life; yet there is nothing morose in his temper, 
nothing unpleasingly austere; nor does he think the charms 
of poetry, or the amusements and pursuits of elegant literature, 
below his attention.” In one of his letters, the same author 
has left a very explicit account of the talents of Mariano, as 
a preacher.* <£ I was lately induced,” says he, “ to attend 
one of his lectures, rather, to say the truth, through curiosity, 
than with the hope of being entertained. His appearance, 
however, interested me in his favour. His address was 
striking, and his eye marked intelligence. My expectations 
were raised. He began—I was attentive; a clear voice— 
select expression—elevated sentiment. He divides his subject 
—I perceive his distinctions. Nothing perplexed ; nothing 
insipid; nothing languid. He unfolds the web of his argu¬ 
ment—I am enthralled. He refutes the sophism—I am freed. 
He introduces a pertinent narrative—I am interested. He 
modulates his voice—I am charmed. He is jocular—I smile. 
He presses me with serious truths—I yield to their force. 
He addresses the passions—the tears glide down my cheeks. 


Pol. Ep. iv. 6. 


SAVONAROLA. 


253 


He raises liis voice in anger—I tremble, and wish myself 
away.” 

Of the particular subjects of discussion which engaged the 
attention of Lorenzo and his associates in their interview at 
the convent of San Gallo, Yalori has left some account, which 
he derived from the information of Mariano himself. The 
existence and attributes of the Deity, the insufficiency of 
temporal enjoyments to fill the mind, and the probability and 
moral necessity of a future state, were to Lorenzo the favour¬ 
ite objects of his discourse. His own opinion was pointedly 
expressed. “ He is dead even to this life,” said Lorenzo, 
“ who has no hopes of another.”* 

Although the citizens of Florence admired the talents, and 
respected the virtues of Mariano, their attention was much 
more forcibly excited by a preacher of a very different cha¬ 
racter, who possessed himself of their confidence, and entitled 
himself to their homage, by foretelling their destruction. 
This was the famous Girolamo Savonarola, who afterwards 
acted so conspicuous a part in the popular commotions at 
Florence, and contributed so essentially to the accomplishment 
of his own predictions. Savonarola was a native of Ferrara, 
but the reputation which he had acquired as a preacher, in¬ 
duced Lorenzo de’ Medici to invite him to Florence, where 
he took up his residence in the year 1488, 28 and was appointed 
prior of the monastery of S. Marco. By pretensions to 
superior sanctity, and by a fervid and overpowering elocution, 
he soon acquired an astonishing ascendancy over the minds of 
the people; and in proportion as his popularity increased, his 
disregard of his patron became more apparent, and was soon 
converted into the most vindictive animosity. It had been 
the custom of those who had preceded Savonarola in this office, 
to pay particular respect to Lorenzo de’ Medici, as the sup¬ 
porter of the institution. Savonarola, however, not only 
rejected this ceremony, as founded in adulation, but as often 
as Lorenzo frequented the gardens of the monastery, retired 
from his presence, pretending that his intercourse was with 
God, and not with man. At the same time, in his public 
discourses, he omitted no opportunity of attacking the repu- 


* Yalori, p. 48. 


254 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI* 


tation and diminishing the credit of Lorenzo, by prognosti¬ 
cating the speedy termination of his authority, and his banish¬ 
ment from his native place. The divine word, from the lips 
of Savonarola, descended not amongst his audience like the 
dews of heaven ; it was the piercing hail, the sweeping whirl¬ 
wind, the destroying sword. The friends of Lorenzo fre¬ 
quently remonstrated with him on his suffering the monk to 
proceed to such an extreme of arrogance; but Lorenzo had 
either more indulgence or more discretion than to adopt hostile 
measures against a man, whom, though morose and insolent, 
he probably considered as sincere. On the contrary, he dis¬ 
played his usual prudence and moderation, by declaring that 
whilst the preacher exerted himself to reform the citizens of 
Florence, he should readily excuse his incivility to himself. 
This extraordinary degree of lenity, if it had no influence on 
the mind of the fanatic, prevented in a great degree the ill 
effects of his harangues ; and it was not till after the death of 
Lorenzo that Savonarola excited those disturbances in Flo¬ 
rence which led to his own destruction, and terminated in the 
ruin of the republic. 

Another ecclesiastic, whose worth and talents had conciliated 
the favour of Lorenzo, was Matteo Bosso, superior of the 
convent of regular canons at Fiesole. Not less conversant 
with the writings of the ancient philosophers than with the 
theological studies of his own times, Bosso was a profound 
scholar, a close reasoner, and a convincing orator; but to 
these he united much higher qualifications—a candid mind, 
an inflexible integrity, and an interesting simplicity of life 
and manners. To his treatise De veris animi gaudiis is pre¬ 
fixed a recommendatory epistle from Politiano to Lorenzo de’ 
Medici, highly favourable to the temper and character of the 
author. 29 On the publication of this piece, Bosso also trans¬ 
mitted a copy of it to Lorenzo, with a Latin letter, preserved 
in the Recuperationes Fesulance , another work of the same 
author, highly deserving the attention of the scholar. 80 In 
this letter Bosso bears testimony to the virtues and to the piety 
of Lorenzo; but whether this testimony ought to be received 
with greater confidence, because Bosso was the confessor of 
Lorenzo, the reader will decide for himself. 

Of these his graver associates, as well as of the companions 


HIS SONNET TO SALVIATI. 


255 


of his lighter hours, Lorenzo was accustomed to stimulate the 
talents by every means in his power. His own intimate ac¬ 
quaintance with the tenets of the ancient philosophers, and 
his acute and versatile genius, enabled him to propose to their 
discussion, subjects of the most interesting nature, and either 
to take a chief part in the conversation, or to avail himself of 
such observations as it might occasion. It appears also, that 
at some times he amused himself with offering to their con¬ 
sideration such topics as he well knew would elude their re¬ 
searches, although they might exercise their powers; as men 
try their strength by shooting arrows towards the sky. Of 
this we have an instance in the sonnet addressed by him to 
Salviati. 31 “ When the mind,” says he, “ escapes from the 
storms of life to the calm haven of reflection, doubts arise 
which require solution. If no one can effectually exert himself 
to obtain eternal happiness, without the special favour of 
God, and if that favour be only granted to those who are well 
disposed towards its reception, I wish to know whether the 
grace of God or the good disposition first commences?” The 
learned theologian to whom this captious question was ad¬ 
dressed, took it into his serious consideration, and after dividing 
it into seven parts, attempted its solution in a Latin treatise 
of considerable extent, which is yet preserved in the Lauren- 
tian Library.* 

f Lorenzo was not, however, destined long to enjoy that 
tranquillity which he had so assiduously laboured to secue. 
His life had scarcely reached its meridian, when the prospect 
was overhung with dark and lowering clouds. The death of 
his wife Clarice, which happened in the month of August, 
1488, was a severe shock to his domestic happiness. He was 
then absent from Florence, and did not arrive in time to see 
her before she died, which it seems gave rise to insinuations 
that his conjugal affection was not very ardent; 32 but the 
infirm state of his own health at this time had rendered it 
necessary for him to visit the warm baths, where he re¬ 
ceived an account of her death before he was apprized of the 
danger of her situation. From his youth he had been afflicted 
with a disorder which occasioned extreme pain in his stomach 

* Georgii Benigni Salviati, in Rkytlimum acutissiitum magni Laurentii 
Medicis Quaestiones septem, &c. Plut, lxxxiii. Cod. 18. 


256 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


and limbs. This complaint was probably of a gouty tendency, 
but the defective state of medicine at that time rendered it 
impossible for him to obtain any just information respecting 
it. The most eminent physicians in Italy were consulted, 
and numerous remedies were prescribed, without producing 
any beneficial effect. 33 By frequenting the tepid baths of 
Italy, he obtained a temporary alleviation of his sufferings; 
but, notwithstanding all the assistance he could procure, his 
complaints rather increased than diminished, and for some 
time before his death, he had reconciled his mind to an event 
which he knew could not be far distant. When his son Gio¬ 
vanni took his departure for Rome, to appear in the character 
of cardinal, Lorenzo with great affection recommended him to 
the care of Filippo Yalori and Andrea Cambino, who were 
appointed to accompany him on his journey; at the same time 
expressing his apprehensions, which the event but too well 
justified, that he should see them no more.* 

In the year 1488, Girolamo Riario, whose machinations 
had deprived Lorenzo of a brother, and had nearly involved 
Lorenzo himself in the same destruction, fell a victim to his 
accumulated crimes. By the assistance of Sixtus IY. he had 
possessed himself of a considerable territory in the vicinity of 
the papal state, and particularly of the cities of Imola and 
Forli, at the latter of which he had fixed his residence, and 
supported the rank of an independent prince. In order to 
strengthen his interest in Italy, he had connected himself with 
the powerful family of the Sforza, by a marriage with Cate- 
rina, sister of Galeazzo Sforza, duke of Milan, whose unhappy 
fate has already been related.! The general tenour of the 
life of Riario seems to have corresponded with the specimen 
before exhibited. By a long course of oppression he had 
drawn upon himself the hatred and resentment of his subjects, 
whom he had reduced to the utmost extreme of indigence and 
distress. Stimulated by repeated acts of barbarity, three of 
them resolved to assassinate him, and to trust for their safety, 
after the perpetration of the deed, to the opinion and support 
of their fellow-citizens. Although Riario was constantly 
attended by a band of soldiers, these men found means to 

* Yalori, p. G5. + Seep. 91. 


ASSASSINATION OF RIARIO. 


257 


enter his chamber in the palace at the hour when he had just 
concluded his supper. One of them having cut him across 
the face with a sabre, he took shelter under the table, whence 
he was dragged out by Ludovico Orso, another of the con¬ 
spirators, who stabbed him through the body. Some of his 
attendants having by this time entered the room, Riario made 
an effort to escape at the door, but there received from the 
third conspirator a mortal wound. It is highly probable that 
he was betrayed by the guard, for these three men were even 
permitted to strip the dead body, and throw it through the 
window, when the populace immediately rose and sacked the 
palace. The insurgents having secured the widow and children 
of Riario, were only opposed by the troops in the fortress 
of the town, who refused to surrender it either to their en¬ 
treaties or their threats. Being required, under pain of death, 
to exert her influence in obtaining for the populace possession 
of the fortress, the princess requested that they would permit 
her to enter it; but no sooner was she secure within the walls 
than she exhorted the soldiers to its defence, and raising the 
standard of the duke of Milan, threatened the town with 
destruction. The inhabitants attempted to intimidate her by 
preparing to execute her children in her sight, for which pur¬ 
pose they erected a scaffold before the walls of the fortress; 
but this unmanly proceeding, instead of awakening her affec¬ 
tions, only excited her contempt, which she is said to have 
expressed in a very emphatic and extraordinary manner. 31 By 
her courage the inhabitants were, however, resisted, until 
Gioyanni Bentivoglio, with a body of two thousand foot and 
eight hundred cavalry, from Bologna, gave her effectual 
assistance, and being joined by a strong reinforcement from 
Milan, compelled the inhabitants to acknowledge as their 
sovereign Ottavio Riario, the eldest son of Girolamo.* 

Lorenzo de’ Medici has not escaped the imputation of 
having been privy to the assassination of his old and impla¬ 
cable adversary; but neither the relations of contemporary 
historians, nor the general tenour of his life, afford a pre¬ 
sumption on which to ground such an accusation; 35 although it 
is certain, that some years previous to this event, he had been 

* Chronica Bossiana, an. 1488. Ed. 1492. 

S 


258 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


in treaty with the pope to deprive Riario of his usurpations, 
and to restore the territories occupied by him to the family 
of Ordolaffi, their former lords, which treaty was frustrated 
by the pope having insisted on annexing them to the states 
of the church.* The conspirators, however, soon after the 
death of Riario, apprized Lorenzo of the evept, and requested 
his assistance; in consequence of which he despatched one of 
his envoys to Forli, with a view of obtaining authentic infor¬ 
mation as to the disposition of the inhabitants, and the views 
of the insurgents, 36 when, finding that it was their intention 
to place themselves under the dominion of the pope, he de¬ 
clined any interference on their behalf, but availed himself 
of the opportunity of their dissensions, to restore to the Flo¬ 
rentines the fortress of Piancandoli, which had been wrested 
from them by Riario. 37 That the assassins of Riario were 
suffered to escape with impunity, is perhaps the best justifi¬ 
cation of their conduct, as it affords a striking proof that he 
had deserved his fate. 

Another event soon afterwards took place at Faenza, which 
occasioned great anxiety to Lorenzo, and called for the exer¬ 
tion of all his conciliatory powers. If the list of crimes and 
assassinations which we have before had occasion to notice, 
may be thought to have disgraced the age, that which we 
have now to relate exhibits an instance of female ferocity, 
which renewed in the fifteenth century the examples of Gothic 
barbarity. 38 By the mediation of Lorenzo, who was equally 
the friend of the Manfredi and the Bentivogli, a marriage had 
taken place between Galeotto Manfredi, prince of Faenza, 
and Francesca, daughter of Giovanni Bentivoglio, which for 
some time seemed to sbe productive of that happiness to the 
parties, and those advantages to their respective families, 
which Lorenzo had in view. It was not long, however, before 
Francesca discovered, or suspected, that her husband was 
engaged in an illicit amour, the information of which she 
thought proper to communicate both to her father and to 
Lorenzo. Ever on the watch to obtain further proofs of his 
infidelity, she found an opportunity of listening to a private 
interview between Galeotto and some pretender to astrologi- 


* Fabron. Adnot. et Monum. ii. 316. 


DEATH OP GALEOTTO MANFREDI. 259 

cal knowledge, in whom it seems he was credulous enough to 
place his confidence. Instead, however, of gaining any intel¬ 
ligence as to the object of her curiosity, she heard predictions 
and denunciations, which, as she thought, afiected the safety 
of her father; and being unable to conceal her indignation, 
she broke in upon their deliberations, and reproached her 
husband with his treachery. Irritated by the intrusion and 
the pertinacity of his wife, Galeotto retorted with great bit¬ 
terness ; but finding lpmself unequal to a contest of this 
nature, he had recourse to more violent methods, and by 
menaces and blows reduced her to obedience. Bentivoglio 
was no sooner apprized of the ignominious treatment which 
his daughter had received, and of the circumstances which 
had given rise to it, than he resolved to carry her off from her 
husband by force. Taking with him a chosen body of soldiers, 
he approached Faenza by night, and seizing on Francesca and 
her infant son, brought them in safety to Bologna. This step 
he followed up, by preparing for an attack on the dominions 
of his son-in-law; but Galeotto having resorted to Lorenzo 
for his mediation, a reconciliation took place, and Francesca 
shortly afterwards returned to Faenza. Whether she still 
harboured in her bosom the lurking passions of jealousy and 
revenge, or whether some fresh insult on the part of her 
husband had roused her fury, is not known; but she formed 
and executed a deliberate plan for his assassination. To this 
end she feigned herself sick, and requested to see him in her 
chamber. Galeotto obeyed the summons, and on entering his 
wife’s apartments, was instantly attacked by four hired assas¬ 
sins, three of whom she had concealed under her bed. Though 
totally unarmed, he defended himself courageously; and as 
he had the advantages of great personal strength and activity, 
would probably have effected his escape; but when Francesca 
saw the contest doubtful, she sprung from the bed, and grasp¬ 
ing a sword, plunged it into his body, and accomplished his 
destruction with her own hand. Conscious of her guilt, she 
immediately took refuge with her children in the castle, until 
her father once more came to her relief. On his approach to 
Faenza, Bentivoglio was joined by the Milanese troops, who 
had been engaged in reinstating the family of Biario at Forli. 
The citizens of Faenza, conceiving that it was his intention 

s 2 


260 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


to deprive them of Astorgio, the infant son of Galeotto, or 
rather, perhaps, under that pretext, to possess himself of the 
city, refused to surrender to him his daughter and tier family. 
He immediately attacked the place, which was not only suc¬ 
cessfully defended by the citizens, but in an engagement 
which took place under the walls, Borgomini, the commander 
of the Milanese troops, lost his life, and Bentivoglio was made 
a prisoner. During this dispute, Lorenzo de’ Medici had 
warmly espoused the cause of the citizens, and had encouraged 
them with promises of support, in case they should find it 
necessary in preserving their independence. The success of 
their exertions, and the disaster of Bentivoglio, changed the 
object of his solicitude; and no sooner did he receive intelli¬ 
gence of this event, than he despatched a messenger to Faenza, 
to interfere on the behalf of Bentivoglio, and, if possible, to 
obtain his release. This was with some difficulty accom¬ 
plished, and Bentivoglio immediately resorted to Florence, to 
return his thanks to his benefactor. Some time afterwards, 
Lorenzo, at the request of Bentivoglio, solicited the libera¬ 
tion of his daughter, which was also complied with; and he 
was at length prevailed upon to intercede with the pope, to 
relieve her from the ecclesiastical censures which she had in¬ 
curred by her crime. The reason given by Bentivoglio to 
Lorenzo, for requesting his assistance in this last respect, will 
perhaps be thought extraordinary —He had an intention of 
providing her with another husband. 


261 


CHAPTER IX. 


Progress of the arts—State of them in the middle ages—Revival in Italy— 
Guido da Sienna—Cimabue—Giotto—Character of his works—The Me¬ 
dici encourage the arts—Masaccio—Paolo Uccello—Fra Filippo—An¬ 
tonio Pollajuolo—Baldovinetti—Andrea da Castagna—Filippo Lippi— 
Luca Signorelli—Progress of sculpture—Niccolo and Andrea Pisani— 
Ghiberti—Donatello—Imperfect state of the arts—Causes of their im¬ 
provement—Numerous works of sculpture collected by the ancient Ro¬ 
mans—Researches after the remains of antiquity—Petrarca—Lorenzo 
de’ Medici, brother of Cosmo—Niccolo Niccoli—Poggio Bracciolini— 
Collection of antiques formed by Cosmo—Assiduity of Lorenzo in aug¬ 
menting it—Lorenzo establishes a school for the study of the antique— 
Michelagnolo Buonarroti—Resides with Lorenzo—Forms an intimacy 
with Politiano—Advantages over his predecessors—His sculptures— 
Rapid improvement of taste—Raffaelle d’Urbino—Michelagnolo unjustly 
censured—Other artists favoured by Lorenzo—Gian-Francesco Rustici 
—Francesco Granacci—Andrea Contucci—Lorenzo encourages the study 
of architecture—Giuliano da San Gallo—Attempts to renew the practice 
of Mosaic—Invention of engraving on copper—Revival of engraving on 
gems and stones. 

Those periods of time which have been most favourable to 
the progress of letters and science, have generally been dis¬ 
tinguished by an equal proficiency in the arts. The pro¬ 
ductions of Roman sculpture, in its best ages, bear nearly the 
same proportion to those of the Greeks, as the imitative la¬ 
bours of the Roman authors bear to the original works of 
their great prototypes. During the long ages of ignorance 
that succeeded the fall of the western empire, letters and the 
fine arts underwent an equal degradation; and it would be as 
difficult to point out a literary work of those times which is 
entitled to approbation, as it would be to produce a statue or 
a picture. When these studies began to revive, a Guido da 



262 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Sienna, a Cimabue, rivalled a Guittone d’Arezzo, or a Piero- 
delle Vigne. The crude buds that had escaped the severity 
of so long a winter soon began to swell, and Giotto, Buffal- 
macco, and Gaddi, were the contemporaries of Dante, Bo- 
caccio, and of Petrarca. 1 

It is not, however, to be presumed that, even in the darkest 
intervals of the middle ages, these arts were entirely extin¬ 
guished. Some traces of them are found in the rudest state 
of society; and the efforts of the Europeans, the South Ameri¬ 
cans, and the Chinese, without rivalship and without partici¬ 
pation, are nearly on an equality with each other. Among 
the manuscripts of the Laurentian Library are preserved 
some specimens of miniature paintings which are unques¬ 
tionably to be referred to the tenth century, but they bear 
decisive evidence of the barbarism of the times; and although 
they certainly aim at picturesque representation, yet they 
may with justice be considered rather as perverse distortions 
of nature than as the commencement of an elegant art. 2 

Antecedent, however, to Cimabue, to whom Vasari attri¬ 
butes the honour of having been the restorer of painting, 
^ruido da Sienna had demonstrated to his countrymen the 
possibility of improvement. His picture of the Virgin, which 
yet remains tolerably entire in the church of S. Domenico, in 
his native place, and which bears the date of 1221, is pre¬ 
sumed, with reason, to be the earliest work now extant of any 
Italian painter. 3 The Florentine made a bolder effort, and 
attracted more general admiration. Every new production of 
his pencil was regarded as a prodigy, and riches and honours 
were liberally bestowed on the fortunate artist. His picture 
of the Madonna, after having excited the wonder of a monarch, 
and given the name of Borgo Allegro to that district of the 
city whither his countrymen resorted to gratify themselves 
with a sight of it, was removed to its destined situation in the 
church of S. Maria Novella , to the sound of music, in a 
solemn procession of the citizens.* The modern artist who 
observes this picture may find it difficult to account for such 
a degree of enthusiasm; 4 but excellence is merely relative, 
and it is a sufficient cause of approbation, if the merit of the 


* Vasari, Vita di Cimabue. 


GIOTTO. 


263 


performance exceed the standard of the age. Those produc¬ 
tions which, compared with the works of a Raffaello, or a 
Titian, may be of little esteem, when considered with refer¬ 
ence to the times that gave them birth, may justly be entitled 
to no small share of applause. 

The glory of Cimabue was obscured by that of his disciple, 
Giotto, 5 who, from figuring the sheep which it was his busi¬ 
ness to tend, became the best painter that Italy had produced. 6 
It affords no inadequate proof of his high reputation, when 
we find him indulging his humour in an imitation of the cele¬ 
brated artist of Cos, and sending to the pope, who had desired 
to see one of his drawings, a circle, struck with such freedom 
as to show the hand of a master, yet with such truth, as to 
have given rise to a proverb. 7 Inferior artists hazard not 
such freedoms with the great. Giotto seems, however to have 
delighted in the eccentricities of the art. One of his first 
essays when he began to study under Cimabue, was to paint 
a fly on the nose of one Of his master’s portraits, which the 
deluded artist attempted to brush off with his hand;* a tale 
that may rank with the horse of Apelles, the curtain of Par- 
rhasius, or the grapes of Zeuxis. Boccaccio has introduced 
this celebrated painter with great approbation in one of his 
novels; 8 a singular conversation is said to have occurred be¬ 
tween him and Dante; 9 and Petrarca held his works in such 
high esteem, that one of his pictures is the subject of a legacy 
to a particular friend in his will. Upwards of a century 
after his death, Lorenzo de’ Medici, well aware that the most 
efficacious method of exciting the talents of the living is to 
confer due honour on departed merit, raised a bust to his 
memory in the church of S. Maria del Fiore , the inscription 
for which was furnished by Politiano. 10 

The merits of Giotto and his school are appreciated with 
great judgment by Vasari, who attributes to him and his pre¬ 
decessor Cimabue the credit of having banished the insipid 
and spiritless manner introduced by the Greek artists, and 
given rise to a new and more natural style of composition. 
This the historian denominates the maniera di Giotto. 11 
“ Instead of the harsh outline, circumscribing the whole 


* Vasari, Vita di Giotto. 


264 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


figure, the glaring eyes, the pointed feet and hands, and all 
the defects arising from a total want of shadow, the figures 
of Giotto exhibit a better attitude, the heads have an air of 
life and freedom, the drapery is more natural, and there are 
even some attempts at foreshortening the limbs.” “ Besides 
these improvements,” continues this author, “ Giotto was the 
first who represented in his pictures the effect of the passions 
on the human countenance. That he did not proceed further 
must be attributed to the difficulties which attend the progress 
of the art, and to the want of better examples. In many of the 
essential requisites of his profession, he was indeed equalled, 
if not surpassed, by some of his contemporaries. The colour¬ 
ing of Gaddi had more force and harmony, and the attitudes 
of his figures more vivacity. Simone da Sienna is to be 
preferred to him in the composition of his subjects, and 
other painters excelled him in other branches of the art; but 
Giotto had laid the solid foundation of their improvements. 
It is true, all that was effected by these masters may be con¬ 
sidered only as the first rude sketch of a sculptor towards 
completing an elegant statue, and if no further progress had 
been made, there would not, upon the whole, have been much 
to commend; but whoever considers the difficulties under 
which their works were executed, the ignorance of the times, 
the rarity of good models, and the impossibility of obtaining 
instruction, will esteem them not only as commendable, but 
wonderful productions, and will perceive with pleasure these 
first sparks of improvement which were afterwards fanned 
into so bright a flame.” 

The patronage of the family of the Medici is almost con¬ 
temporary with the commencement of the art. Giovanni de’ 
Medici, the father of Cosmo, had employed his fellow-citizen, 
Lorenzo de’ Bicci, to ornament with portraits a chamber in 
one of his houses in Florence, which afterwards became the 
residence of Lorenzo, the brother of Cosmo.* The liberality 
of Cosmo led the way to further improvement. Under 
Masaccio, the study of nature and actual observation were 
substituted for cold and servile imitation. By this master, 
his competitors, and his scholars, every component branch of 


* Vasari, Vita di Lor. de’ Bicci. 


FRA FILIPPO. 


265 


the art was carried to some degree of perfection. Paolo 
Uccello was the first who boldly surmounted the difficulty 
which Giotto, though sensible of its importance, had ineffec¬ 
tually attempted to overcome, and gave that ideal depth to 
his labours, which is the essence of picturesque representa¬ 
tion. 18 This he accomplished by his superior knowledge of 
perspective, which he studied in conjunction with the cele¬ 
brated Giannozzo Manetti, and in the attainment of which 
the painter and the scholar were mutually serviceable to each 
other. 18 The rules which he thence acquired he applied to 
practice, not only in the backgrounds of his pictures, but in 
his representation of the human figure, of which he expressed 
the Scorci, or foreshortenings, with accuracy and effect. 14 
The merit of having been the first to apply the mathematical 
rules to the improvement of works of art, and the proficiency 
which he made in so necessary and so laborious a study, if it 
had not obtained from Vasari a greater share of praise, ought 
at least to have secured the artist from that ridicule with 
which he seems inclined to treat him. 15 The elder Filippo 
Lippi gave to his figures a boldness and grandeur before un¬ 
known. He attended also to the effect of his backgrounds, 
which were, however, in general too minutely finished. About 
two years after his death, which happened in the year 1469, 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, who was then absent from Florence on a 
journey, to congratulate Sixtus IV. on his accession to the 
pontificate, took the opportunity of passing through Spoleto, 
where he requested permission from the magistrates to remove 
the ashes of the artist to the church of S. Maria del Fiore , 
at Florence. The community of that place were unwilling to 
relinquish so honourable a deposit; and Lorenzo was there¬ 
fore content to testify his respect for the memory of the 
painter, by engaging his son, the younger Filippo, to erect in 
the church of Spoleto a monument of marble, the inscription 
upon which, written by Politiano, has led his historian, 
Menckenius, into a mistake almost too apparent to admit of 
an excuse. 16 

In the anatomy of the human figure, which now began to 
engage the more minute attention of the painter, Antonio 
Pollajuolo took the lead of all his competitors. By accurate 
observation, as well on the dead as on the living, he acquired 


266 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


a competent knowledge of the form and action of the muscles, 17 
which he exemplified in a striking manner in his picture of 
Hercules and Antseus, painted for Lorenzo de’ Medici, in 
which he is said not only to have expressed the strength of 
the conqueror, but the languor and inanimation of the con¬ 
quered;* but his most celebrated work is the death of S. 
Sebastian, yet preserved in the chapel of the Pucci family, at 
Florence, and of which Vasari has given a particular account, f 
In this picture, the figure of the dying saint was painted from 
nature after Gino Capponi. In the figures of the two assas¬ 
sins, who are bending their cross-bows, he has shown great 
knowledge of muscular action. Baldovinetti excelled in por¬ 
traits, which he frequently introduced in his historical sub¬ 
jects. In a picture of the queen of Sheba on a visit to 
Solomon, he painted the likeness of Lorenzo de’ Medici, and 
of the celebrated mechanic, Lorenzo daVolpaia; 18 and in 
another picture, intended as its companion, those of Giuliano 
de’ Medici, Luca Pitti, and other Florentine citizens. The 
resemblance of Lorenzo was also introduced by Domenico 
Ghirlandajo, in a. picture of S. Francesco taking the habit, 
painted by him in the chapel of the Trinity, at Florence. 
Until this time the pictures of the Tuscan artists had been 
executed in distemper, or with colours rendered cohesive by 
glutinous substances. The practice of painting in oil, so 
essentially necessary to the duration of a picture, was now 
first introduced amongst his countrymen by Andrea da Cas- 
tagna. 19 The younger Filippo Lippi attempted, and not with¬ 
out effect, to give a greater share of energy and animation to 
his productions. His attitudes are frequently bold and diver¬ 
sified ; and his figures have expression, vivacity, and motion. 20 
It is deserving of remark, that he prepared the way to the 
study of the antique, by introducing into his pictures the 
vases, utensils, arms, and dresses, of the ancients. 21 But of 
all the masters of this period, perhaps Luca Signorelli united 
the most important excellences; his composition was good ; 
in drawing the naked figure he particularly excelled ; 2S in his 
picture of the Institution of the Eucharist, yet remaining in 

* Vasari, Vita di Pollajuoli. 

f Id. ib. This picture is engraved and published in the Etruria Pittrice , 
No. xxiv. 


PROGRESS OF SCULPTURE. 


26 7 


the choir of the cathedral at Cortona,* the figure of Christ 
might he mistaken for the production of one of the Caracci. 
In the variety and expression of countenance, in the disposi¬ 
tion of the drapery, even in the just distribution of light, this 
picture has great merit; and if some remnants of the manner 
of the times prevent us from giving it unlimited approba¬ 
tion, it may certainly be considered as the harbinger of a 
better taste. 

The art of sculpture, dependent on the same principles, 
and susceptible of improvement from the same causes as that 
of painting, made a proportionable progress. The inventive 
genius of the Italian artists had very early applied it to almost 
every variety of material; and figures in wood, in clay, in 
metals, and in marble, were fashioned by Giovanni and Nic- 
colo Pisano, by Agostino and Agnolo Sanese, which, though 
rude and incorrect, excited the admiration of the times in 
which they were produced. Their successor, Andrea Pisano, 
the contemporary of Giotto, supported the credit of the art, 
which was then endangered by the sudden progress of its 
powerful rival; and in the early part of the fifteenth century, 
the talents of Ghiberti and Donatello carried it to a degree of 
eminence which challenged the utmost exertions, and perhaps 
even excited the jealousy, of the first painters of the age. It 
must, indeed, be acknowledged, that the advantages which 
sculpture possesses are neither few nor unimportant. The 
severe and simple mode of its execution, the veracity of which 
it is susceptible, and the durability of its productions, place 
it in a favourable point of view, when opposed to an art 
whose success is founded on illusion,-which not only admits, 
but courts meretricious ornament, and whose monuments are 
fugitive and perishable. 23 These arts, so distinct in their 
operations, approach each other in works in rilievo t which 
unite the substantial form that characterizes sculpture, with 
the ideal depth of picturesque composition. In this province 
Donatello particularly excelled; and in Cosmo de’ Medici he 
found a patron who had judgment to perceive, and liberality 
to reward his merits. But the genius of Donatello was not 
confined to one department. His group of Judith and Holo- 


Engraved in the Etruria Pittrice, No. xxxii. 


268 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


femes, executed in bronze for the community of Florence, his 
statue of S. George, his Annunciation, and his Zuccone, in 
one of the niches of the Campanile at Florence, all of which 
yet remain, have met with the uniform approbation of suc¬ 
ceeding times, and are perhaps as perfect as the narrow 
principles upon which the art was then conducted would 
allow. 

Notwithstanding the exertions of the early painters, which 
were regarded with astonishment by their contemporaries, 
and are yet entitled to attention and respect, it does not ap¬ 
pear that they had raised their views to the true end of the 
profession. 24 Their characters rarely excelled the daily pro¬ 
totypes of common life; and their forms, although at times 
sufficiently accurate, were often vulgar and heavy. In the 
pictures which remain of this period, the limbs are not marked 
with that precision which characterizes a well-informed artist. 
The hands and feet, in particular, appear soft, enervated, and 
delicate, without distinction of sex or character. Many prac¬ 
tices yet remained that evince the imperfect state of the art. 
Ghirlandajo and Baldovinetti continued to introduce the por¬ 
traits of their employers in historic composition, forgetful of 
that simplex duntaxat et unum with which a just taste can 
never dispense. Cosimo Roselli, a painter of no inconsider¬ 
able reputation, attempted, by the assistance of gold and ultra- 
marine, to give a factitious splendour to his performances. To 
everything great and elevated, the art was yet a stranger; 
even the celebrated picture of Pollajuolo exhibits only a 
group of half naked and vulgar wretches, discharging their 
arrows at a miserable fellow-creature, who, by changing 
places with one of his murderers, might with equal propriety 
become a murderer himself. 25 Nor was it until the time of 
Michelagnolo that painting and sculpture rose to their true 
object, and instead of exciting the wonder, began to rouse the 
passions and interest the feelings of mankind. 

By what fortunate concurrence of circumstances the exqui¬ 
site taste evinced by the ancients in works of art was revived 
in modern times, deserves inquiry. It has generally been 
supposed that these arts, having left in Greece some traces 
of their former splendour, were transplanted into Italy by 
Greek artists, who, either led by hopes of emolument, or im- 


CAUSES OF IMPROVEMENT. 


269 


pelled by the disastrous state of their own country, sought, 
among the ruins of the western empire, a shelter from the 
impending destruction of the east. Of the labours of these 
masters, specimens, indeed, remain in different parts of Italy; 
but, in point of merit, they exceed not those of the native 
Italians, and some of them even bear the marks of deeper 
barbarism. 26 In fact, these arts were equally debased in 
Greece and in Italy, and it was not, therefore, by an inter¬ 
course of this nature that they were likely to receive improve¬ 
ment. Happily, however, the same favourable circumstances 
which contributed to the revival of letters took place also with 
respect to the arts; and if the writings of the ancient authors 
excited the admiration and called forth the exertions of the 
scholar, the remains of ancient skill in marble, gems, and 
other durable materials, at length caught the attention of the 
artist, and were converted from objects of wonder into models 
of imitation. To facilitate the progress of these studies, other 
fortunate circumstances concurred. The freedom of the Italian 
governments, and particularly that of Florence, gave to the 
human faculties their full energies. 27 The labours of the 
painter were early associated with the mysteries of the pre¬ 
vailing religion, whilst the wealth and ostentation of indivi¬ 
duals and of states held out rewards sufficient to excite the 
endeavours even of the phlegmatic and the indolent, 
p From the time of the consul Mummius, who, whilst he 
plundered the city of Corinth of its beautiful productions of 
art, regarded them rather as household furniture than as 
pieces of exquisite skill, 28 the avidity of the Romans for the 
works of the Grecian artists had been progressively increas¬ 
ing, till at length they became the first objects of proconsular 
rapacity, and the highest gratification of patrician luxury. 
The astonishing number which Yerres had acquired during 
his government of Sicily, forms one of the most striking fea¬ 
tures of the invectives of Cicero; who asserts, that throughout 
that whole province, so distinguished by the riches and taste 
of its inhabitants, there was not a single statue or figure, 
either of bronze, marble, or ivory, not a picture or a piece 
of tapestry, not a gem or a precious stone, not even a gold or 
silver utensil, of the workmanship of Corinth or Delos, which 
Yerres during his prsetorship had not sought out and exa- 


270 


XIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


mined, and if he approved of it, brought it away with him, 
insomuch that Syracuse, under his government, lost more 
statues than it had lost soldiers in the victory of Marcellus. 29 
Such, however, was the desolation which took place in Italy 
during the middle ages, occasioned not only by natural cala¬ 
mities, but by the yet more destructive operation of moral 
causes, the rage of superstition and the ferocity of barbarian 
conquerors, that of the innumerable specimens of art, which, 
till the times of the later emperors, had decorated the palaces 
and villas of the Roman nobility, scarcely a specimen or a 
vestige was, in the beginning of the fifteenth century, to be 
discovered. Even the city of Rome could only display six 
statues, five of marble and one of brass, the remains of its 
former splendour; 30 and the complaint of Petrarca was not, 
therefore, without reason, that Rome was in no place less 
known than in Rome itself. 31 

In tracing the vicissitudes which the arts have experienced, 
we observe with pleasure, that the same persons who signal-, 
ized themselves by their attention to preserve the writings of 
the ancient authors, were those to whom posterity is indebted 
for the restoration of a better taste in the arts. Petrarca 
himself is one of the first who displayed a marked attention 
to the remains of antiquity. 32 On his interview with the em¬ 
peror Charles IY. at Mantua, he presented to that monarch a 
considerable number of coins, which he had himself collected; 
at the same time assuring him, that he would not have be¬ 
stowed them on any other person, and, with a degree of free¬ 
dom which does him honour, recommending to the emperor, 
whilst he studied the history, to imitate the virtues of the 
persons there represented. 33 Lorenzo de’ Medici, the brother 
of Cosmo, distinguished himself not only by his assiduity in 
collecting the remains of ancient authors, but also by a decided 
predilection for works of taste, in the acquisition of which he 
emulated the celebrity of his brother. 34 From the funeral 
oration pronounced by Poggio on the death of Niccolo Niccoli, 
to whom the cause of literature is perhaps more indebted than 
to any individual who held merely a private station, we learn, 
that he was highly delighted with paintings and pieces of 
sculpture, of which he had collected a greater number, and of 
more exquisite workmanship, than any person of his time; 


RECOVERY OF ANCIENT SCULPTURES. 271 

and that visitors thronged to see them, not as to a private 
house, but as to a public exhibition. 35 Nor was Poggio 
himself less attentive to the discovery and acquisition of 
these precious remains: 36 “ My chamber,” says he, “ is sur¬ 
rounded with busts in marble, one of which is whole and ele¬ 
gant. The others are indeed mutilated, and some of them 
are even noseless, yet they are such as may please a good 
artist. With these, and some other pieces which I pos¬ 
sess, I intend to ornament my country seat, where I mean 
to take my rest.” In a letter from Poggio to Francesco 
da Pistoia, a monk who had travelled to Greece in search 
of antiquities, we have a much more explicit instance of 
the ardour with which he pursued this object. “By your 
letters from Chios,” says Poggio, “ I learn that you have pro¬ 
cured for me three busts in marble, one of Minerva, another 
of Jupiter, a third of Bacchus. These letters afforded me 
great satisfaction, for I am delighted beyond expression with 
pieces of sculpture. I am charmed with the skill of the artist, 
when I see marble so wrought as to imitate Nature herself. 
You also inform me that you have obtained a head of Apollo, 
and you add from Virgil, 

1 Miros ducent de marmore vultus.’ 

Believe me, my friend, you cannot confer a greater favour on 
me than by returning laden with such works, by which you 
will abundantly gratify my wishes. Different persons labour 
under different disorders; that which principally affects me is 
an admiration of these productions of eminent sculptors, to 
which I am perhaps more devoted than becomes a man who 
may pretend to some share of learning. Nature herself, it is 
true, must always excel these her copies; yet I must be 
allowed to admire that art, which can give such expression 
to inert materials, that nothing but breath seems to be want¬ 
ing. Exert yourself, therefore, I beseech you, to collect, 
either by entreaties or rewards, whatever you can find that 
possesses any merit. If you can procure a complete figure, 
triumphatum est .” Being informed by Francesco, that a 
Rhodian named Suffretus had in his possession a considerable 
number of antique sculptures, Poggio addressed a letter to 
him, earnestly requesting to be favoured with such specimens 


272 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


from his valuable collection as he might think proper to spare, 
and assuring him, that his kindness should be remunerated by 
the earliest opportunity. In the same earnest style, and for 
the same purpose, he addressed himself to Andreolo Giusti- 
niano, a Venetian, then re,siding in Greece. Induced by his 
pressing entreaties, both SufFretus and Giustiniano intrusted 
to the monk some valuable works; but, to the great disap¬ 
pointment of Poggio, he betrayed the confidence reposed in 
him, and under the pretext that he had been robbed of them 
in his voyage, defrauded Poggio of the chief part of his 
treasures, which, as it afterwards appeared, he presented to 
Cosmo de’ Medici. The indignation of Poggio on this occa¬ 
sion is poured forth in a letter to Giustiniano, whose liberality 
he again solicits, and which he professes to have in some de¬ 
gree repaid, by obtaining for him from the pope a dispensa¬ 
tion to enable his daughter to marry. Thus sacrilegiously, 
though almost excusably, bartering the favours of the church 
for the objects of his favourite study and the gratification of 
his taste. 

The riches of Cosmo de’ Medici, and the industry of Dona¬ 
tello, 87 united to give rise to the celebrated collection of anti¬ 
quities which, with considerable additions, was transmitted 
by Piero to his son Lorenzo, and is now denominated the 
Museum Florentinum. By an estimate or account taken 
by Piero on the death of his father, it appears that these 
pieces amounted in value to more than 28,000 florins.* But 
it was reserved for Lorenzo to enrich this collection with its 
most valuable articles, and to render it subservient to its true 
purpose, that of inspiring in his countrymen a correct and 
genuine taste for the arts. 

Of the earnestness with which Lorenzo engaged in this 
pursuit, some instances have been already adduced.f “ Such 
an admirer was he,” says Valori,| “ of all the remains of anti¬ 
quity, that there was not anything with which he was more 
delighted. Those who wished to oblige him were accustomed 
to collect, from every part of the world, medals and coins esti¬ 
mable for their age or their workmanship, statues, busts, and 
whatever else bore the stamp of antiquity. On my return 

* Fabr. in vita Cosm. Adnot. et Monum. p. 231. 

+ See p. 76. { Valori, p. 18. 


MICHAEL ANGELO. 


273 


from Naples,” adds he, “ I presented him with figures of 
Faustina and Africanus in marble, and several other speci¬ 
mens of ancient art; nor can I easily express with what 
pleasure he received them.” Having long desired to possess 
the resemblance of Plato, he was rejoiced beyond measure 
when Girolamo Roscio, of Pistoia, presented to him a figure 
in marble of his favourite philosopher, which was said to have 
been found among the ruins of the academy . 38 By his con¬ 
stant attention to this pursuit, and by the expenditure of con¬ 
siderable sums, he collected under his roof all the remains of 
antiquity that fell in his way, whether they tended to illus¬ 
trate the history of letters or of arts.* His acknowledged 
acquaintance with these productions induced the celebrated 
Fra Giocondo, of Verona, the most industrious antiquarian of 
his time, to inscribe to him his collection of ancient inscrip¬ 
tions, of which Politiano, who was a competent judge of the 
subject, speaks with high approbation.f 

But it is not the industry, the liberality, or the judgment 
shown by Lorenzo in forming his magnificent collection, so 
much as the important purpose to which he destined it, that 
entitles him to the esteem of the professors and admirers of 
the arts. Conversant from his youth with the finest forms of 
antiquity, he perceived and lamented the inferiority of his 
contemporary artists, and the impossibility of their improve¬ 
ment upon the principles then adopted. He determined, 
therefore, to excite among them, if possible, a better taste, 
and by proposing to their imitation the remains of the ancient 
masters, to elevate their views beyond the forms of common 
life, to the contemplation of that ideal beauty which alone 
distinguishes works of art from mere mechanical productions. 
With this view he appropriated his gardens, adjacent to the 
monastery of S. Marco, to the establishment of a school or 
academy for the study of the antique, and furnished the 
different buildings and avenues with statues, busts, and other 
pieces of ancient workmanship. Of these he appointed the 
sculptor Bertoldo, the favourite pupil of Donatello, but who 
was then far advanced in years, superintendent. The atten¬ 
tion of the higher rank of his fellow-citizens was incited to 

* Valori. p. 18. + Poli«. Miscell. c. 77. 

T 


274 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


these pursuits by the example of Lorenzo; that of the lower 
class, by his liberality. To the latter he not only allowed 
competent stipends whilst they attended to their studies, but 
appointed considerable premiums as the rewards of their pro¬ 
ficiency.* 

To this institution, more than to any other circumstance, we 
may, without hesitation, ascribe the sudden and astonishing pro¬ 
ficiency which, towards the close of the fifteenth century, was 
evidently made in the arts, and which, commencing at Florence, 
extended itself in concentric circles to the rest of Europe. The 
gardens of Lorenzo de’Medici are frequently celebrated by the 
historian of the painters, as the nursery of men of genius ; 39 but 
if they had produced no other artist than Michelagnolo Buonar¬ 
roti, they would sufficiently have answered the purposes of 
their founder. It was here that this great man began to im¬ 
bibe that spirit, which was destined to effect a reformation in 
the arts, and which he could, perhaps, have derived from no 
other source . 40 Of a noble, but reduced family, he had been 
placed by his father, when young, under the tuition of the 
painter Ghirlandajo, from whom Lorenzo, desirous of pro¬ 
moting his new establishment, requested that he would permit 
two of his pupils to pursue their studies in his gardens; at the 
same time expressing his hopes, that they would there obtain 
such instruction as would not only reflect honour on the 
institution, but also on themselves and on their country. The 
students who had the good fortune to be thus selected, were 
Michelagnolo and Francesco Granacci . 41 On the first visit of 
Michelagnolo, he found in the gardens his future adversary, 
Torrigiano, who, under the directions of Bertoldo, was model¬ 
ling figures in clay. Michelagnolo applied himself to the same 
occupation, and his work soon afterwards attracted the atten¬ 
tion of Lorenzo, who, from these early specimens, formed 
great expectations of his talents. Encouraged by such ap¬ 
probation, he began to cut in marble the head of a faun, after 
an antique sculpture , 42 which, though unaccustomed to the 
chisel, he executed with such skill as to astonish Lorenzo; 
who, observing that he had made some intentional deviations 
from the original, and that in particular he had represented 

* Vasari, Yite di Torrigiano, di Michelagnolo, &c. 


MICHAEL ANGELO. 


275 


the lips smoother, and had shown the tongue and teeth, re¬ 
marked to him, with his accustomed jocularity, that he should 
have remembered that old men seldom exhibit a complete 
range of teeth. The docile artist, who paid no less respect to 
the judgment than to the rank of Lorenzo, was no sooner left 
to himself, than he struck out one of the teeth, giving to the- 
part the appearance of its haring been lost by age.* On his 
next visit, Lorenzo was equally delighted with the disposition 
and the genius of his young pupil, and sending for his father, 
not only took the son under his particular protection, but 
made such a provision for the old man as his age and the cir¬ 
cumstances of his numerous family required . 43 From this 
time till the death of Lorenzo, which included an interval of 
four years, Michelagnolo constantly resided in the palace of 
the Medici, and sat at the table of Lorenzo, among his most 
honoured guests; where, by a commendable regulation, the 
troublesome distinctions of rank were abolished, and every 
person took his place in the order of his arrival. Hence the 
young artist found himself at once associated, on terms of 
equality, with all that was illustrious and learned in Florence, 
and formed those connexions and friendships which, if they 
do not create, are at least necessary to promote and reward 
superior talents . 44 His leisure hours were passed in contem¬ 
plating the intaglios, gems, and medals, of which Lorenzo had 
collected an astonishing number, whence he imbibed that taste 
for antiquarian researches, which was of essential service to 
him in his more immediate studies, and which he retained to 
the close of his life.f 

Whilst Michelagnolo was thus laying the sure foundation 
of his future fame, and giving daily proofs of his rapid im¬ 
provement, he formed an intimacy with Politiano, who resided 
under the same roof, and who soon became warmly attached 
to his interests. At his recommendation, Michelagnolo exe¬ 
cuted a basso-rilievo in marble, the subject of which is the 
Battle of the Centaurs. This piece yet ornaments the dwell¬ 
ing of one of his descendants; and, although not wholly 
finished, displays rather the hand of an experienced master, 

* Condivi, Vita di Michelagnolo, p. 5, &c. 

+ Condivi, ut supra. 


276 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE 5 MEDICI. 


than that of a pupil. But its highest commendation is, that 
it stood approved even in the riper judgment of the artist 
himself; who, although not indulgent to his own productions, 
did not hesitate, on seeing it some years afterwards, to express 
his regret that he had not entirely devoted himself to this 
branch of art. 45 The death of Lorenzo too soon deprived 
him of his protector. Piero, the son of Lorenzo, continued, 
indeed, to show to him the same marks of kindness which 
his father had uniformly done; but that prodigality which so 
speedily dissipated his authority, his fortune, and his fame, 
was extended even to his amusements; and the talents of 
Michelagnolo, under the patronage of Piero, instead of im¬ 
pressing on brass or on marble the forms of immortality, were 
condemned to raise a statue of snow! 16 Nor was this inter¬ 
course of long continuance, for Piero, instead of affording 
support to others, was soon obliged to seek, in foreign coun¬ 
tries, a shelter for himself. 

The history of Michelagnolo forms that of all the arts which 
he professed. In him sculpture, painting, and architecture 
seem to have been personified. Born with talents superior to 
his predecessors, he had also a better fate. Ghiberti, Dona¬ 
tello, Verocchio, were all men of genius, but they lived during 
the gentile state of the art. 47 The light had now ris4n, and 
his young and ardent mind, conversant with the finest forms 
of antiquity, imbibed, at its genuine source, a relish for their 
excellence. With the specimens of ancient art, the depo¬ 
sitories of ancient learning were unlocked to him, and of these 
also he made no inconsiderable use. As a poet, he is entitled 
to rank high amongst his countrymen; and the triple wreaths 
of painting, sculpture, and architecture, with which his dis¬ 
ciples decorated his tomb, might, without exaggeration, have 
been interwoven with a fourth. 48 

Of the sculptures of Michelagnolo, some yet remain in an 
unfinished state, which strikingly display the comprehension 
of his ideas and the rapidity of his execution. Such are the 
bust of Brutus, and the statue of a female figure, in the 
gallery at Florence. In the latter, the chisel has been handled 
with such boldness, as to induce a connoisseur of our own 
country to conjecture that it would be necessary, in the finish- 


✓ 


michael angelo’s sculptures. 277 

ing, to restore the cavities.* Perhaps a more involuntary 
homage was never paid to genius, than that which was ex¬ 
torted from the sculptor Falconet, who having presumed upon 
all occasions to censure the style of Michelagnolo, without 
having had an opportunity of inspecting any of his works, 
at length obtained a sight of two of his statues, which were 
brought into France by cardinal Richelieu. “ I have seen 
Michelagnolo,” exclaimed the French artist; “he is terrific.”' 19 

The labours of the painter are necessarily transitory, for 
so are the materials that compose them. In a few years 
Michelagnolo will be known, like an ancient artist, only by 
his works in marble. Already it is difficult to determine, 
whether his reputation be enhanced or diminished by the 
sombre representations of his pencil in the Pauline and Six- 
tine chapels, or by the few specimens of his cabinet pictures, 
now rarely to be met with, and exhibiting only a shadow of 
their original excellence. But the chief merit of this great 
man is not to be sought for in the remains of his pencil, nor 
even in his sculptures, but in the general improvement of the 
public taste which followed his astonishing productions. If his 
labours had perished with himself, the change which they 
effected in the opinions and the works of his contemporaries 
would still have entitled him to the first honours of the art. 
Those who from ignorance, or from envy, have endeavoured 
to depreciate his productions, have represented them as ex¬ 
ceeding in their forms and attitudes the limits and the possi¬ 
bilities of nature, as a race of beings, the mere creatures of 
his own imagination; but such critics would do well to con¬ 
sider, whether the great reform to which we have alluded 
could have been effected by the most accurate representations 
of common life, and whether anything short of that ideal ex¬ 
cellence which he only knew to embody, could have accom¬ 
plished so important a purpose. The genius of Michelagnolo 
was a leaven which was to operate on an immense and hete¬ 
rogeneous mass, the salt intended to give a relish to insipidity 
itself; it was therefore active, penetrating, energetic, so as 
not only effectually to resist the contagious effects of a de~ 


* Richardson, Description des Tabl. &c. iii. B? 


278 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


praved taste, but to communicate a portion of its spirit to all 
around. 

Of the contemporary artists of Michelagnolo, such only 
are entitled to high commendation as accompanied his studies, 
or availed themselves of his example. Among these appears 
the divine Raffaello; second to his great model in that grandeur 
of design which elevates the mind, but superior to him in that 
grace which interests the heart; and endowed, if not with 
vigour sufficient alone to effect a reform, yet with talents the 
best calculated to promote its progress. 50 It is well known 
that the works of this exquisite master form two distinct 
classes, those which he painted before, and those which he 
painted after he had caught from the new Prometheus a por¬ 
tion of the ethereal fire—those of the scholar of Perugino, 
and of the competitor of Michelagnolo. “ Happy age,” ex¬ 
claims, with more than common animation, the historian of 
the painters, “ and happy artists, for so I may well denominate 
you, who have had the opportunity of purifying your eyes at 
so clear a fountain, who have found your difficulties removed, 
your crooked paths made straight by so wonderful an artist: 
know, then, and honour the man who has enabled you to dis¬ 
tinguish between truth and falsehood, and let your gratitude 
be shown in returning your thanks to heaven, and in imi¬ 
tating Michelagnolo in all things.” 51 

Genius is ever obnoxious to that criticism which mediocrity 
escapes, nor has this test been wanting to the merits of Michel¬ 
agnolo. The parasites of a vicious court, and a corrupt age, 
have not hesitated to charge him with indecency, in intro¬ 
ducing naked figures in his celebrated picture of the Last 
Judgment. This accusation was made even in his lifetime, 
by one who called himself his friend, and who saw no impro¬ 
priety in representing it as proceeding from the obscene lips 
of Pietro Aretino. 53 It soon, however, became so prevalent, 
that in the pontificate of Paul IY. it was in contemplation to 
destroy this astonishing picture, which was at last only pre¬ 
served by the expedient of covering those parts which were 
supposed to be likely to excite in the minds of the depraved 
spectators ideas unsuitable to the solemnity of the place. The 
painter who undertook this office was ever afterwards dis¬ 
tinguished by the name of 11 Braghettone. These opprobrious 


ARTISTS FAVOURED BY HIM. 


279 


charges were renewed in the succeeding century, by a man of 
talents and celebrity, who united, like Michelagnolo, the cha¬ 
racter of a painter and a poet, without having one idea in 
common with him. 53 But what shall we say of an artist who 
could mingle with the contemplation of a subject so interest¬ 
ing to all mankind, which unites everything terrible and 
sublime, and absorbs all other passions, an idea that can only 
have a relation to the decorums of modern life, and to that 
factitious decency which, by affecting concealment, acknow¬ 
ledges a pruriency of imagination, to which true taste, as well 
as-true modesty, is a stranger ? 

The favours of Lorenzo de’ Medici were not, however, ex¬ 
clusively bestowed. Although he well knew how to appre¬ 
ciate and to reward extraordinary excellence, he was not in¬ 
attentive to the just claims of those who made a proficiency 
in any branch of the arts. Where the indication of talents 
appeared, he was solicitous to call them into action, to accele¬ 
rate their progress, and to repay their success. “ It is highly 
deserving of notice,” says Vasari, “ that all those who studied 
in the gardens of the Medici, and were favoured by Lorenzo, 
became most excellent artists, which can only be attributed to 
the exquisite judgment of this great patron of their studies, 
who could not only distinguish men of genius, but had both 
the will and the power to reward them.” 54 By his kindness 
the eminent sculptor Rustici was placed under the care of 
Andrea Verocchio, 55 where he formed an intimacy with the 
celebrated Lionardo da Vinci; but although he availed himself 
of the friendship and the instructions of this wonderful man, 
he acknowledged Lorenzo as the' parent of his studies. 56 
Francesco Granacci, the fellow-student of Michelagnolo, par¬ 
took also of the favour of Lorenzo, and was occasionally em¬ 
ployed by him in preparing the splendid pageants with which 
he frequently amused the citizens of Florence, in the decora¬ 
tion of which Granacci displayed uncommon taste. 57 The 
reputation acquired by the pupils of S. Marco soon extended 
beyond the limits of Italy. At the request of the king of 
Portugal, Lorenzo sent into that country Andrea Contucci, 
where he left various monuments of his talents in sculpture 
and architecture. 58 The encouragement afforded by him to 
the professors of every branch of the arts, may be estimated 


280 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


in some degree by the numerous pieces executed at his expense 
by the first masters of the time, accounts of which are occa¬ 
sionally dispersed through the voluminous work of Yasari. 
Like his ancestor Cosmo, Lorenzo often forgot the superiority 
of the patron in the familiarity of the friend, and not only 
excused but delighted in the capriciousness which frequently 
distinguishes men of talents. In this number was Niccolo 
Grosso, a Florentine citizen, who wrought ornaments in iron 
with extraordinary skill. Conscious of his merits, Niccolo 
resolved to labour only for those who paid him ready money, 
referring his employers to the sign suspended at his door, 
which represented books of account destroyed in the flames. 
Lorenzo, desirous of presenting to some of his powerful friends 
abroad a specimen of Florentine ingenuity, called upon Nic- 
colo, to engage him to execute for him a piece of his work¬ 
manship ; but the surly artisan, who was busy at his anvil, 
instead of acknowledging the honour intended him, bluntly 
told Lorenzo that he had other customers, who, having first 
applied, must be first served. The invincible pertinacity of 
Niccolo, in refusing to work till he had received his usual 
deposit, occasioned Lorenzo to give him the name of II 
Caparra * by which he was ever afterwards generally known, f 
The study of architecture, as revived by Brunelleschi, re¬ 
ceived additional support from the encouragement afforded by 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, who, to the munificence of his grand¬ 
father, superadded a knowledge of this science equal to that 
of a practical artist. At his instance, and often at his indi¬ 
vidual expense, the city of Florence was ornamented with a 
profusion of elegant buildings, as well for private residence, 
as public purposes. Convinced that the art was founded on 
fixed and determined principles, which were only to be dis¬ 
covered in the labours of the ancients, he j ustly reprobated 
those professors who, neglecting the rules of Vitruvius, fol¬ 
lowed only the variable suggestions of their own fancy. Nor 
was he less severe on those who, without any previous know¬ 
ledge of the art, conceived themselves equal to the task of 
conducting a building on an extensive scale, and, in the erec¬ 
tion of their dwellings, chose to become their own architects. 

* From Arrha, Arliabo, a pledge, or earnest. 

+ Vasari, Vita di Simone detto il Cronica. 


GIULIANO DA SAN GALLO. 


281 


“ Such people,” said Lorenzo, “ buy repentance at too dear a 
rate.” 59 Of this description was his relation, Francesco de’ 
Medici, who, having erected a large house at Maiano, and 
made several alterations in its progress, complained to Lorenzo 
of the great expense with which it had been attended: 
“ That is not to be wondered at,” replied Lorenzo, “ when, 
instead of erecting your building from a model, yon draw your 
model from your building.”* His superior judgment in works 
of this kind was acknowledged on many occasions. Ferdinand 
king of Naples, intending to build a palace, conceived no one 
more competent to direct him in the choice of a plan than 
Lorenzo. His assistance was also sought for on a similar 
occasion by the duke of Milan; and Filippo Strozzi, in the 
erection of a mansion, which in grandeur of design and rich¬ 
ness of execution is not inferior to a royal residence, availed 
himself greatly of his advice and directions. 60 It does not, 
however, appear, that Lorenzo on any occasion thought proper 
to dispense with the aid of those who had made this art their 
more immediate study. Having formed the intention of 
erecting his palace at Poggio-Cajano, he obtained designs 
from several of the best architects of the time, and amongst 
the rest from Giuliano, the son of Paolo Giamberto, whose 
model was preferred by Lorenzo, and under whose directions 
the building was carried on ; but in the construction of the 
picturesque and singular flight of steps, which communicated 
to every part with such convenience, that a person might 
ascend or descend even on horseback, Lorenzo made use of a 
design of Stefano d’Ugolino, a painter of Siena, who died 
about the year 1350.f Lorenzo was 1 desirous that the ceiling 
of the great hall should be formed by a single arch, but was 
apprehensive that it would not be practicable, on account of 
its extent. Giuliano was at that time erecting a residence for 
himself in Florence, where he took an opportunity of executing 
one in the manner suggested by Lorenzo, and succeeded so 
effectually as to remove his doubts on this head. The ceiling 
at Poggio-Cajano was accordingly completed, and is acknow¬ 
ledged to be the largest vaulted roof of modern workmanship 
that had then been seen. 61 The talents of this artist induced 


Valori, ut supra. 


+ Vasari, Vita di Giuliano da San Gallo. 


282 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


Lorenzo to recommend him to Ferdinand king of Naples, to 
whom he presented, on the part of Lorenzo, the model of an 
intended palace. His reception was highly honourable. On 
his departure, Ferdinand supplied him with horses, apparel, 
and other valuable articles, amongst which was a silver cup 
containing several hundred ducats. Giuliano, whilst he de¬ 
clined accepting it, expressed a desire that the king would 
gratify him with some specimens of ancient art, from his ex¬ 
tensive collection, which might be a proof of his approbation. 
Ferdinand accordingly presented him with a bust of the 
emperor Adrian, a statue of a female figure larger than life, 
and a sleeping Cupid; all of which Giuliano immediately 
sent to Lorenzo, who was no less pleased with the liberality 
of the artist, than with the acquisition of so valuable a trea¬ 
sure.* At the request of the celebrated Mariano Genazano, 
Lorenzo had promised to erect, without the gate of San Gallo, 
at Florence, a monastery capable of containing one hundred 
monks. On the return of Giuliano to Florence, he engaged 
him in his work, whence he obtained the name of San Gallo , 
by which he was always afterwards distinguished. 02 Whilst 
this building was carrying forwards, Giuliano was also em¬ 
ployed by Lorenzo in designing and erecting the extensive 
fortifications of Poggio Imperiale, preparatory to the founding 
a city on that spot, as was his intention.f To this artist, who 
arrived at great eminence in the ensuing century, and to his 
brother Antonio, architecture is indebted for the completion 
of the Tuscan order, as now established; and for considerable 
improvements in the Doric. 

Besides the many magnificent works begun under the im¬ 
mediate directions of Lorenzo, he sedulously attended to the 
completion of such buildings as had been left imperfect by his 
ancestors. On the church of S. Lorenzo, the building of 
which was begun by his great-grandfather Giovanni, and con¬ 
tinued by his grandfather Cosmo, he expended a large sum. 
At the request of Matteo Bosso, he also completed the monas¬ 
tery begun by Brunelleschi at Fiesole, at the same time ex¬ 
pressing his regret that he should have rendered it necessary 

* Vasari, Vita di Giuliano da San Gallo. + Vasari, nt supra. 


ATTEMPTS AT MOSAIC WORK. 


283 


to solicit him to do that which he conceived to be an indis¬ 
pensable duty.* 

Amongst the various kinds of picturesque representation 
practised by the Greeks and Romans, and transmitted by them 
to after-times, is that of Mosaic ; 63 a mode of execution which, 
in its durability of form and permanency of colour, possesses 
distinguished advantages, being unaffected by drought or 
moisture, heat or cold, and perishing only with the building 
to which it has been originally attached. This art, during 
the middle ages, had experienced the same vicissitudes as 
attended all those with which it is so nearly connected. 64 
Some attempts had, however, been made to restore it by 
Andrea Tafi, the contemporary of Giotto and even Giotto 
himself had cultivated it, not without success, although the 
celebrated picture over the great door of St. Peter’s at Rome, 
called the Navicella di Giotto , is said to be a more modern 
work, copied from a former one of that artist.if Lorenzo was 
desirous of introducing this mode of execution into more 
general practice. On expressing to Graffione, a Florentine 
painter, his intention of ornamenting with work of this kind 
the vault of a large cupola, the painter ventured to observe to 
him that he had not artists equal to the task: “ We have 
money enough to make them,” replied Lorenzo; and although 
Graffione still continued incredulous, 65 Lorenzo soon after¬ 
wards met with a person who suited his purpose, in the painter 
Gherardo, who had generally applied himself to works in 
miniature. The specimen produced by Gherardo for the 
inspection of Lorenzo, was a head of S. Zenobio, with which 
he was so well pleased, that he resolved to enlarge the chapel 
of that saint at Florence, in order to give the artist an oppor¬ 
tunity of exhibiting his talents in a wider field. With 
Gherardo he associated Domenico Ghirlandajo, as a more 
complete master of design, and the work was commenced with 
great spirit. Yasari assures us, that if death had not inter¬ 
posed, there was reason to believe, from the part that was 
executed, that these artists would have performed wonderful 
things. 66 

* Fabroni, i. 148. f Vasari, Yita di Andrea, 

f Tenh. Mem. Geneal. vii. 131. 


284 LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 

But if the attempts made by Lorenzo to restore the practice 
of Mosaic were thus in a great degree frustrated, a discovery 
was made about the same period which proved an ample sub¬ 
stitute for it, and which has given to the works of the painter 
that permanency which even the durability of mosaic might not 
perhaps have supplied. This was the art of transferring to 
paper impressions from engravings on copper, or other metals; 
an invention which has tended more than any other circum¬ 
stance to diffuse throughout Europe a just and general taste 
for the arts. 

This discovery is attributed by the Italians to Maso, or 
Tomaso Finiguerra, a goldsmith of Florence, who being ac¬ 
customed to engrave on different metals, for the purpose of 
inlaying them, occasionally tried the effects of his work by 
taking off impressions, first on sulphur, and afterwards on 
paper, by means of a roller, in such a manner that the figures 
seem to have been traced with a pen. It does not appear 
that Finiguerra ever applied this invention to any other pur¬ 
pose than that of ascertaining the progress of his w r ork; nor 
have the researches of the most diligent inquirers discovered 
a single print that can with any degree of probability be attri¬ 
buted to him; but Baccio Baldini, another goldsmith, con¬ 
ceiving that this discovery might be applied to more important 
purposes, began to engrave on metals, solely with a view of 
transmitting impressions to paper. Possessing, however, no 
great skill in design, he prevailed on Sandro Botticello to 
furnish him with drawings suitable for his purpose. The 
concurrence of Antonio Pollajuoli, and Andrea Mantegna, 
carried the art to greater perfection. Of the works of the 
last-mentioned master, many specimens yet remain, which do 
credit to his talents. The beginning of the ensuing century 
produced a much superior artist, in Marcantonio Raimondi, 
by whose industry the numerous productions of Raffaello, the 
transcripts of his rich and creative mind, were committed to 
paper with an accuracy which he himself approved, and may 
serve as a standard to mark in future times the progress or the 
decline of the arts. 67 

Whilst the art of transferring to paper impressions from 
copper was thus first practised, that of engraving on gems 


ENGRAVING ON GEMS. 


285 


and stones was again successfully revived. The predilection 
of Lorenzo de’ Medici for the beautiful specimens of skill 
which the ancients have left in materials of this nature, has 
frequently been noticed. 68 Of those which once formed a part 
of his immense collection, some occasionally occur that seem 
to have been the objects of his more particular admiration, 
and bear upon some conspicuous part the name of their former 
proprietor, thus expressed, lavr. med . 69 Nor is it improbable 
that Michelagnolo, who passed among these treasures a con¬ 
siderable portion of his time, was indebted to the liberality of 
Lorenzo for the beautiful intaglio which he is supposed to have 
worn as his seal. 70 

The protection and encouragement afforded by Lorenzo to 
every other branch of art, was not withheld from this his favou¬ 
rite department From the early part of the fifteenth century, 
some specimens of the astonishing proficiency of the ancients 
in works of this nature had occasionally been discovered; and, 
as the public taste improved, they were sought for with 
avidity, and only to be purchased at considerable prices. In 
the pontificate of Martin V., and again in that of Paul II., 
some attempts had been made to rival, or at least to imitate, 
these productions, but the first artist whose name stands re¬ 
corded in modern times, is Giovanni delle Corniuole, so called 
from his having generally exercised his skill upon the stone 
called a Cornelian. The museum of Lorenzo de’ Medici was 
the school in which he studied. The proficiency which he 
made corresponded to the advantages he possessed, and an¬ 
swered the purposes which his liberal patron had in view. 
The numerous pieces of his workmanship in various sizes, 
and on various materials, were the admiration of all Italy. 
One of his most celebrated productions was the portrait of 
Savonarola, who was then in the meridian of his popularity 
at Florence. Giovanni immediately met with a formidable 
competitor in a Milanese, who also lost the name of his family 
in that of his art, and was called Domenico de’ Camei. The 
likeness of Lodovico Sforza, engraved by Domenico in a large 
onyx, was considered as the most extraordinary specimen of 
modern skill. By these masters, and their scholars, this 
elegant, but unobtrusive, branch of the fine arts kept pace 


286 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


with its more ostentatious competitors; and even in the most 
flourishing period of their elevation, under the pontificate of 
Leo X., the eye that had contemplated the divine sculptures 
of Michelagnolo, or had dwelt with delight on the paintings 
of Raffaello, or of Titian, might have turned with pleasure to 
the labours of Valerio Vicentino, or of Giovanni Bolognese, 
which compressed into the narrowest bounds the accurate 
representations of beauty, strength, or grace, and gave to the 
most inestimable productions of nature the highest perfection 
of art. 


287 


CHAPTER X. 

Lorenzo de’ Medici intends to retire from public life—Is taken sick, and 
removes to Careggi—His conduct in his last illness—Interview with 
Pico and Politiano—Savonarola visits him—Death of Lorenzo—-His 
character—Review of his conduct as a statesman—Attachment of the 
Florentines to him—Circumstances attending his death—Testimonies of 
respect to his memory—Death of Innocent VIII. and accession of Alex¬ 
ander VI.—Irruption of the French into Italy—Expulsion of the Medici 
from Florence—Death of Ermolao Barbaro—Of Pico of Mirandula—Of 
Agnolo Politiano—Absurd accounts respecting the death of Politiano— 
His monody on Lorenzo—Politiano celebrated by Cardinal Bembo— 
Authentic account of his death—Disturbances excited by Savonarola— 
Adherents of the Medici decapitated—-Disgrace and execution of Savo¬ 
narola—Death of Piero de’ Medici—His character—Sonnet of Piero de’ 
Medici—Cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici—Restoration of the family to 
Florence-^Elevation of Leo X.—Leo promotes his relations—Restores 
his dominions to peace—Rise of the reformation—Age of Leo X.—The 
Laurentian Library restored—Giuliano de’ Medici, duke of Nemours— 
Ippolito de’ Medici—Lorenzo de’ Medici, duke of Urbino—Alessandro 
de’ Medici—Descendants of Lorenzo de’ Medici, the brother of Cosmo 
— Giovanni de’ Medici — Lorenzo de’ Medici — Alessandro assumes 
the sovereignty of Florence—Is assassinated by Lorenzino — Motives 
and consequences of the attempt — Cosmo de’ Medici, first grand 
duke — Death of Filippo Strozzi, and final extinction of th£ republic — 
Conclusion. 

That love of leisure which is inseparable from a mind con¬ 
scious of its own resources, and the consideration of his de¬ 
clining state of health, were probably the motives that induced 
Lorenzo de’ Medici to aim at introducing his two elder sons 
into public life at so early and almost premature an age. The 
infirmities under which he laboured not only disqualified him 
at times from attending with his accustomed vigilance to the 


288 


LIFE OF LORENZO BE’ MEDICI. 


affairs of the republic, but rendered it also necessary for him 
often to absent himself from Florence, and to pass some por¬ 
tion of his time at the warm baths in various parts of Italy, 
of which those of Siena and Porrettana afforded him the most 
effectual relief. At those seasons which were not embittered 
by sickness, he appears to have flattered himself with the ex¬ 
pectation of enjoying the reward of his public labours, and 
partaking of the general happiness which he had so essentially 
contributed to promote, in a peaceful and dignified retirement, 
enlivened by social amusements, by philosophic studies, and 
literary pursuits. These expectations were built upon the 
most substantial foundation, the consciousness that he had dis¬ 
charged his more immediate duties and engagements; but his 
feelings on this occasion are best expressed in his own words :* 
“ What,” says he, “ can be more desirable to a well-regulated 
mind than the enjoyment of leisure with dignity? This is 
what all good men wish to obtain, but which great men alone 
accomplish. In the midst of public affairs we may, indeed, 
be allowed to look forwards to a day of rest; but no rest 
should totally seclude us from an attention to the concerns of 
our country. I cannot deny that the path which it has been 
my lot to tread has been arduous and rugged, full of dangers, 
and beset with treachery; but I console myself in having con¬ 
tributed to the welfare of my country, the prosperity of which 
may now rival that of any other state, however flourishing. 
Nor have I been inattentive to the interests and advancement 
of my own family, having always proposed to my imitation 
the example of my grandfather Cosmo, who watched over his 
public and private concerns with equal vigilance. Having 
now obtained the object of my cares, I trust I may be allowed 
to enjoy the sweets of leisure, to share the reputation of my 
fellow-citizens, and to exult in the glory of my native place.” 
His intentions were more explicitly made known to his faith¬ 
ful companion Politiano, who relates, that sitting with him in 
his chamber a short time before his death, and conversing on 
subjects of letters and philosophy, he then told him that he 
meant to withdraw himself as much as possible from the 
tumult of the city, and to devote the remainder of his days to 


Ap. Fabroui, i. 19G. 


HIS LAST ILLNESS. 


289 


the society of his learned friends; at the same time express- 
ing his confidence in the abilities of his son Piero, on whom 
it was his intention that the conduct of the affairs of the re¬ 
public should principally devolve. 1 

This prospect of relaxation and happiness he was not, how¬ 
ever, destined to realize. Early in the year 1492, the com¬ 
plaint under which he laboured attacked him with additional 
violence; and whilst the attention of his physicians was em¬ 
ployed in administering relief, he contracted a slow fever, 
which escaped their observation, or eluded their skill, until it 
was too late effectually to oppose its progress. The last ill¬ 
ness of Lorenzo de’ Medici, like that of most other great men, 
is represented as being extraordinary in its nature. Politiano 
describes his disorder as a fever, of all others the most insi¬ 
dious, proceeding by insensible degrees, not like other fevers, 
by the veins or arteries, but attacking the limbs, the intes¬ 
tines, the nerves, and destroying the very principle of life. 
On the first approach of this dangerous complaint he had 
removed from Florence to his house at Careggi, where his 
moments were enlivened by the society of his friends, and 
the respectful attentions of his fellow-citizens. For medical 
advice, his chief reliance was upon the celebrated Pier Leoni, 
of Spoleto, whom he had frequently consulted on the state of 
his health; but as the disorder increased, further assistance 
was sought for, and Lazaro da Ticino, another physician, 
arrived at Careggi. It seems to have been the opinion of 
Politiano that the advice of Lazaro was too late resorted to; 
but if we may judge from the nature of the medicines em¬ 
ployed by him, he rather accelerated than averted the fatal 
moment. The mixture of amalgamated pearls and jewels, 
with the most expensive potions, might, indeed, serve to 
astonish the attendants and to screen the ignorance of the 
physician, but was not likely to be attended with any bene¬ 
ficial effect on the patient. Whether it was in consequence 
of this treatment, or from the nature of the disorder itself, a 
sudden and unexpected alteration soon took place; and whilst 
his friends relied with confidence on the exertions made in his 
behalf, he sunk at once into such a state of debility as totally 
precluded all hopes of his recovery, and left him only the 
care of preparing to meet his doom in a manner consistent 

u 


290 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


with the eminence of his character, and the general tenour of 
his life. 

Notwithstanding the diversity of occupations which had 
successively engaged his attention, and the levity, not to say 
licentiousness, of some of his writings, the mind of Lorenzo 
had always been deeply susceptible of religious impressions. 
This appears not only from his attention to the establishment 
and reform of monastic houses, 2 but from his laudi , or hymns, 
many of which breathe a spirit of devotion nearly bordering 
on enthusiasm. During his last sickness, this feature of his 
character became more prominent; nor did he judge it expe¬ 
dient, or perhaps think it excusable to separate the essen¬ 
tial from the ceremonial part of religion. Having, therefore, 
performed the offices of the church with peculiar fervour, and 
adjusted with sincerity and decorum his spiritual concerns, 
he requested a private interview with his son Piero, with 
whom he held a long and interesting conversation on the state 
of the republic, the situation of his family, and the conduct 
which it would be expedient for Piero to pursue. Of the 
precepts which he thought it necessary to inculcate on his 
successor, we derive some information from Politiano, which 
was probably obtained from the relation of his pupil. 3 “ I 
doubt not,” said Lorenzo, “ that you will hereafter possess the 
same weight and authority in the state which I have hitherto 
enjoyed; but as the republic, although it form but one body, 
has many heads, you must not expect that it will be possible 
for you on all occasions so to conduct yourself as to obtain 
the approbation of every individual. Remember, therefore, 
in every situation to pursue that course of conduct which 
strict integrity prescribes, and to consult the interests of the 
whole community, rather than the gratification of a part.” 
These admonitions, if attended to, might have preserved 
Piero from the ruin which the neglect of them soon brought 
down, and may yet serve as a lesson to those whose authority 
rests, as all authority must finally rest, on public opinion. 
The dutiful and patient attendance of Piero on his father 
during his sickness was, however, a pledge to Lorenzo that his 
last instructions would not be forgotten, and, by confirming 
the favourable sentiments which he appears to have enter¬ 
tained of the talents and the disposition of his son, served 
at least to alleviate the anxiety which he must have felt on 


CONDUCT DURING HIS ILLNESS. 291 

resigning, thus prematurely, the direction of such a vast and 
rapid machine into young and inexperienced hands. 

At this interesting period, when the mind of Lorenzo, re¬ 
lieved from the weight of its important concerns, became 
more sensibly alive to the emotions of friendship, Politiano 
entered his chamber. Lorenzo no sooner heard his voice 
than he called on him to approach, and, raising his languid 
arms, clasped the hands of Politiano in his own, at the same 
time steadfastly regarding him with a placid, and even a cheerful 
countenance. Deeply affected at this silent but unequivocal 
proof of esteem, Politiano could not suppress his feelings, but, 
turning his head aside, attempted as much as possible to conceal 
his sobs and his tears. Perceiving his agitation, Lorenzo 
still continued to grasp his hand, as if intending to speak to 
him when his passion had subsided, but finding him unable 
to resist its impulse, he slowly, and as it were unintentionally, 
relaxed his hold, and Politiano, hastening into an inner apart¬ 
ment, flung himself on a bed, and gave way to his grief. 
Having at length composed himself, he returned info the 
chamber, when Lorenzo again called to him, and inquired 
with great kindness why Pico of Mirandula had not once paid 
him a visit during his sickness. Politiano apologized for his 
friend, by assuring Lorenzo that he had only been deterred 
by the apprehension that his presence might be troublesome. 
<( On the contrary,” replied Lorenzo, “ if his journey from 
the city be not troublesome to him, I shall rejoice to see him 
before I take my final leave of you.” Pico accordingly came, 
and seated himself at the side of Lorenzo, whilst Politiano, 
reclining on the bed, near the knees of his revered benefactor, 
as if to prevent any extraordinary exertion of his declining 
voice, prepared for the last time to share in the pleasures of 
his conversation. After excusing himself to Pico for the 
task he had imposed upon him, Lorenzo expressed his esteem 
for him in the most affectionate terms, professing that he 
should meet his death with more cheerfulness after this last 
interview. He then changed the subject to more familiar and 
lively topics, and it was on this occasion that he expressed, 
not without some degree of jocularity, his wishes that he could 
have obtained a reprieve, until he could have completed the 
library destined to the use of his auditors. 


292 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


This interview was scarcely terminated, when a visitor of a 
very different character arrived. This was the haughty and 
enthusiastic Savonarola, who probably thought, that in the 
last moments of agitation and of suffering, he might be ena¬ 
bled to collect materials for his factious purposes. With appa¬ 
rent charity and kindness, the priest exhorted Lorenzo to re¬ 
main firm in the catholic faith ; to which Lorenzo professed 
his strict adherence. He then required an avowal of his in¬ 
tention, in case of his recovery, to live a virtuous and well- 
regulated life; to this he also signified his sincere assent. 
Lastly, he reminded him, that, if needful, he ought to bear 
his death with fortitude. “ With cheerfulness,” replied Lo¬ 
renzo, “ if such be the will of God.” On his quitting the 
room, Lorenzo called him back, and, as an unequivocal mark 
that he harboured in his bosom no resentment against him 
for the injuries w r hich he had received, requested the priest 
would bestow upon him his benediction; with which he in¬ 
stantly complied, Lorenzo making the usual responses with a 
firm and collected voice. 4 

No species of reputation is so cheaply acquired as that de¬ 
rived from death-bed fortitude. When it is fruitless to contend, 
and impossible to fly, little applause is due to that resignation 
which patiently awaits its doom. It is not, therefore, to be 
considered as enhancing that dignity of character which Lo¬ 
renzo had so frequently displayed, that he sustained the last 
conflict with equanimity. “ To judge from his conduct, and 
that of his servants,” says Politiano, “ you would have thought 
that it was they who momentarily expected that fate, from 
which he alone appeared to be exempt.” Even to the last, 
the scintillations of his former vivacity were perceptible. 
Being asked, on taking a morsel of food, how he relished it, 
“As a dying man always does,” was his reply. Having 
affectionately embraced his surrounding friends, and submitted 
to the last ceremonies of the church, he became absorbed in 
meditation, occasionally repeating portions of scripture, and 
accompanying his ejaculations with elevated eyes and solemn 
gestures of his hands, till the energies of life gradually de¬ 
clining, and pressing to his lips a magnificent crucifix, he 
calmly expired. 

In the height of his reputation, and at a premature period 


HIS CHARACTER. 


293 


of life, thus died Lorenzo de’ Medici; a man who may be 
selected from all the characters of ancient and modern history, 
as exhibiting the most remarkable instance of depth of pene¬ 
tration, versatility of talent, and comprehension of mind. 5 
Whether genius be a predominating impulse, directed towards 
some particular object, or whether it be an energy of intellect 
that arrives at excellence in any department in which it may 
be employed, it is certain that there are few instances in which 
a successful exertion in any human pursuit has not occasioned 
a dereliction of many other objects, the attainment of which 
might have conferred immortality. If the powers of the mind 
are to bear down all obstacles that oppose their progress, it 
seems necessary that they should sweep along in some certain 
course, and in one collected mass. What, then, shall we think 
of that rich fountain which, whilst it was poured out by so 
many different channels, flowed through each with a full and 
equal stream? To be absorbed in one pursuit, however im¬ 
portant, is not the characteristic of the higher class of genius, 
which, piercing through the various combinations and relations 
of surrounding circumstances, sees all things in their just di¬ 
mensions, and attributes to each its due. Of the various oc¬ 
cupations in which Lorenzo engaged, there is not one in which 
he "was not eminently successful; but he was most particularly 
distinguished in those which justly hold the first rank in 
human estimation. The facility with which he turned from 
subjects of the highest importance to those of amusement and 
levity, suggested to his countrymen the idea that he had two 
distinct souls combined in one body. Even his moral character 
seems to have partaken in some degree of the same diversity, 
and his devotional poems are as ardent as his lighter pieces 
are licentious. On all sides he touched the extremes of 
human character, and the powers of his mind were only 
bounded by that impenetrable circle which prescribes the 
limits of human nature. 

As a statesman, Lorenzo de’ Medici appears to peculiar 
advantage. Uniformly employed in securing the peace and 
promoting the happiness of his country, by just regulations at 
home and wise precautions abroad, and teaching to the sur¬ 
rounding governments those important lessons of political 
science, on which the civilization and tranquillity of nations 


294 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


have since been found to depend. Though possessed of un¬ 
doubted talents for military exploits, and of sagacity to avail 
himself of the imbecility of neighbouring powers, he was 
superior to that avarice of dominion which, without improving 
what is already acquired, blindly aims at more extensive pos¬ 
sessions. The wars in which he engaged were for security, 
not for territory; and the riches produced by the fertility of 
the soil, and the industry and ingenuity of the inhabitants of 
the Florentine republic, instead of being dissipated in impos¬ 
ing projects and ruinous expeditions, circulated in their natural 
channels, giving happiness to the individual, and respectability 
to the state. If he was not insensible to the charms of ambi¬ 
tion, it was the ambition to deserve rather than to enjoy; and 
he was always cautious not to exact from the public favour 
more than it might be ready voluntarily to bestow. The ap¬ 
proximating suppression of the liberties of Florence, under 
the influence of his descendants, may induce suspicions un¬ 
favourable to his patriotism; but it will be difficult, not to 
say impossible, to discover, either in his conduct or his pre¬ 
cepts, anything that ought to stigmatize him as an enemy to 
the freedom of his country. The authority which he exercised 
was the same as that which his ancestors had enjoyed, with¬ 
out injury to the republic, for nearly a century, and had de¬ 
scended to him as inseparable from the wealth, the respect¬ 
ability, and the powerful foreign connexions of his family. 
The superiority of his talents enabled him to avail himself of 
these advantages with irresistible effect; but history suggests 
not an instance in which they were devoted to any other pur¬ 
pose than that of promoting the honour and independence of 
the Tuscan state. It was not by the continuance, but by the 
dereliction of the system which he had established, and to 
which he adhered to the close of his life, that the Florentine 
republic sunk under the degrading yoke of despotic power; 
and to his premature death we may unquestionably attribute, 
not only the destruction of the commonwealth, but all the ca¬ 
lamities that Italy soon afterwards sustained. 

The sympathies of mind, like the laws of chemical affinity, 
are uniform. Great talents attract admiration, the offering 
of the understanding; but the qualities of the heart can alone 
excite affection, the offering of the heart. If we may judge 


CIRCUMSTANCES ATTENDING HIS DEATH. 29 O 

of Lorenzo de’ Medici by the ardour with which his friends 
and contemporaries have expressed their attachment, we shall 
form conclusions highly favourable to his sensibility and his 
social virtues. The exaction of those attentions usually paid 
to rank and to power, he left to such as had no other claims 
to respect; he rather chose to be considered as the friend and 
the equal, than as the dictator of his fellow-citizens. His 
urbanity extended to the lowest ranks of society; and while 
he enlivened the city of Florence by magnificent spectacles 
and amusing representations, he partook of them himself with 
a relish that set the example of festivity. It was the general 
opinion in Florence, that whoever was favoured by Lorenzo 
could not fail of success. Yalori relates, that in the repre¬ 
sentation of an engagement on horseback, one of the combat¬ 
ants, who was supposed to contend under the patronage of 
Lorenzo, being overpowered and wounded, avowed his reso¬ 
lution to die rather than submit to his adversary, and it was 
not without difficulty that he was rescued from the danger, to 
receive from the bounty of Lorenzo the reward of his well- 
meant though mistaken fidelity. 

The death of Lorenzo, which happened on the eighth day 
of April, 1492, was no sooner known at Florence than a ge¬ 
neral alarm and consternation spread throughout the city, and 
the inhabitants gave way to the most unbounded expressions 
of grief. Even those who were not friendly to the Medici, 
lamented in this misfortune the prospect of the evils to come. 
The agitation of the public mind was increased by a singular 
coincidence of calamitous events, which the superstition of 
the people considered as portentous of approaching commo¬ 
tions. The physician, Pier Leoni, whose prescriptions had 
failed of success, being apprized of the result, left Careggi in 
a state of distraction, and precipitated himself into a well in 
the suburbs of the city. 6 Two days preceding the death of 
Lorenzo, the great dome of the Reparata was struck with 
lightning, and on the side which approached towards the 
chapel of the Medici, a part of the building fell. It was also 
observed that one of the golden palle or balls, in the embla¬ 
zonment of the Medicean arms, was at the same time struck 
out. For three nights, gleams of light were said to have been 
perceived proceeding from the hill of Fiesole, and hovering 


296 


LIFE OF LOBKNZO PE’ MEDIOT. 


above the church of S. Lorenzo, where the remains of the 
family were deposited. Besides these incidents, founded per¬ 
haps on some casual occurrence, and only rendered extraordi¬ 
nary by the workings of a heated imagination, many others 
of a similar kind are related by contemporary authors, which, 
whilst they exemplify that credulity which characterizes the 
human race in every age, may at least serve to show that the 
event to which they were supposed to allude was conceived 
to be of such magnitude as to occasion a deviation from the 
ordinary course of nature. 7 From Careggi the body of Lo¬ 
renzo was conveyed to the church of his patron saint, amidst 
the tears and lamentations of all ranks of people, who bewailed 
the loss of their faithful protector, the glory of their city, the 
companion of their amusements, their common father and 
friend. His obsequies were without ostentation, he having 
a short time before his death given express directions to that 
effect. Not a tomb or an inscription marks the place that 
received his ashes; but the stranger who, smitten with the 
love of letters and of arts, wanders amidst the splendid monu¬ 
ments erected to the chiefs of this illustrious family, the work of 
Michelagnolo and of his powerful competitors, whilst he looks 
in vain for that inscribed with the name of Lorenzo, will be 
reminded of his glory by them all. 

Throughout the rest of Italy the death of Lorenzo was 
regarded as a public calamity of the most alarming kind. Of 
the arch which supported the political fabric of that country 
he had long been considered as the centre, and his loss seemed 
to threaten the whole with immediate destruction. When 
Ferdinand king of Naples was informed of this event, he ex¬ 
claimed, “ This man has lived long enough for his own glory, 
but too short a time for Italy.” 3 Such of the Italian poten¬ 
tates as were more nearly connected with the Medici sent 
ambassadors to Florence on this occasion. Letters of con¬ 
dolence were transmitted to Piero from almost all the sove¬ 
reigns of Europe. Many distinguished individuals also paid 
this last tribute to the memory of their friend and benefac¬ 
tor. 9 Among these communications, dictated by flattery, by 
friendship, and by political motives, there is one of a more 
interesting nature. This is a letter from the young cardinal 
Giovanni de’ Medici to his elder brother, written four days 


LETTER OF GIOVANNI PE’ MEDICI. 


297 


after the death of their father, which evinces that the cardinal 
was not without apprehensions from t^e temper and disposi¬ 
tion of Piero, and does equal honour to his prudence and to 
his filial piety. 

“ The Cardinal Giovanni de' Medici , at Rome , to Piero de* 
Medici . at Florence. 

“ My dearest brother, now the only support of our family; 
what I have to communicate to thee, except my tears, I know 
not; for when I reflect on the loss we have sustained in the 
death of our father, I am more inclined to weep than to relate 
my sorrow. What a father have we lost! How indulgent to 
his children! Wonder not, then, that I grieve, that I lament, 
that I find no rest. Yet, my brother, I have some consola¬ 
tion in reflecting that I have thee, whom I shall always regard 
in the place of a father. Do thou command—I shall cheer¬ 
fully obey. Thy injunctions will give me more pleasure than 
I can express—order me—put me to the test—there is nothing 
that shall prevent my compliance. Allow me, however, my 
Piero, to express my hopes, that in thy conduct to all, and 
particularly to those around thee, I may find thee as I could 
wish—beneficent, liberal, affable, and humane; by which qua¬ 
lities there is nothing but may be obtained, nothing but may 
be preserved. Think not that I mention this from any doubt 
that I entertain of thee, but because I esteem it to be my 
duty. Many things strengthen and console me; the concourse 
of people that surround our house with lamentations, the sad 
and sorrowful appearance of the whple city, the public mourn¬ 
ing, and other similar circumstances, these in a great degree 
alleviate my grief; but that which relieves me more than the 
rest, is, that I have thee, my brother, in whom I place a 
confidence that no words can describe, &c. Ex urbe, die 12 
Ap. 1492.” 

The common mediator of Italy being now no more, the 
same interested and unenlightened motives which had so often 
rendered that country the seat of treachery and of bloodshed 
again began to operate, and the ambitious views of the dif¬ 
ferent sovereigns became the more dangerous as they were 
the more concealed. Such was the confidence which they 
had placed in Lorenzo, that not a measure of importance was 


298 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


determined on by any of them without its being previously 
communicated to him, when, if he thought it likely to prove 
hostile to the general tranquillity, he was enabled either to 
prevent its execution, or at least to obviate its ill effects; but 
upon his death a general suspicion of each other took place, 
and laid the foundation of the unhappy consequences that 
soon afterwards ensued. The impending evils of Italy were 
accelerated by the death of Innocent VIII., who survived 
Lorenzo only a few months, and still more by the elevation to 
the pontificate of Roderigo Borgia, the scourge of Christen¬ 
dom, and the opprobrium of the human race . 10 

Piero de’ Medici, on whom the eyes and expectations of 
the public were turned, gave early indications that he was 
unable to sustain the weight that had devolved upon him. 
Elated with the authority derived from his father, but for¬ 
getting the admonitions by which it was accompanied, he 
relaxed the reins that controlled all Italy, to grasp at the 
supreme dominion of his native place. Eor this purpose he 
secretly formed a more intimate connexion with the king of 
Naples and the pope, which being discovered by the penetrat¬ 
ing eye of Lodovico Sforza, raised in him a spirit of jealousy, 
which the professions and assurances of Piero could never 
allay. An interval of dissatisfaction, negotiation, and distrust 
took place, till at length the solicitations of Lodovico and the 
ambition of Charles VIII. brought into Italy a more formi¬ 
dable and warlike race, whose arrival spread a general terror 
and alarm, and convinced, too late, the states and sovereigns 
of that country of the folly of their mutual dissensions. Even 
Lodovico himself, who in the expectation of weakening his 
rivals, and of vesting in himself the government of Milan, 
had incessantly laboured to accomplish this object, no sooner 
saw its approach than he shrunk from it in terror; and whilst 
he was obliged, for the sake of consistency, to persevere in 
exhorting Charles to proceed in his enterprise against the 
kingdom of Naples, he endeavoured by secret emissaries to 
excite against him the most formidable opposition of the 
Italian powers. Lodovico having for this purpose dispatched 
an envoy to Florence, Piero conceived that he had obtained 
a favourable opportunity of convincing the king of France of 
the insincerity of his pretended ally, and thereby of deterring 


IRRUPTION OF THE FRENCH INTO ITALY. 299 

him from the further prosecution of his undertaking; but, 
however laudable his purpose might be, the means which he 
adopted for its accomplishment reflect but little credit on his 
talents. In the palace of the Medici was an apartment which 
communicated with the gardens by a secret door, constructed 
by Lorenzo de’ Medici for the purpose of convenience and 
retirement. In this room, Piero, pretending to he sick, con¬ 
trived an interview with the agent of Lodovico, whilst the 
envoy of Charles VIII., secreted behind the door, was privy 
to their conversation.* Whether Piero had not the address 
to engage the Milanese sufficiently to develop the views of 
his master, or whether the French envoy found the Italian 
politicians equally undeserving of confidence, rests only on 
conjecture; but the communication of this incident to Charles 
tended not in the slightest degree to avert the impending ca¬ 
lamity. On the contrary, the conduct of Piero being made 
known to Lodovico, rendered any further communication 
between them impossible, and by preventing that union of 
the Italian states which alone could have opposed with effect 
the further progress of the French arms, facilitated an enter¬ 
prise that could owe its success only to the misconduct of its 
opponents.f 

This unfortunate event led the way to another incident 
more immediately destructive to the credit and authority of 
Piero de’ Medici. Charles, at the head of his troops, had, 
without resistance, reached the confines of the Florentine state, 
and had attacked the town of Sarzana, which Lorenzo, after 
having recovered it from the Genoese, had strongly fortified. 
The approach of such a formidable body of men, the reputa¬ 
tion they had acquired, and the atrocities they had committed 
in their progress, could not fail of exciting great consterna¬ 
tion in Florence, where the citizens began freely to express 
their dissatisfaction with Piero de’ Medici, who they asserted 
had, by his rash and intemperate measures, provoked the re¬ 
sentment of a powerful sovereign, and endangered the very 
existence of the republic. This crisis suggested to Piero the 
situation in which his father stood, when, in order to ter¬ 
minate a war which threatened him with destruction, he had 

* Oricell. de bello Ital. p. 24. + G uicciard. Hist, d’ Italia, i. 


300 LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 

hastened to Naples, and, placing himself in the power of an 
avowed enemy, had returned to Florence with the credentials 
of peace.* The present season appeared to him favourable 
for a similar attempt; but, as Guicciardini judiciously observes, 
it is dangerous to guide ourselves by precedent, unless the 
cases be exactly alike; unless the attempt be conducted with 
equal prudence, and, above all, unless it be attended with the 
same good fortune.f The impetuosity of Piero prevented 
him from observing these distinctions—hastening to the 
French camp, he threw himself at the feet of Charles, who 
received his submission with coldness and disdain.^ Finding 
his entreaties ineffectual, he became lavish in his offers to pro¬ 
mote the interests of the king, and, as a pledge of his fidelity, 
proposed to deliver up to him not only the important fortress 
of Sarzana, which had till then successfully resisted his at¬ 
tacks, but also the town of Pietra-Santa, and the cities of Pisa 
and Leghorn, Charles at the same time undertaking to restore 
them, when he had accomplished his conquest of the king¬ 
dom of Naples . 11 The temerity of Piero in provoking the 
resentment of Charles, added to his inability to ward off, and 
his pusillanimity in resisting the blow, completed what his 
ambition and his arrogance had begun, and for ever deprived 
him of the respect and confidence of his fellow-citizens. On 
his return to Florence, after this disgraceful compromise, he 
was refused admittance into the palace of the magistrates, and, 
finding that the people at large were so highly exasperated 
against him as to endanger his personal safety, he hastily with¬ 
drew himself from his native place, and retreated to Venice . 18 
The distress and devastation which the inhabitants of Italy 
experienced for a series of years after this event, have afforded 
a subject upon which their historians have dwelt with melan¬ 
choly accuracy. Amidst these disasters, there is perhaps no 
circumstance that so forcibly excites the regret of the friends 
of letters, as the plundering of the palace of the Medici, and 
the dispersion of that invaluable library, whose origin and 
progress have before been traced. The French troops, that 
had entered the city of Florence without opposition, led the 

* See ante, p. 116. f Guicciard. Hist, d’ Italia, i. 

f Oricell. de bello Ital. p. 39. 


DEATH OF ERMOLAO BARBAR0. 


301 


way to this sacrilegious deed, in the perpetration of which 
they were joined by the Florentines themselves, who openly 
carried off, or secretly purloined, whatever they could discover 
that was interesting, rare, or valuable. Besides the numerous 
manuscripts in almost every language, the depredators seized, 
with contentious avidity, the many inestimable specimens of 
the arts with which the house of the Medici abounded, and 
which had long rendered it the admiration of strangers, and 
the chief ornament of the city. Exquisite pieces of ancient 
sculpture, vases, cameos, and gems of various kinds, more 
estimable for their workmanship than for their native value, 
shared in the general ruin; and all that the assiduity and the 
riches of Lorenzo and his ancestors had been able to ac¬ 
cumulate in half a century, was dissipated or demolished in 
a day. 13 

The same reverse of fortune that overwhelmed the political 
labours of Lorenzo, that rendered his descendants fugitives, 
and dispersed his effects, seemed to extend to his friends and 
associates, almost all of whom unhappily perished within a 
short interval after his death, although in the common course 
of nature they might have expected a longer life. The first 
of these eminent men was Ermolao Barbaro, of whose friendly 
intercourse with Lorenzo many testimonies remain, and who 
died of the plague in the year 1493, when only thirty-nine 
years of age. 14 This event was succeeded by the death of 
Pico of Mirandula, who in his thirty-second year fell a victim 
to his avidity for science, and has left posterity to regret that 
he turned his astonishing acquisitions to so little account. 
Nor did Politiano long survive his great patron. He died at 
Florence on the twenty-fourth day of September, 1494, when 
he had just completed his fortieth year. 

It is painful to reflect on the propensity which has appeared 
in all ages to sully the most illustrious characters by the im¬ 
putation of the most degrading crimes. Jovius, with apparent 
gravity, informs us, that Politiano, having entertained a 
criminal passion for one of his pupils, died in the paroxysm 
of an amorous fever, whilst he was singing his praises on the 
lute; 15 and this preposterous tale has been repeated, with sin¬ 
gular variations, by many subsequent writers. To attempt a 
serious refutation of so absurd a charge would be an useless 


302 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


undertaking; but it may not be uninteresting to inquire by 
what circumstances it was first suggested,* as it may serve to 
show on how slight a foundation detraction can erect her 
superstructure. On the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Poli- 
tiano attempted to pour forth his grief in the following 
monody to his memory, which, although left in an unfinished 
state, and not to be ranked in point of composition with many 
of his other writings, is strongly expressive of the anguish and 
agitation of his mind: 

Monodia in Laurentium Medicem. 

Quis dabit capiti meo 
Aquam ? quis oculis meis 
Fontem lachrymarum dabit? 

Ut nocte fleam, 

Ut luce fleam. 

Sic turtur viduus solet; 

Sic cygnus moriens solet; 

Sic luscinia conqueri. 

Heu miser, miser; 

O dolor, dolor! 

—Laurus impetu fulminis 
Ilia ilia jacet subito; 

Laurus omnium Celebris 
Musarum choris, 

Nympharum choris, 

Sub cujus patula coma, 

Et Phcebi lyra blandius 
Et vox dulcius insonat. 

Nunc muta omnia, 

Nunc surda omnia. 

—Quis dabit capiti meo 
Aquam ? quis oculis meis 
Fontem lachrymarum dabit? 

TJt nocte fleam, 

Ut luce fleam. 

Sic turtur viduus solet; 

Sic cygnus moriens solet; 

Sic luscinia conqueri. 

Heu miser, miser; 

O dolor, dolor I 


POLITIANO’s MONODY ON LORENZO. 


303 


Who from perennial streams shall bring, 

Of gushing floods a ceaseless spring ? 

That through the day in hopeless woe, 

That through the night my tears may flow. 

As the ’reft turtle mourns his mate, 

As sings the swan his coming fate, 

As the sad nightingale complains, 

I pour my anguish and my strains. 

Ah wretched, wretched past relief, 

O grief, beyond all other grief! 

—Through heaven the gleamy lightning flies, 

And prone on earth my laurel lies: 

That laurel, boast of many a tongue, 

Whose praises every muse has sung, 

Which every dryad of the grove, 

And all the tuneful sisters love ; 

That laurel, that erewhile displayed 
Its ample honours ; in whose shade 
To louder notes was strung the lyre, 

And sweeter sang th’ Aonian choir, 

Now silent, silent all around, 

And deaf the ear that drank the sound. 

—Who from perennial streams shall bring, 

Of gushing floods a ceaseless spring? 

That through the day in hopeless woe, 

That through the night my tears may flow. 

As the ’reft turtle mourns his mate, 

As sings the swan his coming fate, 

As the sad nightingale complains, 

I pour my anguish and my strains. 

Ah wretched, wretched past relief, 

O grief, beyond all other grief! 

Such was the object of the affections of Politiano, and such 
the amorous effusion, in the midst of which he was intercepted 
by the hand of death; yet if we advert to the charges which 
have been brought against him, we shall find that they are 
chiefly, if not wholly, to be attributed to a misrepresentation, 
or perversion, of these lines. Of those who, after Jovius, 
have repeated the accusation, one author informs us, that the 
verses which Politiano addressed to the object of his love 
were so tender and impassioned, that he expired just as he 


304 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


had finished the second couplet . 10 Another relates, that in the 
frenzy of a fever he had eluded the vigilance of his guard, 
and escaping from his bed, seized his lute, and began to play 
upon it under the window of a young Greek of whom he was 
enamoured, whence he was brought back by his friends, half 
dead, and expired in his bed soon afterwards . 17 We are next 
informed, that in a fit of amorous impatience, he occasioned 
his own death, by striking his head against the wall ; 18 whilst 
a fourth author assures us, that he was killed by a fall from 
the stairs, as he was singing to his lute an elegy which he had 
composed on the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici . 19 The con¬ 
trariety of these relations, not one of which is supported by 
the slightest pretence to serious or authentic testimony, is 
itself a sufficient proof of their futility. Some years after the 
death of Politiano, the celebrated cardinal Bembo, touched 
with the untimely fate of a man whom he was induced by a 
similarity of taste and character to love and admire, paid a 
tribute of gratitude and respect to his memory in a few elegiac 
verses, in which, alluding to the unfinished monody of Poli¬ 
tiano, he represents him as sinking under the stroke of fate, 
at the moment when, frantic with excess of grief, he was at¬ 
tempting, by the power of music, to revoke the fatal decree 
which had deprived him of his friend. 

Politiani Tumulus. 

Duceret extincto cum mors Laurente triumphum, 

Lsetaque pullatis invekeretur equis, - 

Respicit insano ferientem pollice ehordas, 

Viscera singultu concutiente, virum. 

Mirata est, tenuitque jugum : furit ipse, pioque 
Laurentem cunctos flagitat ore Deos. 

Miscebat precibus lachrymas, lachrymisque dolorem; 

Verba ministrabat liberiora dolor. 

Risit, et antiquse non immemor ilia querelse, 

Orphei Tartarise cum patuere vise, 

Hie etiam infernas tentat rescindere leges, 

Fertque suas, dixit, in mea jura manus. 

Protinus et flentem percussit dura poetam; 

Rupit et in medio pectora docta sono. 

—Heu sic tu raptus, sic te mala fata tulerunt, 

Arbiter Ausonise, Politiane, lyrae. 


POLITIANO CELEBRATED BY BEMBO. 


305 


Whilst borne in sable state, Lorenzo’s bier 
The tyrant death, his proudest triumph, brings, 

He mark’d a bard in agony severe, 

Smite with delirious hand the sounding strings. 

He stopp’d—he gazed—the storm of passion raged, 

And prayers with tears were mingled, tears with grief; 

For lost Lorenzo, war with fate he waged, 

And every god was call’d to bring relief. 

The tyrant smiled—and mindful of the hour 
When from the shades his consort Orpheus led, 

“ Rebellious too wouldst thou usurp my power, 

And burst the chain that binds the captive dead?” 

He spoke—and speaking, launch’d the shaft of fate, 

And closed the lips that glow’d with sacred fire, 

His timeless doom ’twas thus Politian met— 

P olitian, master of th’ Ausonian lyre. 

The fiction of the poet, that Politiano had incurred the 
resentment of death by his affection for the object of his pas¬ 
sion, suggests nothing more than that his death was occasioned 
by sorrow for the loss of his friend ; but the verses of Bembo 
seem to have given a further pretext to the enemies of Poli¬ 
tiano, who appear to have mistaken the friend whom he has 
celebrated, for the object of an amorous passion, and to have 
interpreted these lines, so honourable to Politiano, in a manner, 
not only the most unfavourable to his character, but the most 
opposite to their real purport, and to the occasion which gave 
them birth . 20 

From authentic documents which yet remain respecting the 
death of this eminent scholar, it appears that he breathed his 
last in the midst of his relatives and friends, having first ex¬ 
pressed his desire to be buried in the church of S. Marco, in 
the habit of the Domenican order. This request was complied 
with, by the piety of his pupil, Roberto Ubaldini, one of the 
monks of the convent of S. Marco, who has left a memorial 
in his own hand-writing of the circumstances attending his 
death. His remains were accordingly deposited in the church 
of S. Marco, where his memory is preserved in an epitaph 
very unworthy of his character and genius . 21 

The various and discordant relations respecting the death 


306 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 

of Politiano are happily adverted to by one of his countrymen 
in the following lines: 

Pamphili Saxi, De morte Angeli Politiani. 

Quo cecidit fato nostri decus Angelus sevi, 

Gentis et Etruscse gloria, scire cupis ? 

Icterici non hunc labes tristissima morbi, 

Febris ad Elysias vel tulit atra domos; 

Non inflans humor pectus, non horrida bilis; 

Mortiferse pestis denique nulla lues: 

Sed, quoniam rigidas ducebat montibus ornos, 

Frangebat scopulos, decipiebat aves, 

Mulcebat tigres, sistebat flumina cantu, 

Plectra movens plectro dulcius Ismario. 

Non plus Threicium laudabunt Orphea gentes,. 

Calliope dixit; dixit Apollo, Linum; 

Jamque tacet nostrum rupes Heliconia nomen— 

Et simul hunc gladio supposuere necis. 

Mors tamen hsec illi vita est, nam gloria magna 
Invidia Phcebi Calliopesque mori. 


Ask’st thou what cause consign’d to early fate 
Politian, glory of the Tuscan state ? 

—Not loathsome jaundice tainting all the frame. 

Nor rapid fever’s keen consuming flame, 

Not viscous rheum that chokes the struggling breath. 

Nor any vulgar minister of death ; 

—’Twas that his song to life and motion charm’d 
The mountain oaks, the rock’s cold bosom warm’d, 

Stay’d the prone flood, the tiger’s rage controll’d, 

With sweeter strains than Orpheus knew of old.— 

“ Dimm’d is the lustre of my Grecian fame,” 

Exclaim’d Calliope—“ No more my name 
Meets even in Helicon its due regard,” 

Apollo cried, and pierced the tuneful bard— 

—Yet lives the bard in lasting fame approved. 

Who Phoebus and the muse to envy moved. 

The expulsion of Piero de’ Medici from Florence neither 
contributed to establish the tranquillity nor to preserve the 



SAVONAROLA. 


307 

liberty of the republic. The inhabitants exulted for a time in 
the notion that they were freed from the tyranny of a family 
which had held them so long in subjection; but they soon 
discovered that it was necessary to supply its absence by in¬ 
creasing the executive power of the state. Twenty citizens 
were accordingly chosen by the appellation of Accopiatori, 
who were invested, not only with the power of raising money, 
but also of electing the chief magistrates. This form of 
government met, however, with an early and formidable 
opposition; and to the violence of political dissensions was 
soon superadded the madness of religious enthusiasm. The 
fanatic Savonarola having, by pretensions to immediate in¬ 
spiration from God, and by harangues well calculated to 
impress the minds of the credulous, formed a powerful party, 
began to aim at political importance. Adopting the popular 
side of the question, he directed the whole torrent of his elo¬ 
quence against the new mode of government; affirming, that 
he was divinely authorized to declare, that the legislative 
power ought to be extended to the citizens at large, that he 
had himself been the ambassador of the Florentines to heaven, 
and that Christ had condescended to be their peculiar monarch.* 
The exertions of Savonarola were successful. The newly- 
elected magistrates voluntarily abdicated their offices; and an 
effort was made to establish the government on a more popu¬ 
lar basis, by vesting the legislative power of the state in the 
Consiglio Maggiore , or Council of the Citizens, and in a select 
body, called the Consiglio degli Scelti , or Select Council. 22 
The first of these was to be composed of at least one thou¬ 
sand citizens, who could derive their citizenship by descent, 
and were upwards of thirty years of age; the latter consisted 
of eighty members, who were elected half-yearly from the 
great council, and were upwards of forty years'of age.f These 
regulations, instead of uniting the citizens in one common 
interest, gave rise to new distinctions. The Fraleschi. or 
adherents of Savonarola, who were in general favourable to 
the liberty of the lower classes of the inhabitants, regarded 
the friar as the messenger of heaven, as the guide of their 


* Nerli, Commentarj de’ Fatti civili de Firenze, 1728. iv. 65. 
t Id.ib. 
x 2 


308 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


temporal and eternal happiness; whilst the Compagnacci, or 
adherents to a more aristocratical government, represented 
him as a factious impostor; and Alexander VI. seconded their 
cause by fulminating against him the anathemas of the church. 
Thus impelled by the most powerful motives that can actuate 
the human mind, the citizens of Florence were seized with a 
temporary insanity. In the midst of their devotions, they 
frequently rushed in crowds from the church to assemble in 
the public squares, crying “ Viva Cristo” singing hymns, and 
dancing in circles formed by a citizen and a friar, placed 
alternately.* The hymns sung on these occasions were chiefly 
composed by Girolamo Benivieni, who appears to have held 
a distinguished rank amongst these disciples of fanaticism. 23 
The enemies of Savonarola were as immoderate in their oppo¬ 
sition as his partisans were in their attachment. Even the 
children of the city were trained in opposite factions, and 
saluted each other with showers of pebbles; in which contests 
the gravest citizens were sometimes unable to resist the. in¬ 
clination of taking a part. 24 

Such was the state of Florence in the year 1497, when 
Piero de’ Medici, who had long waited for an opportunity of 
regaining his authority, entered into a negotiation with several 
of his adherents, who undertook, at an appointed hour, to 
admit him within the walls of the city, with the troops which 
he had obtained from the Venetian republic, and from his 
relations of the Orsini family. Piero did not, however, make 
his appearance till the opportunity of assisting him was past. 
His abettors were discovered; five of them, of the chief fami¬ 
lies of Florence, were decapitated; the rest were imprisoned 
or sent into banishment. The persons accused would have 
appealed from their judges to the Consiglio Grande , accord¬ 
ing to a law which had lately been obtained by the influence 
of the Frateschi; but that party, with Savonarola at their 
head, were clamorous for the execution of the delinquents, 
and in spite of the law which they had themselves introduced, 
effected their purpose. Amongst the five sufferers was Lo¬ 
renzo Tornabuoni, the maternal cousin of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 
of whose accomplishments Politiano has left a very favourable 


* Id. ib. 


SAVONAROLA. 


309 


account, and to whom he has inscribed his beautiful poem, 
entitled Ambra* 

The authority of Savonarolo was now at its highest pitch. 
Instead of a republic, Florence assumed the appearance of a 
theocracy, of which Savonarola was the prophet, the legisla¬ 
tor, and the judge. 25 He perceived not, however, that he had 
arrived at the edge of the precipice, and that by one step 
further he might incur destruction. Amongst the methods 
resorted to by the opponents of Savonarola to weaken his au¬ 
thority, and to counteract his pretensions, they had attacked 
him with his own weapons, and had excited two Franciscan 
monks to declaim against him from the pulpit. Savonarola 
found it necessary to call in the aid of an assistant, for which 
purpose he selected Fra Domenico da Pescia, a friar of his 
own convent of S. Marco. The contest was kept up by each 
of the contending parties with equal fury, till Domenico, 
transported with zed for the interests of his master, proposed 
to confirm the truth of his doctrines by walking through the 
flames, provided any one of his adversaries would submit to 
a similar test. By a singular coincidence, which is alone 
sufficient to demonstrate to what a degree the passions of the 
people were excited, a Franciscan friar accepted the challenge, 
and professed himself ready to proceed to the proof. The 
mode of trial became the subject of serious deliberation among 
the chief officers of the republic. Two deputies were elected 
on behalf of each of the parties, to arrange and superintend 
this extraordinary contest. The combustibles w r ere prepared, 
and over them was erected a scaffold, which afforded a commo¬ 
dious passage into the midst of the flames. On the morning of 
the day appointed, being the seventeenth of April, 1498, Savo¬ 
narola and his champion made their appearance, with a nume¬ 
rous procession of ecclesiastics, Savonarola himself intonating 
with a tremendous voice the psalm, ExurgatDeus et dissipentur 
inimici ejus. His opponent, Fra Giuliano Rondinelli, attended 
by a few Franciscan monks, came sedately and silently to the 
place of trial; the flames were kindled, and the agitated specta¬ 
tors waited with impatience for the moment that should renew 
the miracle of the Chaldean furnace. Savonarola, finding that 


* See ante, p. 240. 


310 


LIFE OF LOBENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


the Franciscan was not to be deterred from the enterprise 
either by his vociferations or by the sight of the flames, was 
obliged to have recourse to another expedient, and insisted that 
his champion Domenico, when he entered the fire, should bear 
the host along with him. This sacrilegious proposal shocked 
the whole assembly. The prelates who, together with the 
state deputies, attended the trial, exclaimed against an expe¬ 
riment which might subject the catholic faith to too severe a 
test, and bring a scandal upon their holy religion. Domenico, 
however, clung fast to the twig which his patron had thrown 
out, and positively refused to encounter the flames without 
this sacred talisman. This expedient, whilst itsaved the life 
of the friar, ruined the credit of Savonarola. On his leturn 
to the convent of S. Marco, he was insulted by the populace, 
who bitterly reproached him, that after having encouraged 
them to cry “ Viva Cristo. ,” he should impiously propose to 
commit him to the flames. Savonarola attempted to regain 
his authority by addressing them from the pulpit, but his 
enemies were too vigilant; seizing the opportunity of his dis¬ 
grace, they first attacked the house of Francesco Valor 1 , one 
of his most powerful partisans, who, together with his wife, 
was sacrificed to their fury. They then secured Savonarola, 
with his associate Domenico, and another friar of the same 
convent, and dragged them to prison. An assembly of eccle¬ 
siastics and seculars, directed by an emissary of Alexander 
VI., sat in judgment upon them. The resolution and^elo¬ 
quence of Savonarola, on his first interview, intimidated his 
judges, and it was not till recourse was had to the implements 
of torture—the ultima theologorum ratio —that Savonarola 
betrayed his weakness, and acknowledged the fallacy of his 
pretensions to supernatural powers. His condemnation in¬ 
stantly followed, and the unhappy priest and his two attend¬ 
ants were led to execution, in the same place and with the 
same apparatus as had been prepared for the contest; where, 
being first strangled, their bodies were committed to the 
flames; and, lest the city should be polluted by tnen re¬ 
mains, their ashes were carefully gathered and thrown into 
the Arno.* 

* Nerli, ut sup. Savonarola? vita, Par. 1674, ii., passim. 


PIERO DE’ MEDICI. 


Sit 


From the time that Piero de’ Medici quitted the city of 
Florence, he experienced a continual succession of mortifica¬ 
tions and disappointments. Flattered, deserted, encouraged, 
and betrayed, by the different potentates to whom he succes¬ 
sively applied for assistance, his prospects became daily more 
unfavourable, and his return to Florence more improbable. 
In the meantime, a new war had arisen in Italy. Louis XII. 
the successor of Charles VIII., after having, in conjunction 
with Ferdinand king of Spain, accomplished the conquest of 
Naples, disagreed with him in the partition of the spoil, and 
Italy became the theatre of their struggle. On this occasion 
Piero entered into the service of the French, and was present 
at an engagement that took place between them and the 
Spaniards, on the banks of the Garigliano, in which they were 
defeated with great loss. In effecting his escape, Piero at¬ 
tempted to pass the river, but the boat in which he, with 
several other men of rank, had embarked, being laden with 
heavy cannon, sunk in the midst of the current, and Piero 
miserably perished, after having supported an exile of ten 
years. By his wife Alfonsina, he left a son named Lorenzo, 
and a daughter Clarice. 

Few men have derived from nature greater advantages, 
and perhaps never any one enjoyed a better opportunity of 
improving them, than Piero de’ Medici. A robust form, a 
vigorous constitution, great personal strength and activity, 
and a share of talents beyond the common lot, were the en¬ 
dowments of his birth. To these was added a happy com¬ 
bination of external affairs, resulting from the opulence and 
respectability of his family, the powerful alliances by which it 
was strengthened, and the high reputation which his father 
had so deservedly acquired. But these circumstances, appa¬ 
rently so favourable to his success, were precisely the causes 
of his early ruin. Presuming on his security, he supposed 
that his authority could not be shaken, nor his purposes de¬ 
feated. Forgetting the advice so often repeated to him by 
his father, to remember that he was only a citizen of Florence , 
he neglected or disdained to conciliate the affections of the 
people. His conduct was the exact reverse of that which his 
ancestors had so long and uniformly adopted, and was attended 
with the effects which might reasonably be expected from a 


312 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


dereliction of those maxims that had raised them to the ho¬ 
nourable distinction which they had so long enjoyed 

A few poetical compositions of Piero de’ Medici, preserved 
in the Laurentian Library, though not hitherto printed, place 
his character in a more favourable point of view, and exhibit 
his filial affection and his attachment to his native place in a 
very interesting light . 26 Of this the following sonnet may be 
a sufficient proof: 

SONETTO. 

’Sendo io national, e di te nato, 

Muovati patria un poco il tuo figliuolo; 

Fingiti almen pietosa del suo duolo, 

Essendo in te nudrito ed allevato. 

Ha ciasehedun del nascimento il fato, 

Come 1’ uccello il suo garrire e volo; 

Scusemi almen in cid non esser solo, 

Benche solo al mio male io pur sia stato. 

Et se pud nulla in te mio antico affetto, 

Per quella pieta che ’n te pur regna 
Non mi sia questo dono da te disdetto: 

—Ch’ almen in cener nella patria io vegna, 

A riposar col padre mio diletto, 

Che gia ti fe si gloriosa e degna. 


Thy offspring, Florence, nurtured at thy breast, 

Ah ! let me yet thy kind indulgence prove; 

Or if thou own no more a parent’s love, 

Thy pity sure may soothe my woes to rest. 

Fate marks to each his lot: the same behest 
That taught the bird through fields of air to rove, 

And tunes his song, my vital tissue wove 
Of grief and care, with darkest hues imprest. 

But if, my fondness scorn’d, my prayer denied, 

Death only bring the period of my woes, 

Yet one dear hope shall mitigate my doom. 

—If then my father’s name was once thy pride, 

Let my cold ashes find at last repose, 

Safe in the shelter of his honour’d tomb. 

Of the many ties by which Lorenzo had endeavoured to 
secure the prosperity of his family amidst the storms of for- 



GIOVANNI DE’ MEDICI. 


313 


tune, and the ebbs and flows of popular opinion, one only now 
remained—that by which he had connected it with the church; 
but this alone proved sufficient for the purpose, and shows 
that in this, as in every instance, his conduct was directed 
by motives of the soundest policy. After the expulsion of 
the family from Florence, the cardinal Giovanni de’ Medici, 
finding that the endeavours of himself and his brothers to 
effect their restoration were more likely to exasperate the Flo¬ 
rentines than to promote that desirable event, desisted from 
any further attempts, and determined to wait with patience for 
a more favourable opportunity. He therefore quitted Italy, 
and, whilst that country was the theatre of treachery and war, 
visited many parts of France and Germany. His dislike to 
Alexander VI. who had entered into an alliance with the 
Florentines, and was consequently adverse to the views of the 
exiles, was an additional motive for his absence. After the 
death of Alexander, in the year 1503, he returned to Home, 
and found in Julius II. a pontiff* more just to his talents, and 
more favourable to his hopes. From this time he began to 
take an important part in the public affairs of Italy, and was 
appointed legate in the war carried on by the pope, the Yene- 
tians, and the king of Spain, against Louis XII. Whilst in¬ 
vested with this dignity, he was taken prisoner by the French, 
in the famous battle of Ravenna, but soon afterwards found 
an opportunity of effecting his escape, not, however, without 
great danger and difficulty. In the meantime new dissen¬ 
sions had sprung up at Florence, where the inhabitants, wea¬ 
ried with the fluctuations of a government whose maxims 
and conduct -were changed in the same rapid succession as its 
chief magistrates, were at length obliged to seek for a greater 
degree of stability, by electing a Gonfaloniere for life. This 
authority was intrusted to Piero Soderini, who, with more 
integrity than ability, exercised it for nearly ten years. His 
contracted views suited not with the circumstances of the 
times. The principal governments of Italy, with Julius at 
their head, had leagued together to free that country from the 
depredations of the French. Fearful of exciting the restless 
dispositions of the Florentines, and perhaps of endangering 
the continuance of his power, the Gonfaloniere kept aloof 
from a cause, on the success of which depended the tranquil- 


314 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE ? MEDICI. 


lity, and independence of Italy. His reluctance to take an 
active part in the war was construed into a secret partiality 
to the interests of the French; and, whilst it rendered him 
odious to a great part of the citizens of Florence, drew upon 
him the resentment of the allied powers. The victory ob¬ 
tained by the French at Ravenna, dearly purchased with the 
death of the gallant Gaston de Foix, and the loss of near ten 
thousand men, proved the destruction of their enterprise; 
and as the cause of the French declined, that of the Medici 
gained ground, as well in Florence as in the rest of Italy. 
The prudence and moderation of the cardinal enabled him to 
avail himself of these favourable dispositions without prema¬ 
turely anticipating the consequences. During his residence 
at Rome, he had paid a marked attention to the citizens of 
Florence who occasionally resorted there, without making any 
apparent distinction between those who had espoused and 
those who had been adverse to the cause of his family; and 
by his affability and hospitality, as well as by his attention 
to the interests of those who stood in need of his services, 
secured the esteem and good opinion of his fellow-citizens. 
Having thus prepared the way for his success, he took the 
earliest opportunity of turning the arms of the allied powers 
against Florence, for the avowed purpose of removing Piero 
Soderini from his office, and restoring the Medici to their 
rights as citizens. On the part of Soderini little resistance 
was made. The allies having succeeded in an attack upon the 
town of Prato, and the friends of the Medici having openly 
opposed the authority of Soderini, the tide of popular favour 
once more turned; and whilst the Gonfaloniere with difficulty 
effected his escape, the cardinal made his entrance into his 
native place, accompanied by his younger brother Giuliano, 
his nephew Lorenzo, and his cousin Giulio de’ Medici, the 
latter of whom had been his constant attendant during all the 
events of his public life.* 

The restoration of the Medici, although effected by an armed 
force, was not disgraced by the bloodshed of any of the citi¬ 
zens, and a few only of their avowed enemies were ordered to 
absent themselves from Florence. Scarcely was the tranquil- 

* Guicciardini, x. Razzi, Vita di Piero Soderini. 1737, 70. 


ELEVATION OF LEO X. 


315 


lity of the place restored, when intelligence was received of 
the death of Julius II. The cardinal lost no time in repair¬ 
ing to Rome, where, on the eleventh day of March, 1513, 
being then only thirty-seven years of age, he was elected su¬ 
preme head of the church, and assumed the name of Leo X. 
The high reputation which he had acquired not only counter¬ 
balanced any objections arising from his youth, but rendered 
his election a subject of general satisfaction; and the inha¬ 
bitants of Florence, without adverting to the consequences, 
exulted in an event which seemed likely to contribute no less 
to the security than to the honour of their country. The com¬ 
mencement of his pontificate was distinguished by an act of 
clemency which seemed to realize the high expectations that 
had been formed of it. A general amnesty was published at 
Florence, and the banished citizens restored to their country. 
Piero Soderini, who had taken refuge in Turkey, was invited 
by the pope to Rome, where he resided many years under his 
protection, and enjoyed the society and respect of the prelates 
and other men of eminence who frequented the qourt, being 
distinguished during the remainder of his life by the honour¬ 
able title of the Gonfaloniere.* 

The elevation of Leo X. to the pontificate established the 
fortunes of the Medici on a permanent foundation. Naturally 
munificent to all, Leo was lavish in bestowing upon the differ¬ 
ent branches of his own family the highest honours and most 
lucrative preferments of the church. Giulio de’ Medici was 
created archbishop of Florence, and was soon afterwards ad¬ 
mitted into the sacred college, where he acquired such influ¬ 
ence, as to secure the pontifical chair,'in which he succeeded 
Adrian VI., who filled it only ten months after the death of 
Leo. The daughters of Lorenzo, Maddalena, the wife of 
Francesco Cibo, Contessina, the wife of Piero Ridolfi, and 
Lucrezia, the wife of Giacopo Salviati, gave no less than four 
cardinals to the Romish church; there being two of the 
family of Salviati, and one of each of the others. Profiting 
by the examples of his predecessors, Leo lost no opportunity 
of aggrandizing his relations, well knowing that, in order to 
secure to them any lasting benefit, it was necessary that they 


* Razzi,Vitadi Piero Soderini, p. 85. 


316 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


should be powerful enough to defend themselves, after his 
death, from the rapacious aims of succeeding pontiffs, who, he 
was well aware, would probably pay as little regard to his 
family as he had himself, in some instances, paid to the friends 
and families of his predecessors. 27 

The pontificate of Leo X. is celebrated as one of the most 
prosperous in the annals of the Romish church. At the time 
when he assumed the chair, the calamities of Italy were at 
their highest pitch; that country being the theatre of war, in 
which not only all its governments were engaged, but which 
was rendered yet more sanguinary by the introduction of the 
French, Helvetian, and Spanish troops. A council, which 
had long established itself at Pisa, under the influence and 
protection of the king of France, thwarted the measures, and 
at times overawed the authority of the holy see; and, in ad¬ 
dition to all her other distresses, Italy laboured under great 
apprehensions from the Turks, who constantly threatened a 
descent on that unhappy country. The address and perse¬ 
verance of Leo surmounted the difficulties which he had to 
encounter; and during his pontificate the papal dominions 
enjoyed a greater degree of tranquillity than any other state in 
Italy. In his relations with foreign powers, his conduct is no 
less entitled to approbation. During the contests that took 
place between those powerful monarchs, Charles V. and 
Francis I., he distinguished himself by his moderation, vigi¬ 
lance, and his political address; on which account he is justly 
celebrated by an eminent historian of our own country, as 
“ the only prince of the age who observed the motions of the 
two contending monarchs with a prudent attention, or who 
discovered a proper solicitude for the public safety.”* 

Leo was not, however, aware, that whilst he was composing 
the troubles which the ambition of his neighbours, or the mis¬ 
conduct of his predecessors, had occasioned, he was exciting 
a still more formidable adversary, that was destined, by a 
slow but certain progress, to sap the foundations of the papal 
power, and to alienate that spiritual allegiance which the 
Christian world had kept inviolate for so many centuries. 
Under the control of Leo, the riches that flowed from every 


* Kobertson, Hist, of Charles V., i. 


RISE OF THE REFORMATION. 


317 


part of Europe to Rome, as to the heart of the ecclesiastical 
system, were again poured out through a thousand channels, 
till the sources became inadequate to the expenditure. To 
supply this deficiency, he availed himself of various expedients, 
which, whilst they effected for a time the intended purpose, 
roused the attention of the people to the enormities and 
abuses of the church, and in some measure drew aside that 
sacred veil, which, in shrouding her from the prying eyes of 
the vulgar, has always been her safest preservative. The 
open sale of dispensations and indulgences for the most enor¬ 
mous and disgraceful crimes was too flagrant not to attract 
general notice. Encouraged by the dissatisfaction which was 
thus excited, a daring reformer arose, and, equally regardless 
of the threats of secular power, and the denunciations of 
the Roman see, ventured to oppose the opinion of an indivi¬ 
dual to the infallible determinations of the church. At this 
critical juncture, Luther found that support which he might 
in vain have sought at any other period, and an inroad was 
made into the sanctuary, which has ever since been widening, 
and will probably continue to widen, till the mighty fabric, 
the work of so many ages, shall be laid in ruins. 28 It is not, 
however, so much for the tenets of their religious creed, as for 
the principles upon which they founded their dissent, that the 
reformers are entitled to the thanks of posterity. That right 
of private judgment which they claimed for themselves, they 
could not refuse to others; and by a mode of reasoning as 
simple as it was decisive, mankind arrived at the knowledge 
of one of those great truths which form the basis of human 
happiness. It appeared that the denunciations of the church 
were as ineffectual to condemn, as its absolution was to excul¬ 
pate ; and, instead of an intercourse between the man and his 
priest, an intercourse took place between his conscience and 
his God. 

But turning from the advantages which the world has de¬ 
rived from the errors of Leo X., we may be allowed for a 
moment to inquire what it owes to his talents and to his vir¬ 
tues. No sooner was he raised to the papal chair, than Rome 
assumed once more its ancient character, and became the seat 
of genius, magnificence, letters, and arts. One of the first 
acts of his pontificate was to invite to his court two of the 


318 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


most elegant Latin scholars that modern times have produced, 
Pietro Bembo and Giacopo Sadoleti; whom he appointed his 
pontifical secretaries. The most celebrated professors of lite¬ 
rature from every part of Europe were induced by liberal 
pensions to fix their residence at Rome, where a permanent 
establishment was formed for the study of the Greek tongue, 
under the direction of Giovanni Lascar. The affability, the 
munificence, the judgment, and the taste of this splendid 
pontiff, are celebrated by a considerable number of learned 
men, who witnessed his accomplishments, or partook of his 
bounty. Succeeding times have been equally disposed to do 
justice to so eminent a patron of letters, and have considered 
the age of Leo X. as rivalling that of Augustus. Leo has 
not, however, escaped the reproach of having been too lavish 
of his favours to authors of inferior talents, and of having ex¬ 
pended in pompous spectacles and theatrical representations 
that wealth whic*h ought to have been devoted to better pur¬ 
poses.* But shall we condemn his conduct, if those who had 
no claims on his justice were the objects of his bounty? or 
may it not be doubted whether this disposition was not more 
favourable to the promotion of letters, than a course of con¬ 
duct more discriminating and severe? Whatever kindness 
he might show to those who endeavoured to amuse his leisure 
by their levity, their singularity, or their buffoonery, no in¬ 
stances can be produced of his having rewarded them by such 
distinguished favours as he constantly bestowed on real merit; 
and whilst we discover amongst those who shared his friend¬ 
ship and partook of his highest bounty, the names of Bembo, 
Vida, Ariosto, Sadoleti, Casa, and Flaminio, we may readily 
excuse the effects of that superabundant kindness which rather 
marked the excess of his liberality than the imperfection of 
his judgment. 

In the attention paid by Leo X. to the collecting and pre¬ 
serving ancient manuscripts, and other memorials of literature, 
he emulated the example of his father, and by his persever¬ 
ance and liberality at length succeeded in restoring to its 
former splendour the celebrated library, which, on the expul¬ 
sion of Piero de’ Medici, had become a prey to the fury or the 

* Tirabosclii, viii. par. vi. p 19 Andres Orig. e Progressi d’ ogni Lette- 
ratura, i. 38j. 


LAURENTIAN LIBRARY RESTORED. 


319 


rapacity of the populace. Such of these valuable articles as 
had escaped the sacrilegious hands of the plunderers, had been 
seized upon for the use of the Florentine state; but in the 
year 1496, the public treasury being exhausted, and the city 
reduced to great extremity, the magistrates were under the 
necessity of selling them to the monks of the fraternity of 
S. Marco, for the sum of three thousand ducats. 29 Whilst 
these valuable works were deposited at the convent, they 
experienced a less public, but perhaps a more destructive, 
calamity, many of them having been distributed as presents by 
Savonarola, the principal of the monastery, to the cardinals, 
and other eminent men, by whose favour he sought to shelter 
himself from the resentment of the pope. 30 When the Flo¬ 
rentines destroyed their golden calf, and the wretched priest 
expiated by his death his folly and his crimes, apprehensions 
were entertained that the library of the Medici would once 
more be exposed to the rapacity of the people; but some of 
the youth of the noblest families of Florence, with a laudable 
zeal for the preservation of this monument of their national 
glory, associated themselves together, and undertook-to guard 
it till the frenzy of the populace had again subsided.* After 
the death of Savonarola, the fraternity having fallen into dis¬ 
credit, and being, in their turn, obliged to sell the library, it 
was purchased from them by Leo X., then cardinal de’ Medici, 
and in the year 1508, was removed by him to Rome, where 
it continued during his life, and received constant additions 
of the most rare and valuable manuscripts. From Leo it de¬ 
volved to his cousin, Clement VII., who, upon his elevation 
to the pontificate, again transferred it to Florence, and by a 
bull, which bears date the fifteenth day of December, 1532, 
provided for its future security. Not satisfied, however, with 
this precaution, he meditated a more substantial defence, and, 
with a munificence which confers honour on his pontificate, 
engaged Micheiagnolo to form the design of the splendid 
edifice in which this library is now deposited, which was after¬ 
wards finished under the directions of the same artist, by his 
friend and scholar, Vasari. 

Giuliano de’ Medici, the third son of Lorenzo, was more 


Tirabosclii ut sup. 


320 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


distinguished by his attention to the cause of literature, and 
by his mild and affable disposition, than by his talents for 
political affairs. On the return of the family to Florence, he 
had been intrusted by his brother, then the cardinal de’ Medici, 
with the direction of the Florentine state; but it soon appeared 
that he had not sufficient energy to control the jarring dispo¬ 
sitions of the Florentines. He therefore resigned his autho¬ 
rity to Lorenzo, the son of his brother Piero de’ Medici, and 
on the elevation of Leo X., took up his residence at Rome; 
where, under the title of captain-general of the church, he 
held the chief command of the papal troops. By the favour 
of the pope he soon afterwards obtained extensive possessions 
in Lombardy, and having intermarried with Filiberta, sister 
of Charles duke of Savoy, and a descendant of the house of 
Bourbon, was honoured by Francis I. with the title of duke 
of Nemours. Of his gratitude, an instance is recorded, which 
it would be unjust to his memory to omit. During his exile 
from Florence, lie had found an hospitable asylum with 
Guid’ubaldo di Montefeltro, duke of TJrbino, who on his death 
left his dominions to his adopted son, Francesco Maria delle 
Rovere. Incited by the entreaties of his nephew Lorenzo, 
Leo X. formed the design of depriving Rovere of his posses¬ 
sions, under the usual pretext of their having escheated to the 
church for want of legitimate heirs, and of vesting them in 
Lorenzo, with the title of duke of Urbino ; but the representa¬ 
tions of Giuliano prevented for a time the execution of his 
purpose; and it was not till after his death that Leo disgraced 
his pontificate by this signal instance of ecclesiastical rapacity. 
If we may give credit to Ammirato, Giuliano at one time 
entertained the ambitious hope of obtaining the crown of 
Naples;* but if such a design was in contemplation, it is 
probable that he was incited by his more enterprising and 
ambitious brother, who perhaps sought to revive the claims of 
the papal see upon a kingdom, to the government of which 
Giuliano could, in his own right, advance no pretensions. As 
a patron of learning, he supported the ancient dignity of his 
family He is introduced to great advantage in the celebrated 


* Ammirato, iii. xxix. 


GIULIANO DE’ MEDICI. 


321 


dialogue of Bembo, on the Italian tongue,* and in the yet 
more distinguished work of Castiglione, entitled II libro del 
Cortegiano 31 In the Laurentian library, several of his son¬ 
nets are yet preserved ; 82 and some specimens of his composi¬ 
tion are adduced by Crescimbeni, which, if they display not 
any extraordinary spirit of poetry, sufficiently prove that, to 
a correct judgment, he united an elegant taste. 33 

Naturally of an infirm constitution, Giuliano did not long 
enjoy his honours. Finding his health on the decline, he 
removed to the monastery at Fiesole, in the expectation of 
deriving advantage from his native air; but his hopes were 
frustrated, and he died there in the month of March, 1516, 
not having then fully completed his thirty-seventh year. His 
death was sincerely lamented by a great majority of the citi¬ 
zens of Florence, whose favour he had conciliated in a high 
degree by his affability, moderation, and inviolable regard to 
his promises. 34 His tomb, in the sacristy of the church of 
S. Lorenzo, at Florence, one of the most successful efforts of 
the genius of Michelagnolo, may compensate him for the want 
of that higher degree of reputation which he might have ac¬ 
quired in a longer life. His statue, seated, and in a Roman 
military habit, may be considered rather as characteristic of 
his office, as general of the church, than of his exploits. The 
figures which recline on each side of the sarcophagus, and are 
intended to represent day and night, have been the admira¬ 
tion of succeeding artists; but their allegorical purport may 
admit of a latitude of interpretation. Had the conquests of 
Giuliano rivalled those of Alexander the Great, we might 
have conjectured, with Vasari, that the artist meant to express 
the extent of his glory, limited only by the confines of the 
earth; f but the hyperbole would be too extravagant; and 
the judicious spectator will perhaps rather regard them as 
emblematical of the constant change of sublunary affairs, and 
the brevity of human life. 

* Prose di M. Pietro Bembo, nelle quali si ragiona della volgar lingua; 
dedicated to the cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, afterwards Clement VII., first 
printed at Venice, by Giovan Tacuino, nel mese di Settembre del mdxxv., cum 
privilegio di Papa Clemente, &c. 

f Vasari, Vita di M. A. Buonarroti. 

Y 


322 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


By his wife, Filiberta of Savoy, Giuliano de’ Medici left 
no children; but, before his marriage, he had a natural son, 
who became an acknowledged branch of the family of the 
Medici, and, like the rest of his kindred, acquired, within the 
limits of a short life, a considerable share of reputation. This 
was the celebrated Ippolito de’ Medici, who, dignified with the 
rank of cardinal, and possessed, by the partiality of Cle¬ 
ment VII., of an immense revenue, was at once the patron, 
the companion, and the rival of all the poets, the musicians, 
and the wits of his time. Without territories, and without 
subjects, Ippolito maintained at Bologna a court far more 
splendid than that of any Italian potentate. His associates 
and attendants, all of whom could boast of some peculiar 
merit or distinction which had entitled them to his notice, 
generally formed a body of about three hundred persons. 
Shocked at his profusion, which only the revenues of the 
church were competent to supply, Clement VII. is said to 
have engaged the maestro di casa of Ippolito to remonstrate 
with him on his conduct, and to request that he would dismiss 
some of his attendants as unnecessary to him. “No,” re¬ 
plied Ippolito, “ I do not retain them in my court because I 
have occasion for their services, but because they have occa¬ 
sion for mine.” * His translation of the second book of the 
JEneid into Italian blank verse is considered as one of the 
happiest efforts of the language, and has frequently been re¬ 
printed. 35 Amongst the collections of Italian poetry may also 
be found some pieces of his own composition, which do credit 
to his talents.f 

On the voluntary resignation by Giuliano de’ Medici of 
the direction of the Florentine state, that important trust had 
been confided by Leo X. to his nephew Lorenzo, who, with 
the assistance of the cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, directed the 
helm of government according to the will of the pope; but 
the honour of holding the chief rank in the republic, although 
it had gratified the just ambition of his illustrious grandfather, 
was inadequate to the pretensions of Lorenzo; and the family 
of Rovere, after a vigorous defence, in which Lorenzo received 

* Tiraboschi, vii. par. i. p. 23. 

f Some of them are cited by Crescimbeni, Della vulgar Poesia, ii. ii. 


ALESSANDRO DE’ MEDICI. 323 

a wound which had nearly proved mortal, was obliged to 
relinquish to him the sovereignty of Urbino, of which he re¬ 
ceived from the pope the ducal investiture, in the year 1516.* 
After the death of his uncle Giuliano, he was appointed 
captain-general of the papal troops, but his reputation for 
military skill scarcely stands higher than that of his prede¬ 
cessor. In the year 1518, he married Magdeleine de Bou¬ 
logne, of the royal house of France, and the sole fruit of this 
union was Catherine de’ Medici, afterwards the queen of 
Henry II. 36 The birth of the daughter cost the mother her 
life, and her husband survived her only a few days, having, if 
we may credit Ammirato, fallen a victim to that loathsome 
disorder, the peculiar scourge of licentiousness, which had 
then recently commenced its ravages in Europe. 37 His tomb, 
of the sculpture of Michael Angelo, is found amongst the 
splendid monuments of his family in the church of S. Lorenzo, 
at Florence. He appears seated, in the attitude of deep me¬ 
ditation. At his feet recline two emblematical figures, the 
rivals of those which adorn the tomb of Giuliano, and which 
are intended to represent morning and evening. Ariosto 
has also celebrated his memory in some of his most beautiful 
verses. 38 Like the Egyptians, who embalm a putrid carcase 
with the richest odours, the artist and the poet too often 
lavish their divine incense on the most undeserving of man¬ 
kind. 

Prior to his marriage with Magdeleine of Boulogne, the 
duke of Urbino had an illegitimate son, named Alessandro, in 
whose person was consummated the destruction of the liber¬ 
ties of Florence. It was commonly supposed that Alessandro 
was the offspring of the duke by an African slave, at the time 
when he, with the rest of the family, were restored to Flo¬ 
rence; and this Opinion received confirmation from his thick 
lips, crisped hair, and dark complexion. But it is yet more 
probable that he was the son of Clement VII. Such at least 
was the information given to the historian Ammirato by the 
grand duke Cosmo I,, at the time when he read t o him th 
memoirs which he had prepared respecting his family; and 


* Nerli, Comment, vi. 130. 

Y 2 


324 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


the predilection of the pontiff for this equivocal descendant 
of the house of Medici, adds probability to the report.* But 
whatever was his origin, the circumstances of the times, 
and the ambition of those who protected his infancy, com¬ 
pensated for the disadvantages of his birth, and his want of 
inherent merit. On failure of the legitimate branch of Cosmo 
de’ Medici, usually styled the father of his country, derived 
through Lorenzo the Magnificent, Alessandro and Ippolito 
became necessary implements in the hands of Clement VII., 
to prevent the credit and authority of the family from passing 
to the collateral branch derived from Lorenzo, the brother of 
Cosmo, which had gradually risen to great distinction in the 
state, and of which it will now be necessary to give a brief 
account. 

Pierfrancesco de’ Medici, the son of the elder Lorenzo, to 
whom we have before had occasion to advert,f died in the 
year 1459, having bequeathed his immense possessions, ob¬ 
tained from his share in the profits acquired by the extensive 
traffic of the family, to his two sons, Lorenzo and Giovanni. 
Following the example of their father, and emulous rather of 
wealth than of honours, the sons of Pierfrancesco had for 
several years confined themselves to the limits of a private con¬ 
dition, although they had occasionally filled the chief offices of 
the republic, in common with other respectable citizens. On 
the expulsion of Piero, the son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, from 
Florence, in the year 1494, they endeavoured to avail them¬ 
selves of his misconduct, and of the importance which they 
had gradually acquired, to aspire to the chief direction of the 
republic, and divesting themselves of the invidious name of 
Medici, assumed that of Popolani. The restoration of the 
descendants of Lorenzo the Magnificent to Florence, the 
elevation of his second son to the pontificate, and the series 
of prosperity enjoyed by the family under his auspices, and 
under those of Clement VII., had repressed their ambition, 
or frustrated their hopes; and Lorenzo and Giovanni, the 
sons of Pierfrancesco, passed through life in a subordinate 
rank, the former of them leaving at his death a son, named 
Pierfrancesco, and the latter a son, Giovanni, to inherit their 


* Ammir. 1st. Fior. iii. xxx. 335. 


+ See ante, p. 69. 


LORENZINO DE’ MEDICI. 


325 


immense wealth, and perpetuate the hereditary rivalship of 
the two families. 39 But whilst the descendants of Cosmo, 
the father of his country, existed only in females, or in a spu¬ 
rious offspring, those of his brother Lorenzo continued in a 
legitimate succession of males, and were invigorated with 
talents the most formidable to their rivals, and the most flat¬ 
tering to their own hopes. Adopting from his youth a mili¬ 
tary life, Giovanni de’ Medici became one of the most cele¬ 
brated commanders that Italy had ever produced. By the 
appellation of captain of the bande nere , his name carried 
terror amongst his enemies. His courage was of the most 
ferocious kind. Equally insensible to pity and to danger, his 
opponents denominated him II gran Diavolo , 40 As the fer¬ 
vour of youth subsided, the talents of the commander began 
to be developed; but in the midst of his honours, his career was 
terminated by a cannon-ball, in the twenty-eighth year of his 
age. By his wife, Maria Salviati, the offspring of Lucrezia, 
one of the daughters of Lorenzo the Magnificent, he left a son, 
Cosmo de’ Medici, who, after the death of Alessandro, obtained 
the permanent sovereignty of Tuscany, and was the lirst who 
assumed the title of Grand Duke. 

The younger Pierfraneesco left also a son, named Lorenzo, 
who, as well on account of his diminutive person, as to distin¬ 
guish him from others of his kindred of the same name, was 
usually denominated Lorenzino , and who was destined with his 
own hand to terminate the contest between the two families. 
Though small of stature, Lorenzino was active and well propor¬ 
tioned. His complexion was dark, his countenance serious: 
when he smiled, it seemed to be by constraint. His mother, 
who was of the powerful family of Soderini, had carefully at¬ 
tended to his education; and as his capacity was uncommonly 
quick, he made an early proficiency in polite letters. His 
elegant comedy, entitled Aridosio , still ranks with those works 
which are selected as models of the Italian language. 41 Enter¬ 
prising, restless, fond of commotions, and full of the examples of 
antiquity, he-had addicted himself, when young, to the society 
of Filippo Strozzi, who to an ardent love of liberty united an 
avowed contempt for all the political and religious institutions 
of his time. The talents and accomplishments of Lorenzino 
recommended him to Clement VII., under whose countenance 


326 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


he resided for some time at the Roman court; but an extrava¬ 
gant adventure deprived him of the favour of the pope, and 
compelled him to quit the city. It appeared one morning, 
that during the preceding night, the statues in the arch of 
Constantine, and in other parts of the city, had been broken 
and defaced, a circumstance which so exasperated the pope, that 
he issued positive orders, that whoever had committed the out¬ 
rage, except it should appear to be the cardinal Ippolito de* 
Medici, should be immediately hanged. 43 This exception, in¬ 
deed, strongly implies that the cardinal was not free from sus¬ 
picion; but whoever was the delinquent, Lorenzino bore the 
whole odium of the affair, and it required all the influence that 
Ippolito possessed with the pope to rescue his kinsman from 
the denunciations issued against the offender. Lorenzino 
gladly took the earliest opportunity of quitting the city, and 
retreated to his native place, where, transferring his resentment 
from the dead to the living, he soon afterwards acted a prin¬ 
cipal part in a much more important transaction.* 

To the energy and activity of Lorenzino, and the courage 
of Giovanni de’ Medici, Clement VII. could only oppose the 
dissipation and inexperience of Ippolito and Alessandro ; but 
the turbulent disposition of the Florentines seconded his views,, 
and the premature death of Giovanni, whilst it exposed his 
dominions to the ravages of the German troops, relieved him 
from his apprehensions of his most dangerous rival. 43 Having 
prevailed on the emperor and the king of France to concur 
in his design, he seized the opportunity afforded him by the 
civil dissensions of the Florentines, and, in the year 1532, 
compelled them to place at the head of the government Ales¬ 
sandro de’ Medici, with the title of Doge of the Florentine 
republic. 44 The authority of Alessandro was soon afterwards 
strengthened by his marriage with Margaretta of Austria, a 
natural daughter of the emperor Charles V. The cardinal 
Ippolito, jealous of his success, had attempted to pre-occupy 
the government; disappointed in his hopes, and disgusted 
with his ecclesiastical trappings, which ill suited the rapidity 
of his motions, and the vivacity of his character, he united 
his efforts with those of Filippo Strozzi, who had married 


* Varchi, Storia Fior. xv. 618. 


ASSASSINATION OF ALESSANDRO. 


327 


Clarice, the sister of. Lorenzo duke of Urbino, to deprive 
Alessandro of his new dignity; but before the arrangement 
could be made for the meditated attack, Ippolito suddenly 
died of poison, administered to him by one of his domestics, 45 
leaving his competitor in the undisturbed possession of his 
newly-acquired power. 

The period, however, now approached which was to transfer 
the dominion of Florence from the descendants of Lorenzo 
the Magnificent, to the kindred stock. In the secure posses¬ 
sion of power, Alessandro knew no restraint. Devoted to 
the indulgence of an amorous passion, he sought its gratifica¬ 
tion among women of all descriptions, married and unmarried, 
religious and secular; insomuch that neither rank nor virtue 
could secure the favourite object from his licentious rapacity. 46 
The spirit of the Florentines, though sinking under the yoke 
of despotism, began to revolt at this more opprobrious species 
of tyranny, and the absentees and malecontents became daily 
more numerous and more respectable. But whilst the storm 
was gathering in a remote quarter, a blow from a kindred 
hand unexpectedly freed the Florentines from their oppressor, 
and afforded them once more an opportunity of asserting that 
liberty to which their ancestors had been so long devoted. 
Lorenzino de’ Medici was the second Brutus who burst the 
bonds of consanguinity, in the expectation of being the deli¬ 
verer of his country. But the principle of political virtue 
was now extinct, and it was no longer a subject of doubt 
whether the Florentines should be enslaved; it only remained 
to be determined who should be the tyrant. On his return 
from Rome to Florence, Lorenzino had frequented the court 
of Alessandro, and, by his unwearied assiduity and singular 
accomplishments, had ingratiated himself with the duke to 
such a degree, as to become his chief confidant, and the asso¬ 
ciate of his licentious amours. But whilst Lorenzino accom¬ 
panied him amidst these scenes of dissipation, he had formed 
the firm resolution of accomplishing his destruction, and sought 
only for a favourable opportunity of effecting his purpose. 
This idea seems to have occupied his whole soul, and influenced 
all his conduct. Even in the warmth of familiarity which 
apparently subsisted between them, he could not refrain from 
adverting to the design of which his mind was full, and by 


328 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


jests and insinuations gave earnest of his intention. Cellini 
relates, that on his attending the duke Alessandro, with his 
portrait executed as a medal, he found him indisposed and 
reclined on his bed, with Lorenzino as his companion. After 
boasting, as was his custom, of the wonders which he could 
perform in his profession, the artist concluded with expressing 
his hopes, that Lorenzino would favour him with a subject for 
an apposite reverse. “ That is exactly what I am thinking 
of,” replied Lorenzino, with great vivacity; “ I hope ere long 
to furnish such a reverse as will be worthy of the duke, and 
will astonish the world.”* The blind confidence of Alessandro 
prevented his suspicions, and he turned on his bed with a 
contemptuous smile at the folly or the arrogance of his rela¬ 
tion. But whilst Lorenzino thus hazarded the destruction of 
his enterprise by the levity of his discourse, he prepared for 
its execution with the most scrupulous caution. 47 The duke 
having selected as the object of his passion the wife of Lion- 
ardo Ginori, then on a public embassy at Naples, Lorenzino, 
to whom she was nearly related, undertook, with his usual 
assiduity, to promote the suit. Pretending that his repre¬ 
sentations had been successful, he prevailed upon the duke to 
pass the night with him at his own house, where he promised 
him the completion of his wishes. In the meantime, he pre¬ 
pared a chamber for his reception; and having engaged as 
his assistant a man of desperate fortunes and character, called 
Scoroncocolo, waited with impatience for his arrival. At the 
appointed hour, the duke having left the palace in a mask, 
according to his custom when he was engaged in nocturnal 
adventures, came unobserved to the house of Lorenzino, and 
was received by him in the fatal chamber. After some familiar 
conversation, Lorenzino left him to repose on the bed, with 
promises of a speedy return. On his quitting the chamber, he 
stationed his coadjutor where he might be in readiness to 
assist him, in case he should fail in his first attempt, and 
gently opening the door, approached the bed, and inquired 
from the duke if he was asleep, at the same instant passing his 
sword through his body. On receiving the wound, the duke 
sprang up and attempted to escape at the door; but, on a 


Vita di Benvenuto Cellini, p. 222. 


ASSASSINATION OF ALESSANDRO. 


329 


signal given by Lorenzino, he was attacked there by Scoron- 
cocolo, who wounded him deeply in the face. Lorenzino then 
grappled with the duke, and throwing him on the bed, endea¬ 
voured to prevent his cries. In the struggle, the duke seized 
the finger of Lorenzino in his mouth, and retained it with such 
violence, that Scoroncocolo, finding it impossible to separate 
them so as to dispatch the duke without danger of wounding 
Lorenzino, deliberately took a knife from his pocket, and cut 
him across the throat. The completion of their purpose was, 
however, only the commencement of their difficulties. Sco¬ 
roncocolo, who probably knew not that the person he had 
assassinated was the duke, until the transaction was over, was 
so terrified as to be wholly unable to judge for himself of the 
measures to be adopted for his own safety. To the active 
mind of Lorenzino various expedients presented themselves, 
and he hesitated for some time whether he should openly avow 
the deed, and call upon his countrymen to assert their liberties, 
or should endeavour to make his escape to the absentees, to 
whom the information which he had to communicate would 
give new energy, and a fair opportunity of success. Of these 
measures the last seemed on many accounts to be the most 
advisable. Having, therefore, locked the door of the chamber, 
in which he left the dead body of the duke, he proceeded 
secretly to Bologna, expecting there to meet with Filippo 
Strozzi, but finding that he had quitted that place, he followed 
him to Venice, where he related to him his achievements. 
Filippo, well acquainted with the eccentricity of his character, 
refused for some time to credit his story, till Lorenzino, pro¬ 
ducing the key of the chamber, and exhibiting his hand which 
had been mutilated in the contest, at length convinced him of 
its truth. The applause bestowed by Filippo and his adhe¬ 
rents on Lorenzino was in proportion to the incredulity which 
they had before expressed. He was saluted as another Brutus, 
as the deliverer of his country ; and Filippo immediately began 
to assemble his adherents, in order to avail himself of so 
favourable an opportunity of restoring to the citizens of Flo¬ 
rence their ancient rights. 48 

The Italian historians have endeavoured to discover the 
motives that led Lorenzino to the perpetration of this deed, 
and have sought for them in the natural malignity of his dis- 


330 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


position; as a proof of which he is said to have acknowledged, 
that during his residence at Rome, notwithstanding the kind¬ 
ness shown to him by Clement VII., he often felt a strong 
inclination to murder him. They have also attributed them 
to a desire of immortalizing his name, by being considered as 
the deliverer of his country; to a principle of revenge, for 
the insult which he received from the pope, in being banished 
from Rome, which he meant to repay in the person of Ales¬ 
sandro, his reputed son; and, lastly, to his enmity to the col¬ 
lateral branch of the Medici family, by which he was excluded 
from the chief dignity of the state. How far any of these 
conjectures may be well founded, it is not easy to determine. 
Human conduct is often the result of impulses, which, whilst 
they arise in various directions, determine the mind towards 
the same object, and possibly all, or most of the causes before 
stated, might have concurred in producing so signal an effect. 
Aware of the misconstruction to which his principles were 
liable, Lorenzino wrote an apologetical discourse, which has 
been preserved to the present times, and throws considerable 
light on this singular transaction. In this piece he first at¬ 
tempts to demonstrate that Alessandro was an execrable tyrant, 
who, during the six years that he held the chief authority, had 
exceeded the enormities of Nero, of Caligula, and of Phalaris. 
He accuses him of having occasioned by poison the death, not 
only of the cardinal Ippolito, but of his own mother, who 
resided in an humble station at Collevecchio , and whose 
poverty he conceived was a reproach to the dignity of his 
rank ; and denies that the blood of any branch of the Medici 
family flowed in his veins. He then justifies, with great 
plausibility, the conduct adopted by him after the death of 
the duke, in quitting the city to join the absentees; and after 
vindicating himself from the imputation of having been in¬ 
duced by any other motive than an earnest desire to liberate 
his country from a state of intolerable servitude, he concludes 
with lamenting, that the want of energy and virtue in his 
fellow-citizens prevented them from availing themselves of the 
opportunity which he had afforded them of re-establishing 
their ancient government. But whatever were the motives of 
this deed, the consequences of it were such as have generally 
been the result of similar attempts—the riveting of those chains 


CONSEQUENCES OF THE DEED. 


.031 


which it was intended to break. The natural abhorrence of 
treachery, and the sentiment of pity excited for the devoted 
object, counteract the intended purpose, and throw an odium 
even on the cause of liberty itself. No end can justify the 
sacrifice of a principle, nor was a crime ever necessary in the 
course of human affairs. The sudden burst of vindictive 
passion may sometimes occasion important changes in the fate 
of nations, but the event is seldom within the limits of human 
calculation. It is only the calm energy of reason, constantly 
bearing up against the encroachments of power, that can with 
certainty perpetuate the freedom, or promote the happiness of 
the human race. 

After the perpetration of this deed, Lorenzino, not con¬ 
ceiving himself in safety within the limits of Italy, continued 
his route till he arrived at Constantinople, from whence, after 
a short residence, he returned again to Venice. Having 
passed eleven years of exile and anxiety, he was himself assas¬ 
sinated by two Florentine soldiers, who, under the pretext of 
avenging the death of Alessandre, probably sought to jugra- 
tiate themselves with his successor, by removing a person who 
derived from his birth undoubted pretensions to the credit 
and authority which had for ages been attached to the chief 
of the house of Medici. 

The adherents of the ruling family, at the head of whom 
was the cardinal Cibo, who had been the chief minister of 
Alessandro, conducted themselves with great prudence on 
the death of the duke; and before they permitted the event 
to be made public, not only secured the soldiery within the 
city, but summoned to their assistance all their allies in the 
vicinity of the Florentine state. They then assembled the 
inhabitants, avowedly to deliberate on the state of the republic, 
but in fact rather to receive than to dictate a form of govern¬ 
ment. If Lorenzino was the Brutus of his age, an Octavius 
was found in his cousin, Cosmo de’ Medici, the son of Gio¬ 
vanni, general of the bande nere , and then about eighteen 
years of age. Being informed of the unexpected disposition 
of the citizens in his favour, Cosmo hastened from his seat at 
Mugello to Florence, where, on the ninth day of January, 
1536, he was invested with the sovereignty by the more 
modest title of chief of the republic. Despotism generally 


332 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


proceeds with cautious steps, and Augustus and Cosmo 
affected the name of citizen, whilst they governed with abso¬ 
lute authority. 

To the election of Cosmo little opposition had been made 
within the city. The proposition of Pallas Rucellai, to admit 
the party of the Strozzi to their deliberations, and that of 
Giovanni Canigiani, to place the supreme command in an 
illegitimate and infant son of Alessandro, had met with few 
supporters. 49 But the numerous exiles, who by compulsion, 
or in disgust, had quitted their native country during the 
government of Alessandro, had already begun to convene 
together from all parts of Italy, in hopes of effecting their 
restoration, and of establishing a form of government more 
consistent with their views. The cardinals Rodolfi and Sal- 
viati, both grandsons of Lorenzo the Magnificent, Bartolomeo 
Yalori, and other citizens of high rank, uniting with Filippo 
Strozzi, raised a considerable body of troops, and approached 
towards the city; but more powerful parties had already in¬ 
terposed, and the fate of Florence no longer depended on the 
virtue or the courage of its inhabitants, but on the will of the 
emperor, or on the precarious aid of the French. Sensible of 
the advantages which he had already obtained by holding at 
his devotion the Florentine state, and that such influence was 
inconsistent with a republican government, Charles Y. openly 
approved of the election of Cosmo, and directed his troops 
then in Italy to support his cause. The exiles having pos¬ 
sessed themselves of the fortress of Montemurlo, in the vici¬ 
nity of Florence, were unexpectedly attacked there by the 
Florentine troops under the command of Alessandro Yitelli, 
in the night of the first of August, 1538, and their defeat 
fixed the destiny of their country. Bartolomeo Yalori, with 
his two sons, and Filippo, his nephew, was made prisoner, 
and conducted to Florence, where he, with one of his sons, 
and his nephew, was decapitated. Many others of the 
insurgents experienced a similar fate. The rest were con¬ 
signed to the dungeons in different parts of Tuscany. Filippo 
Strozzi, the magnanimous assertor of the liberties of his 
country, languished upwards of twelve months in the pri¬ 
sons of Castello, and his situation became more hopeless in 
proportion as the authority of Cosmo became more established- 


CONCLUSION. 


333 


After an interval of time which ought to have obliterated the 
remembrance of his offence, he was cruelly subjected to tor¬ 
ture, under the pretext of discovering the accomplices of his 
unfortunate enterprise. Finding that the remonstrances of 
his friends with the emperor and the duke were not only in¬ 
effectual, but that the latter had resolved to expose his forti¬ 
tude to a second trial, he called to his mind the example of 
Cato of Utica, and fell by his own hand, a devoted victim to 
the cause of freedom. 50 

Thus terminated the Florentine republic, which had sub¬ 
sisted amidst the agitations of civil commotions, and the shock 
of external attacks, for upwards of three centuries, and had 
produced from its circumscribed territory a greater number 
of eminent men than any other country in Europe. This 
singular pre-eminence is chiefly to be attributed to the nature 
of its government, which called forth the talents of every rank 
of citizens, and admitted them without distinction to the chief 
offices of the state. But the splendour which the Florentines 
derived from examples of public virtue, and efforts of super¬ 
lative genius, was frequently tarnished by the sanguinary 
contests of rival parties. The beneficent genius of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici for a time removed this reproach, and combined a 
state of high intellectual improvement with the tranquillity of 
well-ordered government. The various pursuits in which he 
himself engaged appear, indeed, to have been subservient 
only to the great purpose of humanizing and improving his 
countrymen. His premature death left the commonwealth 
without a pilot; and after a long series of agitation, the hap¬ 
less wreck became a rich and unexpected prize to Cosmo de’ 
Medici. With Cosmo, who afterwards assumed the title of 
grand duke, commences a dynasty of sovereigns, which con¬ 
tinued in an uninterrupted succession until the early part of 
the eighteenth century, when the sceptre of Tuscany passed 
from the imbecile hands of Gaston de’ Medici, into the stronger 
grasp of the family of Austria. During the government ot 
Cosmo, the talents of the Florentines, habituated to great 
exertions, but suddenly debarred from further interference 
with the direction of the state, sought out new channels, and 
displayed themselves in works of genius and of art, which 
threw a lustre on the sovereign, and gave additional credit to 


334 


LIFE OF LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


the new establishment; but as those who were born under 
the republic retired in the course of nature, the energies of 
the Florentines gradually declined. Under the equalizing 
hand of despotism, whilst the diffusion of literature was pro¬ 
moted, the exertions of original genius were suppressed. The 
numerous and illustrious families, whose names had for ages 
been the glory of the republic, the Soderini, the Strozzi, the 
Ridolfi, the Ruccellai, the Valori, and the Capponi, who had 
negotiated with monarchs, and influenced by their personal 
characters the politics of Europe, sunk at once to the uniform 
level of subjects, and became the subordinate and domestic 
officers of the ruling family. From this time the history of 
Florence is the history of the alliances, the negotiations, the 
virtues, or the vices of its reigning prince; and even towards 
these the annals of the times furnish but scanty documents. 
The Florentine historians, as if unwilling to perpetuate the 
records of their subjugation, have almost invariably closed 
their labours with the fall of the republic, and the desire of 
information fortunately terminates at that period when the 
materials for supplying it are not to be found. 


A SUOI COMPATRIOTTI, 


AMATORI DELLA BELLA FAVELLA ITALTANA, 

V Editore. 

Nel darvi a leggere questi poemetti, che il mio caro amico, 
e concittadino, il Sig. Guglielmo Clarke, accuratamente 
trasse dagli originali esistenti nella Libreria Mediceo-Lauren- 
ziana, d’ altro non occorre avvertirvi, se non, che per darvi 
un saggio della lingua Toscana, nel secolo del 1400, l’antica 
ortografia e stata, per quanto fu possibile, conservata. 


POESIE 


DEL M AGNIFICO 

LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


TRATTE DA TESTI A PENN A 


DELLA LIBRER1A MEDIOEO-LAURENZIANA. 


337 


A M B R A. 

FAVOLA. 


Fugita e la stagion, ch’ avea conversi 
E fiori in pomi gia maturi, e colti; 

In ramo piu non pud foglia tenersi, 

Ma sparte per li boschi assai men folti 
Si fan sentir, se avvien che gli attraversi 
II cacciator, e poclii paion molti: 

La fera, se ben 1’ orme vaghe asconde, 

Mon va secreta per le secche fronde. 

Fra gli arbor secchi stassi ’1 lauro lieto, 

E di Ciprigna 1’ odorato arbusto; 

Yerdeggia nelle bianche Alpe 1* abeto, 

E piega i rami gia di neve onusto; 

Tiene il cipresso qualche uccel secreto; 

E con venti combatte il pin robusto; 

L’ umil ginepro con le acute foglie, 

Le man non pugne altrui, che ben le coglie, 

L’ uliva, in qualche dolce piaggia aprica, 
Secondo il vento, par or verde, or bianca 
Natura in questa tal serba, e nutrica, 

Quel verde, che nell’ altre fronde manca: 
Gia i peregrini uccei con gran fatica 
Hanno condotto la famiglia stanca 
Di la del mare, e pel cammin lor mostri 
Nereidi, Tritoni, e gli altri mostri. 


z 


338 


TOESIE 


Ha combattuto dell’ imperio, e vinto 

La notte, e prigion mena il breve giorno: 

Nel ciel seren d’ eterne fiamme cinto 
Lieta il carro stellato mena intorno; 

Ne prima surge, ch’ in oceano tinto 
Si vede 1’ altro aurato carro adorno; 

Orion freddo col coltel minaccia 
Phebo, se mostra a noi la bella faccia. 

Seguon questo notturno carro ardente 
Vigilie, escubie, sollecite cure, 

E ’1 sonno, e bench& si a molto potente, 

Queste importune il vincon spesso pure, 

E i dolci sogni, che ingannon la mente, 
Quando h oppressa da fortune dure: 

Di sanita, d’ assai tesor fa festa 
Alcun, che infermo e povero si desta. 

0 miser quel, che in notte cosi lunga 
Non dorme, e 1 disiato giorno aspetta; 

Se avvien, che molto, e dolce disio il punga, 
Quale il futuro giorno li prometta; 

E benche ambo le ciglia insieme aggiunga, 

E i pensier tristi escluda, e i dolci ammetta; 
Dormendo, o desto, accioche il tempo inganni, 
Gli par la notte un secol di cent’ anni. 

O miser chi tra 1’ onde trova fuora 
Si lunga notte, assai lontan dal lito; 

E ’1 cammin rompe della cieca prora 
Il vento, e freme il mar un fer mugito; 

Con molti prieghi, e voti 1’ Aurora 
Chiamata, sta col suo vecchio marito: 

Numera tristo, e disioso guarda 

I passi lenti della notte tarda. 

Quanto e diversa, anzi contraria sorte 
De’ lieti amanti nell* algente bruma, 

A cui le notti sono chiare, e corte, 

II giorno oscuro, e tardo si consuma. 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


339 


Nell a stagion cosi gelida, e forte, 

Gia rivestiti di novella piuma, 

Hanno deposto gli augelletti alquanto, 

Non so s’ io dica, o lieti versi, o pianto. 

Stridendo in ciel e gru veggonsi a lunge 
L’ aere stampar di varie, e belle forme; 

E 1’ ultima col collo steso aggiunge 
Ov’ e quella dinanzi alle vane orme; 

E poiche negli aprichi lochi giunge, 

Vigile un guarda, e 1’ altra schiera dorme; 
Cuoprono i prati, e van leggier pe’ laghi 
Mille spetie d’ uccei, dipinti, e vaghi. 

L’ Aquila spesso col volato lento 

Minaccia tutti, e sopra il stagno vola, 

Levonsi insieme, e caccionla col vento 
Delle penne stridenti, e se pur sola 
Una fuor resta del pennuto armento, 

L’ uccei di Giove subito la in vola: 

Resta ingannata misera, se crede 
Andarne a Giove come Ganimede. 

Zefiro s’ e fuggito in Cipri, e bella 
Co’ fiori ozioso per 1’ erbetta lieta; 

L’ aria non piii serena, bella, e gialla, 

Borea, ed Aquilon rompe, ed inquieta: 

L’ acqua corrente, e querula incristalla 
II ghiaccio, e stracca or si riposa cheta: 

Preso il pesce nell’ onda dura, e chiara, 

Resta come in ambra aurea zanzara. 

Quel monte, che s’ oppone a Cauro fero, 

Che non molest! il gentil lior cresciuto 
Nel suo grembo d’ onor, ricchezze, e ’mpero, 

Cigne di nebbie il capo gia canuto; 

Gli omer cadenti giu dal capo altero 
Cuoprono i bianchi crini, e ’1 petto irsuto 
L’ orribil barba, ch’ e pel ghiaccio rigida: 

Fan gli occhi, e I naso un fonte, e ’1 ciel lo ’nfrigid#. 
z 2 


340 


POESIE 


La nebulosa ghirlanda, che eigne 

L’ alte tempie, gli mette Noto in testa; 
Borea dall’ Alpe poi la caccia, e spigne, 

E nudo, e bianco, il vecchio capo resta; 
Noto sopra 1* ale umide, e maligne 
Le nebbie porta, e par di nuovo il vesta; 
Cosi Morello irato, or carco, or lieve, 
Minaccia al pian subietto or acqua, or neve. 

Partesi d’ Etiopia caldo e tinto 
Austro, e sazia le assettate spugne, 

Nell’ onde salse di Tirreno intinto, 

Appena a’ destinati luoghi giugne, 

Gravido d’ acqua, e da nugoli cinto, 

E stanco stringe poi ambo le pugne; 

I fiumi lieti contro alle acque amiche 
Escono allor delle caverne antiche. 

Rendono grazie ad Ocean padre adorni 
D’ulve, e di fronde fluvial le tempie; 

Suonan per festa conche, e torti corni, 
Tumido il ventre gia, superbo sempre, 

Lo sdegno conceputo molti giorni 
Contro alle ripe timide s’ adempie; 

Spumoso ha rotto gia 1’ inimic’ argine, 

Ne serva il corso dell’ antico m argine. 

Non per vie torte, o per cammino oblico, 

A guisa di serpenti, a gran volumi 
Sollecitan la via al padre antico; 

Congiungo 1’ onde insieme i lontan fiumi, 

E dice I’ uno all’ altro, come amico, 

Nuove del suo paese, e de’ costumi; 

Cosi parlando insieme in strana voce, 
Ciercon, ne truovon, la smarrita foce. 

Quando gonfiato, e largo si ristrigne 
Tra gli alti monti d’ una chiusa valle, 

Stridon frenate, turbide, e maligne 
L’ onde, e miste con terra paion gialle: 


DI LORENZO De’ MEDICI. 


341 


E gravi petre sopra petre pigne, 

Irato a’ sassi dell’ angusto calle; 

L’ onde spumose gira, e orribil freme: 
Yede il pastor dafi’ alto, e sicur teme. 

Tal fremito piangendo rende trista 
La terra dentro al cavo ventre adusta; 
Caccia col fumo fuor fiamma, e acqua mists 
Gridando, che esce per la bocca angusta; 
Terribile agli orecchi, et alia vista: 

Teme vicina il suono alta, e combusta 
Yolterra, e i lagon torbidi, che spumano, 

E piova aspetta se pin. alto fumano. 

Cosi crucciato il fer torrente frende 
Superbo, e le contrarie ripe rode; 

Ma poiche nel pian largo si distende, 

Quasi contenta, allora appena s’ ode: 
Incerto se in su torna, o se pur scende, 

Ha di monti distanti fatto prode; 

Gia vincitor, al cheto lago incede, 

Di rami, e tronchi pien, montane prede. 

Appena e suta a tempo la villana 
Pavida a aprir alle bestie la stalla; 

Porta il figlio, che piange nella zana; 

Segue la figlia grande, et ha la spalla 
Grave di panni vili, lini, e lana: 

Ya 1’ altra vecchia masseritia a galla: 
Nuotano i porci, e spaventati i buoi, 

Le pecorelle, che non si toson poi. 

Alcun della famiglia s’ e ridotto 
In cima della casa, e su dal tetto 
La povera ricchezza vede ir sotto, 

La fatica, la speme, e per sospetto 
Di se stesso, non duolsi, e non fa motto; 
Teme alia vita il cor nel tristo petto, 

Ne di quel ch’ e pm car par conto faccia; 
Cosi la maggior cura ogni altra caccia. 


342 


POESIE 


La nota, e verde ripa allor non frena 
I pesci lieti, che han pm ampj spazi: 

L’ antica, e giusta voglia alquanto e piena 
Di veder nuovi liti; e non ben sazj 
Questo nuovo piacer vaghi li mena 
A veder le ruine, e i grandi Gtrazj 
Degli edificj, e stotto 1’ acqua i muri 
Veggon lieti, ed ancor non ben sicuri. 

In guisa allor di piccola isoletta, 

Ombrone, amante superbo, Ambra eigne; 
Ambra non meno da Lauro diletta, 

Geloso, se ’1 rival la tocca, e strigne; 
Ambra Driade a Delia sua accetta, 

Quanto alcuna che stral fuor d’ arco pigne; 
Tanto bella, e gentil ch’ al fin le noce, 
Leggier di piedi, e piu ch’ altra veloce. 

Fu da’ primi anni questa Nympha amata 
Dal suo Lauro gentil, pastore alpino, 

D’ un casto amor, non era penetrata 
Lasciva fiamma al petto peregrino; 
Fugiendo il caldo un di nuda era entrata 
Nelle onde fredde d’ Ombron, d’ Appenino 
Figlio, superbo in vista, e ne’ costumi, 

Pel padre antico, et cento frati fiumi. 

Come le membra verginali entrorno 
Nelle acque brune e gelide, sentio, 

Et, mosso da leggiadro corpo adorno, 

Della spelonca usci 1’ altero Dio, 

Dalla sinistra prese il torto corno, 

E nudo il resto, accieso di disio, 

Difende il capo inculto a’ phebei raggi, 
Coronato d’ abeti, e montan faggi. 

E verso il loco ove la Nympha stassi, 

Giva pian pian, coperto dalle fronde; 

Ne era visto, ne sentire i passi 
Lasciava il mormorio delle chiare onde; 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


343 


Cosi yicin tanto alia Nympha fassi, 

Che giunger crede le sue treccie bionde, 

E quella bella Nympha in braccio havere, 

E nudo, il nudo e bel corpo tenere. 

Sicome pesce, alhor che incauto cuopra 
El pescator con rara et sottil maglia, 

Fuggie la rete qual sente di sopra, 

Lasciando per fuggir alcuna scaglia; 

Cosi la Nympha, quando par si scuopra, 

Fuggie lo Dio, che adosso se le scaglia; 

Ne fu si presta, anzi fu si presto elli, 

Che in man lasciolli alcun de’ suoi capelli. 

E saltando dell’ onde strigne il passo, 

Di timor piena fuggie nuda, e scalza; 

Lascia i panni. e li strali, et il turcasso; 

Non cura i pruni acuti, o’ 1’ aspra balza; 

Resta lo Dio dolente, afflitto, e lasso, 

Pel dolor le man stringe, al ciel gli occhi alza, 
Maladisce la man crudele, e tarda, 

Quando i biondi capelli svelti guarda. 

E seguendola alhor, diceva, o mano 
A vellere i bei crin presta, e feroce, 

Ma a tener quel corpo piii che humano, 

E farmilieto, ohime, poco veloce: 

Cosi piangendo il primo errore invano, 

Credendo almeno aggiugrier con la voce 
Dove arrivar non puote il passo tardo, 

Gridava, o Nympha, un flume sono, et ardo; 

Tu m’ accendesti in mezzo alle fredde acque 
El petto d’ uno ardente desir cieco; 

Perche, come nell’ onde il corpo giacque 
Non giace, che staria meglio, con meco? 

Se 1’ ombra, e 1’ aequa mia chiara ti piacque, 

Piu belle ombre, piii belle acque ha il mio speco; 
Piaccionti le mie cose, e non piaccio io? 

Et son pur d’Appenin figliuolo, et Dio. 


344 


POESIE 


La Nympha fuggie, e sorda a’ prieghi fassi, 

A’ bianchi pie aggiugne ale il timore; 
Sollecita lo Dio correndo i passi, 

Fatti a seguir veloci dall’ amore; 

Vede da pruni et da taglienti sassi, 

I bianchi pie ferir con gran dolore; 

Crescie el desio, pel quale aghiaccia, e suda, 
Yeggendola fuggir, si bella, e nuda. 

Timida, e vergognosa Ambra pur corre, 

Nel corso a’ venti rapidi non cede; 

Le leggier piante sulle spighe porre 
Potria, e sosterrieno il gentil piede; 

Yedesi Ombrone ognor piu campo torre, 

La Nympha ad ogni passo manco vede, 

Gia nel pian largo tanto il corso avanza, 

Che di giugnerla perde ogni speranza. 

Gia pria per li monti aspri, e repenti 
Yenia tra sassi con rapido corso, 

I passi alti, manco espediti, e lenti, 

Faceano a lui sperar qualche soccorso; 

Ma giunto, lasso, giii ne’ pian patenti, 

Fu messo quasi al fiume stanco un morso, 
Poi che non puo col pie, per la campagna 
Col disio e cogli occhi 1’ accompagna. 

Che debbe far 1* innamorato Dio, 

Poiche la bella Nympha piu non giugne? 
Quanto gli e piu negata, piii desio 
L’ innamorato cor accende, e pugne; 

La Nympha era gia presso ove Arno mio 
Ricieve Ombrone, e 1’ onde sue congiugne, 
Ombrone, Arno veggiendo, si conforta, 

E surge alquanto la speranza morta. 

Grida da lungi; o Arno, a cui rifugge 
La maggior parte di noi fiumi Toschi, 

La bella Nympha, che come ucciel fugge, 
Da me seguita in tanti monti, e boschi, 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


345 


Sanza alcuna pietate, il cor mi strugge, 

Ne par, che amor il duro cor conoschi; 
Rendimi lei, e la speranza persa; 

E il legier corso suo rompi, e ’ntraversa. 

Io sono Ombron, che le mie cerule onde 
Per te racoglio, a te tutte le serbo, 

E fatte tue diventon si profonde, 

Che sprezzi e ripe, e ponti alto e superbo; 
Questa e mia preda, e queste treccie bionde, 
Quali in man porto con dolore acerbo, 

Ne fan chiar segno; in te mia speme e sola; 
Soccorri presto, che la Nympha vola. 

Arno udendo Ombrone, da pieta mosso, 

Perche el tempo non basta a far risposta, 
Ritenne 1’ acqua, e gia gonfiato, e grosso, 

Da lungi al corso della bell’ Ambra osta; 

Fu da nuovo timor freddo, e percosso 
Il vergin petto, quanto piu s’ accosta; 

Drieto Ombron sente, e inanzi vede un lago, 
Ne sa che farsi el cor gelato, et vago. 

Come fera cacciata, e poi difesa, 

Dei can fuggiendo la bocca bramosa, 

Fuor del periglio gia, la rete tesa 
Yeggiendo inanzi agli occhi paurosa, 

Quasi gia certa d’ haver esser presa, 

Ne fuggie inanzi, o indrieto tornare osa; 
Teme i can, alia rete non si fida, 

Non sa che farsi, e spavantata grida. 

Tal della bella Nympha era la sorte, 

Da ogni parte da paura oppressa, 

Non sa che farsi, se non desiar morte; 

Yede 1’ un flume, e 1’ altro, che s’ appressa; 
E disperata alhor gridava forte: 

O casta Dea, a cui io fui concessa 
Dal caro padre, e dalla madre antica, 

Unica aita all’ ultima fatica. 


346 


POESIE 


Diana bella, questo petto casto 
Non maeulo giammai folle disio, 

Guardalo hor tu, perch’ io Nympha non basio 
A duo nimici, e 1’ uno e 1’ altro e Dio; 

Col desio del morir m’ e sol rimasto 
A1 core il casto amor di Lauro mio; 

Portate, o venti, questa voce estrema 
A Lauro mio, che la mia morte gema. 

Ne eron quasi della bocca fuore 
Queste parole, che i candidi piedi 
Furno occupati da novel rigore, 

Crescierli poi, e farsi un sasso vedi; 

Mutar le membra, e ’1 bel corpo colore, 

Ma pur, che fussi gia donna, ancor credi; 

Le membra mostron, come suol figura 
Bozzata, e non finita in petra dura. 

Ombrone pel corso faticato, e lasso, 

Per la speranza della cara preda, 

Prende nuovo vigore, e strigne il passo, 

E par, che quasi in braccio haver la creda; 
Crescier veggiendo inanzi agli oclii un sasso, 
Ignaro ancor, non sa d’ onde proceda; 

Ma poi veggiendo vana ogni sua voglia, 

Si ferma pien di maraviglia, e doglia. 

Come in un parco, cerva, o altra fera, 

Ch* e di materia, o picciol muro chiuso, 
Soprafatta dai can, campar non spera, 

Vicina al muro e per timor Ih suso 
Salta, e si lieva inanzi al can leggiera, 

Resta il can dentro, misero e deluso, 

Non potendo seguir ove e salita, 

Fermasi, e guarda il loco onde e fuggita. 

Cosi lo Dio ferma la veloce orma, 

Guarda piatoso il bel sasso crescente; 

Il sasso, che ancor serba qualche forma 
Di bella Donna, e qualche poco sente; 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


347 


E come amore e la pieta 1* informa, 

Di pianto bagna il sasso amaramente; 
Dicendo: o Ambra mia, queste son 1’ acque, 
Ove bagnar gia il bel corpo ti piacque; 

Io non harei creduto in dolor tanto, 

Che la propria pieta vinta da quella 
Della mia Nympha, si fuggissi alquanto, 

Per la maggior pieta d’ Ambra mia bella; 
Questa, non gia mia, move in me il pianto: 
E v pur la vita trista, e meschinella, 
Anchorche eterna; quando meco penso 
E' peggio in me, che in lei non haver senso. 

Lasso, ne monti miei paterni eccelsi 
Son tante Nymphe, e sicura e ciascuna, 

Fra mille belle la piii bella scelsi, 

Non so come; et amando sol quest’ una, 
Primo segno d’ amore, i crini svelsi; 

Et cacciala dell’ acqua fresca e bruna, 
Tenera, e nuda: e poi, fuggiendo esangue, 
Tinge le spine e i sassi il sacro sangue. 

Et finalmente in un sasso conversa, 

Per colpa sol del mio crudel disio: 

Non so, non sendo mia, come 1’ ho persa, 

Ne posso perder questo viver rio; 

In questo e troppo la mia sorte awersa, 
Misero essendo et immortale Dio; 

Che s’ io potessi pur almen morire, 

Potria el giusto immoi tal dolor finire. 

Io ho imparato come si compiaccia 

A Donna amata, et il suo amor guadagni; 
Che a quella ehe piii ami, piu dispiaccia. 

O Borea algente, che gelato stagni, 

L’ acqua corrente fa s’ induri, e ghiaccia, 
Che petrafatta la Nympha accompagni; 

Ne Sol giammai co’ raggi chiari e gialli 
Risolva in acqua i rigidi cristalli. 


348 


POESIE 


LA CACCIA COL FALCONE. 

Era gia rosso tutto 1* oriente, 

E le cime de’ monti parien d’ oro; 

La passeretta schiamazzar si sente; 

El contadin tornava al suo lavoro; 

Le stelle eron fugite, e gia presente 
Si vedea quasi quel, ch’ amo 1* alloro; 
Ritornavansi al bosco molto in fretta 
U alocho, el barbagianni, e la civetta. 

La volpe ritornava alia sua tana; 

El lupo ritornava al suo diserto, 

Era venuta e sparita Diana, 

Per6 egli saria suto scoperto: 

Havea gia la sollecita villana 
Alle pecore, e i porci V uscio aperto; 

Netta era 1* aria, fresca, e cristallina, 

Et aspettar buon di per la mattina. 

Quando fui desto da certi romori 
Di buon sonagli, et allettar di cani: 

Hor su andianne presto, ucellatori, 

Perche gli e tardi, e i luoghi son lontani: 

El canattier sia ’1 primo ch’ esca fuori; 

Almen che sian de’ cavalli stamani; 

Non si guastassi di can qualche paio; 

Deh vanne innanzi presto, capellaio. 

Adunque il capellaio nanzi camina, 

Chiama Tamburo, Pezuolo, e Martello, 

La Foglia, la Castagna, e la Guerrina, 

Fagiano, Fagianin, Roca, e Capello, 

E Friza, e Biondo, Bamboccio, e Rosina, 
Ghiotto, la Torta, Viola, e Pestello, 

E Serchio, e Fuse, e 1 mio Buontempo vecchio, 
Zambraco, Buratel, Scaccio, e Penecchio. 


DI LORENZO DE MEDICI. 


349 


Quando hanno i can di campo preso un pezzo, 
Quattro segugi van con quattro sparvieri; 
Guglielmo, che per suo antico vezzo 
Sempre quest’ arte ha fatto volontieri; 
Giovanni Franco, e Dionigi il sezzo, 

Che innanzi a lui cavalca il Fogla Amieri; 
Ma perchc era buon’ ora la mattina, 

Mentre cavalca Dionigi inchina. 

Ma la fortuna, che ha sempre piacere 

Di Sir diventar brun quel, ch’ e piu bianco, 
Dormendo Dionigi fa cadere 
Appunto per disgrazia al lato manco; 

Si che cadendo adosso alio sparviere, 
Ruppegli un’ alia, e macinnolli il fianco, 
Questo li piacque assai, benche nol dica, 
Che gli par esser fuor di gran fatica. 

Non cade Dionigi, ma rovina, 

E come debbi creder tocco fondo, 

Che com un tratto egli ha preso la china, 
Presto la truova com un sasso tondo; 

Disse fra se meglio era stamattina 
Restar nel letto, come fe Gismondo, 

Scalza, e in camiscia sulle pocce al fresco; 
Non c’ inciampo mai piu, se di quest’ esco. 

Io ho avuto pur poco intelletto 
A uscire staman si tosto fuori, 

Se mi restavo in casa nel mio letto, 

Per me meglio era, e per li uccellatori; 
Messo harei ’1 disinar bene in assetto, 

E la tovaglia adorn a di bei fiori; 

Meglio b stracar la coltrice, e ’1 guanciale, 
Che il cavallo, e ’1 famiglio, e farsi male. 

Intanto vuol lo sparviere impugnare, 

Ma gli e si rotto, che non pud far 1’ erta; 
Dionigi con la man 1’ osa pigliare, 

E pur ricade, e di questo s’ accerta, 


350 


POESIE 


Che d’ altro li bisogna procacciare; 

Hel rassettargli la manica aperta 
Le man ghermilli, e lui sotto se ’1 caccia, 
Saltolli adosso, e fenne una cofaccia. 

Dov’ e ’1 Corona? ov’ e Giovan Simone? 
Dimanda, Braccio, ov’ & quel del gran naso? 
Braccio ripose; a me varie cagione 
Fatto han ch’ ognun di loro sia rimaso; 

Non prese mai il Corona uno starnone, 

Se per disgrazia non 1* ha preso, o a caso; 

Se s’ e lasciato adunque non s’ ingiuria: 
Menarlo seco e cattiva auguria. 

Luigi Pulci ov’ e, che non si sente? 

Egli se n’ andd dianzi in quel boschetto, 

Che qualche fantasia ha per la mente, 

Yorra fantasticar forse un sonetto; 

Guarti Corona, che se non si pente, 

E’ barbott6 staman molto nel letto, 

E sentii ricordarli te Corona, 

Et a cacciarti in frottola, o in canzona. 

Giovan Simone ha gia preso la piega 
D* andarne, senza dire alii altri addio; 

Senza licenzia n’ e ito a bottega, 

Di che gran sete tiene, e gran desio; 

Luigi quando il fiero naso piega, 

Cani, e cavalli adombra, e fa restio; 

Per questo ognun che resti si contenta, 

Cio che lo vede fuggie, e si spaventa. 

Restono adunque tre da uccellare, 

E drieto a questi andava molta gente; 

Chi per piacere, chi pur per guardare; 
Bartolo, et Ulivier, Braccio e il Patente, 
Che mai non vidde piu starne volare; 

Et io con lor mi missi parimente, 

Pietro Alamanni, e il Pontinar Giovanni 
Che pare in sulla nona un barbagianni. 


DI LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 

Strozzo drieto a cost or, come maestro 
Di questa gente, andava scosto un poco; 
Come qucllo che v’ era molto destro, 

E molte volte ha fatto simil gioco; 

E tanto cavalcamo pel silvestro, 

Che finalmente fumo giunti al loco 
Piu bel, che mai vedesse creatura: 

Per uccellar F ha fatto la natura. 

E si vedea una gentil Valletta, 

Un fossatel con certe macchie in mezzo, 
Da ogni parte rimunita, e netta, 

Sol nel fossato star possono al rezzo; 

Era da ogni lato una piaggetta, 

Che d’ uccellar facea venir riprezzo 
A chi non avessi occhi, tanto e bella; 

El mondo non ha una pari a quella. 

Scaldava il Sole al monte gia le spalle, 

E 1 resto della valle e ancora ambrosa; 
Quando giunta la gente in su quel calle, 
Prima a vedere, e disegnar si posa, 

E poi si spargon tutti per la valle; 

E perche a punto riesca ogni cosa, 

Chi va co’ can chi alia guardia, al getto, 
Sicome Strozzo ha ordinato, e detto. 

Era da ogni parte uno sparviere 
Alto in buon luogo da poter, gittare; 

L’ altro a capo n’ era del canattiere, 

E alia brigata lo vorra scagliare; 

Era Bartolo al fondo, et Uliviere, 

Et alcun altro per poter guardare 
A mezza piaggia; e in una bella stoppia, 
El cappellaio ai can leva la coppia. 

Non altrimenti quando la trombetta 
Sente alle mosse il lieve barbaresco, 
Parte correndo, o vuo dir, vola in fretta 
Cosi i cani, che sciolti son di fresco; 


352 


POESIE 


E se non pur che ’1 canattier gli aletta, 
Chiamando alcuni, et a chi squote il pescho, 
Sarebbe il seguitarli troppa pena; 

Pur la pertica, e il fischio li rafrena. 

Tira buon can, su, tira su, cammina, 

Andianne, andianne, torna qui, te, torna; 
Ah sciagurato Tamburo, e Guerrina, 

Abiate cura a Serchio, che soggiorna; 

Ah bugiardo, ah poltron, volgi Rossina, 
Guata buon can, guata brigata adorna; 

Te, Fagiano, o che volta fu mai quella: 

In questo modo il canattier favella. 

State avveduti, ah Scaccio, frulla, frulla; 

E che leva cacciando Y amor mio? 

Ma io non veggo pero levar nulla, 

E n’ha pur voglia, e n’ ha pur gran desio; 
Guarda la Torta la che si trastulla, 

0 che romor faranno, e gia ’1 sent’ io; 

Chi salta, e balla, e chi le levera, 

Di questi cani il miglior can sera. 

Io veggo che Buontempo e in su la traccia. 

Ye’ che le corre, e le fara levare, 

Habbi cura a Buontempo, che e’ le caccia, 
Parmi vederle, e sentirle frullare, 

Benche e’ sia vecchio assai, non ti dispiaccia, 
Ch’ io T ho veduto, e so quel che sa fare, 

Io so, che ’1 mio Buontempo mai non erra, 
Ecco, a te Ulivier, guardale a terra. 

Guarda quell’ altra all’ erta, una al fossato, 

Non ti diss’ io, che mi parea sentire? 
Guardane una alia vigna, e 1* altr’ allato, 
Guardane dua da me, guardane mille; 

Alla brigata prima havea gittato 
Giovan Francesco, et empieva le ville 
Di grida, e di conforti al suo uccello; 

Ma per la fretta gitto col cappello. 


DI LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


353 


Ecco Guglielmo a te una ne viene, 

Cava il cappello, et alzerai la mano; 

Non istar piu Guglielmo, eceo a te, bene; 
Guglielmo getta, e grida, alii villano! 

Segue la starna, e drieto ben le tiene 
Quello sparviere, e in tempo momentano 
Dette in aria forse cento braccia; 

Poi cadde in terra, e gia la pela, e straccia. 

Garri a quel can, Guglielmo grida forte, 

Che corre per cavargnene di pie; 

E perche le pertiche erono corte, 

Un Basso prese, et a Guerrina die; 

Poi corre giu, sanz’ aspettar piu scorte, 

E quando presso alio sparvier piu e, 

Non lo veggendo, cheto usava stare. 

Per udir se lo sente sonaglare. 

E cosi stando gli venne veduto; 

Presto, grida, a caval, la prima e presa; 

Lieto a lui vanne destro, et avveduto; 

Come colui, che 1* arte ha bene intesa; 

Preseli il geto, e per quel 1’ ha tenuto; 

Dalli il capo, e ’1 cervello, e non li pesa; 
Sgermillo, e 1* unghia e ’1 becco gli liavea netto; 
Poi rimisse il cappello, e torna a getto. 

Giovan Francesco intanto havea ripreso 
11 suo sparviere, e preso miglior loco; 

Parli veder, che a lui ne venga teso 
Uno starnone, e come presso un poco 
Gli fu, egli ha tutte le dita esteso, 

E gitto come maestro di tal gioco; 

Giunse la starna, e perche era vecchia, 

Si fe lasciare, e tutto lo spennecchia. 

In vero egli era un certo sparverugio, 

Che somigliava un gheppio, tanto e poco, 

Non credo preso havesse un calderugio; 

Se non faceva tosto, o in breve loco, 

A A 



354 


POESIE 


Non havere speranza nello indugio: 

Quando e’ non piglia, e’ si levava a gioco; 

E la cagione che quell tratto e’ non prese, 
Fu, che non vi avea il capo, e non vi attese. 

Intanto venne uno starnone all* erta, 

Yiddelo il Fogla, e fece un gentil getto; 

Lo sparvier vola per la piaggia aperta, 

E presegnene innanzi al dirimpetto; 

Corre giu il Fogla, e pargnene haver certa, 
Pero che lo sparvier molto e perfetto; 
Preselo al netto, ove non era stecco, 

E in terra insanguinolli i piedi, e ’1 becco. , 

E questo fe che lo sparviere e soro, 

Et intanto Ulivier forte gridava; 

Chiama giu il cappellaio, chiama costoro, 
Guardate una n’ e qui, cosi parlava, 

Tu lega i can, pero che basta loro 
La Rocca, che di sottera le cava; 

Vien giu Guglielmo, non ti star al rezzo, 

E tu, e’l Fogla la mettete in mezzo. 

Cosi fu fatto, e come sono in punto, 

Il canattier dicea, sotto Rocca; 

Qui cadde, ve’, e se tu ’1 harai giunto, 

Siesi tuto, corri qui, te, ponli bocca; 

Poi dice, havete voi guardato a punto? 

Et in quel lo starnon del fondo scocca; 

Ecco a te Fogla: e ’1 Fogla grida, e getta, 

E ’1 simil fe Guglielmo molto in fretta. 

Lascio la starna andare lo sparviere, 

Et attende a fugir quel, die gli ha drieto; 
Disse Guglielmo, tu 1’ hai, Fogla Amieri; 

* * * # 

Corri tu, che vi se’ presso, Ulivieri, 

Diceva il Fogla, e Guglielmo sta cheto; 
Corse Ulivieri, e come a loro e sceso, 

Vidde, che 1’ uno sparviere ha 1* altro preso. 



DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


3 55 


Quel del Fogla havea preso per la gorga 
Quel di Guglf Imo, e crede, che ’1 suo si i; 
Perchc a Guglielmo tal parole porga: 

La tua e stata pur gran villania, 

Non credo a starne lo sparviere scorga, 

Ma a sparvieri; egli e troppa pazzia, 

A impacciarsi uccellando con fanciulli; 
Questi non son buon giochi, o buon trastulli. 

Guglielmo queto sta, e gran fatica 
Dura a tener 1’ allegrezza coperta; 

Pur con humil parole par che dica; 

Io non lo viddi, e questa e cosa certa, 

E questo pin, e piu volte riplica; 

Intanto il Fogla havea gia sceso l’erta, 

E come alio sparviere e prossimano, 

Quel di Guglielmo h guasto, il suo e sano. 

E getta presto il suo loghero in terra, 

Lo sparviere non men presto rispose, 

E come a vincitor in quella guerra, 

Yezzi li fa, et assai piacevol cose; 

Vede intanto Guglielmo, che lui erra, 

E guasto h il suo sparviere, onde rispose 
A1 Fogla; tu se’ pur tu il villano, 

Et alzo presto per darli la mano. 

Ma come il Fogla s’ accorse dell’ atto, 

Scostossi un poco, accioch& non li dessi; 

Disse Guglielmo al Fogla, tu se’ matto, 

Se ne credi andar netto; e s’io credessi 
Non far vendetta di quel, che m’ hai fatto. 
Credo m’ impiccherei, e s’ io havessi 
Meco Michel di Giorgio, o’l Rannucino, 
Attenderesti ad altro, cervellino. 

El Fogla innanzi alia furia si leva, 

E stassi cheto, et ha pur patienza, 

E altro viso, e parole non haveva, 

Che quel, ch’ aspettando in favor la sentenza, 
A A 2 


356 


TOESIE 


E poi subitamente la perdeva; 

Disse Guglielmo; voglio haver prudenza, 
Terrolla a mente insino all’ hore extreme, 
E rivedremci qualche volta insieme. 

Gia il Sole, in verso mezzo giorno cal a, 

E vien 1* ombre stremando, che raccorcia; 
Da loro proportione e brutta e mala, 
Come a figura dipinta in iscorcia; 
Einforzava il suo canto la cicala, 

E ’1 mondo ardeva a guisa d’ una torcia; 
L’ aria sta cheta, et ogni fronde salda 
Nella stagion piu dispettosa, e calda. 

Quando il mio Dionigi tutto rosso, 

Sudando, come fassi un uovo fresco: 
Disse, star piu con voi certo non posso, 
Deh vientene almen tu Giovan Francesco 
Ma venitene tutti per ir grosso; 

Troppo sarebbe fiero barbaresco, 

Chi volessi hor, quando la terra e accesa, 
Aspettar piu per pascersi di presa: 

E detto questo, die voita ai cavallo, 

Senza aspettar Giovan Francesco ancora; 
Ciascun si mette presto a seguitallo, 

Che ’1 sole tutti consuma, e divora; 

El cappellaio vien drieto, e seguitallo 
I bracchi, ansando con la lingua fora; 
Quanto piu vanno, il caldo piu raddoppia; 
Pare appicciato il foco in ogni stoppia. 

Tornonsi a casa chi tristo, e chi lieto, 

E chi ha pieno il carnaiuol di starne; 
Alcun si sta senza, et e tristo e cheto, 

E bisogna procacci d’ altra carne; 
Guglielmo viene dispettoso a drieto, 

Ne puo di tanta guerra pace fame; 

Giovan Francesco gia non se ne cura; 

Che uccella per piacere, e per natura. 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 

E giunti a casa, riponeva il cuoio, 

E i can governa, e mette nella stalla 
II canattier; poi all’ infrescatoio 
Ilinovasi ognun co’ bicchieri a galla 
Quivi si fa un altro uccellatoio, 

Quivi le starne alcun non lascia, o falla; 
Pare trebbiano il vin, sendo cercone, 

Si fa la voglia le vivande buone. 

El primo assalto fu sanza romore, 

Ognuno attende a menar la mascella; 

Ma poi, passato nn po’ il primo furore, 
Chi d’ una cosa, chi d’ altra favella; 
Ciascuno al suo sparvier dava 1’ honore, 
Cercando d’ una scusa pronta, e bella; 

E chi molto non sa con lo sparviere, 

Si sforza hor qui col ragionare, e bere. 

Ogni cosa guastava la quistione 

Del Fogla con Guglielmo, onde si leva 
Su Dionigi con buona intentione, 

E in questo modo a Guglielmo diceva: 
Vuoci tu tor tanta consolatione? 

E benche il caso stran pur ti pareva, 

Fa che tu sia com son io discreto, 

Che averai il mio sparviere, e statti cheto. 

Queste parole, e questo dolce stile, 

Perche Guglielmo 1’ama, assai li piace; 

E perche gli era pur di cor gentile, 
Delibero col Fogla far la pace; 

Onde li disse con parole humile, 

Star piu teco non voglio in contumace, 

E voglio in pace tutto sofferire; 

Fatto questo ciascun vanne a dormire 

E quel che si sognassi per la notte, 

Quello sarebbe bello a poter dire; 

Ch’ io so, ch’ ognun rimetterk le dotte, 
Insino a terza vorranno dormire; 


358 


POESIE 


Poi ce n’ andremo insieme a quelle grotte, 
E qualche lasca farem fuora uscire, 

E cosi passo, compar, lieto il tempo. 

Con mille rime in zucchero, et a tempo. 


ELEGIA. 

Vinto dalli amorosi empj martirj, 

Piu volte ho gia la mano a scriver porta, 

Come il cor viva in pianti, et in sospiri, 

Donna, per farti del mio stato accorta; 

Ma poi, temendo non 1’ haressi a sdegno, 

Ho dal primo pensier la man distorta. 

Cosi mentre che dentro il foco al legno 
E stato acceso, hora il disio m’ ha spinto, 

Hor m’ ha paura ritenuto al segno: 

Ma piu celar non puossi; et gia depin to 
Porto el mio mal nella pallida faccia. 

Come chi da mal lungo e stanco, e vinto. 

El cor dentro avvampa hor, di fuor tutto aghiaccia 
Onde convien, che a maggior forza io ceda— 

* * * * 

Speme, soverchio amor, mia fedeltate 

Questo laccio amoroso hanno al cor stretto, 

Et furato lor dolce libertate. 

Ten veggio il perso ben, ma perch’ io aspetto 
Trovar, donna gentile, in te merzede 
Fa, che di ben seguirti ho gran diletto; 

Ch s’ egli e \ er quel ch’ altri dice, o crede, 

Che persa e belta in donna sanza amore; 

Te ingiuriar non vorrei, e la mia fede. 

Perche non cerco alcun tuo disonore, 

Ma sol la grazia tua, e che ti piacci, 

Che ’1 mio albergo sia dentro al tuo core, 



DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 359 

Mostron pur que’ belli occhi, e’ non ti spiacci 
El mio servire; e cosi amor mi guida 
Ognor piii dentro ne’ tenaci lacci; 

Nb restera giammai finche me occida, 

Donna, se tua pieta non mi soccorre, 

Che morte hor mi minaccia, et hor mi sfida: 

Ahi, folle mio pensier, che si alto porre 
Yuolse 1’ effetto; ma se a te m’ inchina, 

Madonna, il cielo, hor me li posso opporre? 

Cosi mi truovo in ardente fucina 

D’ am ore, et ardo, e son d’ arder contento, 

Ne cierco al mio mal grave medicina, 

Se non quando mancar li spirti sento; 

Alhor ritorno al veder li occhi belli; 

Cosi in parte s’ acqueta el mio tormento. 

Talchb se pur talvolta veder quelli 

Potessi, o in braccio haverti, o pure alquanto 
Tener le man ne’ crispi tua capelli, 

Mancherian i sospir, 1’ angoscia, el pianto, 

Et quel dol ore in che la mente e involta, 

E in cambio a quel saria dolcezza, e canto. 

Ma tu dalli amorosi lacci sciolta, 

Crudel, non curi di mie pene alhora, 

Anzi gli occhi mi ascondi, altrove volta. 

Li occhi tuo belli, lasso, ove dimora 
II pharetrato Amor ver me protervo, 

Ove suo dardi arruota, ove gl’ indora. 

Et cosi il mio dolor non disacervo, 

Ma resto quasi un corpo semivivo, 

Con piu grave tormento, et piii acervo. 

Ma fa quel vuoi di me per fin ch’ i’ vivo, 

Io t’ amero, poiche al ciel cosi piace; 

Cosi ti giuro, et di mia man ti scrivo. 

Ne gesti, o sguardi, o parola fallace 

D’ altra non creder dal tuo amor mi svella, 

Ch’ al sine i’ spero in te pur trovar pace. 

Solo a te pensa 1’ alma, et sol favella 
Di te la lingua, e il cor te sol vorrebbe, 

Ne altra donna agli occhi mia par bella. 


360 


POESIE 


Tanto amor, tanta fe certo dovrebbe 
Haver mossa a piata una Sirena, 

Et liquefatto un cor di pietra harebbe. 

Nata son se’ di Tigre, o di Leena, 

Ne preso il latte nella selva Ircana, 

O dove il ghiaccio el veloce Istro affrena. 
Onde se quella speme non e vana, 

Che mi dan gli occhi tua, il occhi clie ferno 
La piaga nel mio cor, eh’ ancor non sana, 

Non vorrai, Amor, di me piu scherno. 

Cosi ti prego * * * 

Tua piata faccia il-nostro amor eterno. 

Venga, se dee venir, tuo aiuto quando 
Giovar mi possa, et non tardi tra via, 

Che nuoce spesso a chi ben vive amando. 

Ma, lasso, hor quel mi duole e, ch’ io vorria, 

Il volto, e i gesti, e il pianto ch’ el cor preme, 
Accompagnassin questi versi mia; 

Ma s’ egli avvien, che soletti ambo insieme, 
Posso il braccio tenerti al colla avvolto, 
Vedrai come d’ amore alto arde, e geme. 
Yedrai cader dal mio pallido volto 
Nel tuo candido sen lacrime tante, 

Da’ mia ardenti sospiri * * molto. 

E se la lingua pavida, e tremante 
Non ti potra del cor lo affetto aprire, 

Come intervien sovente al fido amante, 

Dagli baldanza % * * dire, 

Quando gran fiamma in gentil cor accenda 
Lo amor, la speme del fedel servire, 

Chi sia che tanta cortesia riprenda? 

Anzi, perclie mal puossi amor celare, 

Che altri dal volto, o gesti nol comprenda, 
Sovente io mi odo drieto susurrare, 

Quanto e dal primier suo esser mutato 
Questo meschin, per crudel donna amare. 

Non rispondo, anzi vergognoso guato 
A terra, come chi talvolta intende 
Quel, che a ciascun credea esser celato. 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


361 


La tua impieta te stessa, et me riprende, 

Che non bene tua bellezza accompagna, 

Et al mio bon servir mal cambio rende. 

Ne percio mai il cor di te si lagna, 

Ne si dorra sino alio extremo punto, 

Ma ben vorrebbe, e percio il volto bagna. 
Teco T avessi il ciel, donna, congiunto 
In matrimonio: ah, che pria non venisti 
Al mondo, o io non son piu tardo giunto? 

Che gli occhi, co’ quai pria tu il core apristi, 
Ben mille volte harei baciato il giorno, 
Scacciando i van sospiri, e i pensier tristi. 

Ma questo van pensiero a che soggiorno? 

Se tu pur dianzi, et io fui un tempo avanti 
Dal laccio coniugal legato intorno, 

Qual sol morte convien, che scoglia * * * 

Puoi ben volendo e te ne prego, e stringo, 

Ch’ un cor, un sol voler sia tra due amanti. 
Ben t’ accorgi, Madonna, che non fingo 
Pianti, sospiri, o le parole ardente; 

Ma come Amor la detta, io la dipingo. 

Occhi belli, anzi stelle luciente, 

O parole soavi, accorte, e sagge, 

Man decor, che toccar vorrei sovente, 

Amor e quel, che a voi pregar mi tragge, 

Non sia, Madonna, il mio servire invano, 

Ne in van la mia speranza in terra cagge. 

Tu hai la vita, e la mia morte in mano, 

Vivo contento, s’ io ti parlo 'un poco, 

Se non, morte me ancide a mano a mano. 

Fa almen, s’ io moro, dell’ extremo foco 
Le mia ossa infelice sieno extorte, 

E poste in qualche abietto, e picciol loco. 

Non vi sia scritto chi della mia morte 
Fussi cagion, che ti saria gravezza; 

Basta 1’ urna di fuor stampata porte, 

“ Troppo in lui amor, troppo in altrui durezza.” 


362 


P0E6IE 


AMORI DI VENERE E MARTE. 

VENERE PARLA. 

Su Nymplie ornate il glorioso monte— 

Di canti, e balli,*e resonanti lire; 

Fate di fior grillande alme alia fronte, 

Che mi par Marte amico mio sen tire; 

E dalla plaga lattea su nel cielo 
Yisto ho la stella sua lieta apparire. 

Spargete all’ aura i crini avvolti in velo, 

E liete tutte nel fonte Acidalio 
Gratiose vi lavate il volto, e il pelo. 

Le sacre Muse dal liquor Castaliq 
Di dolci carmi piene inviterete; 

Stendete drappi, ornate il ciel col palio. 

Bacco, e Sileno mio liete accogliete, 

E se Cerer non e sdegnata ancora 
Per Proserpina sua, la chiamerete. 

Ya, Climen nympha mia, dall’ Aurora, 

Digli, che indugi alquanto il bel mattino, 
Lieta col suo Titon facci dimora. 

Tu Clytia andrai nel bel monte Pachino, 

Tu nel Peloro, e tu nel Lilibeo, 

Guardate di Sicilia ogni confino, 

Si, che Yolcano mio fabro Pheteo 
Con Marte non mi trovi in adulterio, 

Donde fabula sia poi d’ ogni Deo. 

Ascondi Luna il lucido emisperio; 

Yoi per le selve non latrate, o cani, 

Sicche d’ infamia non si scuopri il vero. 

Yien lieta notte, e voi profundi Mani 
Scurate 1* ora, o tu figliuol Cupido, 

Mi do nelle tue braccia, in le tue mani. 

Con le tue fiamme dolce ardente rido, 

Fa lume a Marte, mio sposo, et signore 
Tu me feristi, Amor, di te me fido. 

Marte, se oscure ancor ti paron 1* ore, 

Vienne al mio dolce ospizio, ch’ io t’ aspetto; 
Vulcan non y’ e, che ci disturbi amore. 


DI LORENZO DF.’ MEDICI. 


363 


Vien, ch’ io t’ invito nuda in mezo il letto, 

Non indugiar, ch’ el tempo passa, e vola, 
Coperto m’ ho di fior vermigli il petto. 
Vienne Marte, vien via, vien ch’io son sola; 
Togliete e lumi, el mio mai non lo spengo; 
Non sia chi piii mi parli una parola. 

MARTE PARLA. 

Non qual nimico alle tue stanze vengo, 

Vener mia bella, ma sanz’ arme, o dardo, 
Che contro ai colpi tua null’ arme tengo. 
Altra cosa e vedere un grato sguardo 
D’ un amoroso lume, ovunque e’ vada, 

Che spada, o lancea, o vessillo, o stefidardo. 
“ Amor regge suo impero sanza spada 
Coperto no, ma vuole il corpo nudo, 

Dolce contento a seguir cio che aggrada; 
Odir parlar, non dispietato, e crudo, 

Ma dolce in se, qual di piata s’ accolga; 

E questa 1’ arme sia, la lancia, e ’1 scudo. 
Intorno al col suo bianca treccia avvolga, 

Delli ardenti amator dura catena, 

E forte laccio, che giammai si sciolga. 

Baciar la bocca, e la fronte serena, 

E dua celesti lumi, e ’1 bianco petto, 

La lunga man d’ ogni bellezza piena. 

A tra cosa e giacer nell’ aureo letto 

Con la sua dolce arnica, et cantar carmi, 

Che afFaticar il corpo al scudo, e elmetto. 
Gustar quel frutto, che puo lieto farmi, 

Ultimo fin d’ un tremante diletto; 

Tempo e d’ amor, tempo e da spada, et armi. 

APOLLO PARLA. 

Ingiuria e grande al letto romper fede; 

Non sia chi pecchi, e di’, chi ’1 sapra mai? 
Che ’1 sol, le stelle, el ciel, la luna il vede. 

E tu che lieta col tuo Marte stai, 

Ne pensi, il ciel di tua colpa dispone; 

Cosi spesso un .gran gaudio torna in guai. 
Ogni lungo secreto ha sua stagione; 


364 


POESIE 


Chi troppo va tentando la fortuna, 

Se allide in qualche scoglio, e ben ragione. 
Correte, o Nymphe, a veder sol quest’ una 
Adulterata Venere impudica, 

E ’1 traditor di Marte; o stelle! o luna! 
Giove, se non ti par troppa fatica, 

Con Giunon tua gelosa, al furto viene; 

Non pecchi alcun, se non vuol che si dica. 
Vieni a veder, Mercurio, le catene, 

Che tu riporti in ciel di quest’ e quella; 

Che nul peccato mai fu senza pene. 

Pluto, se inteso hai ancor questa novelia, 

Con Proserpina tua lassa 1’ inferno; 

Ascendi all’ aura relucente et bella. 

Alme, che ornate il bel paese eterno 
De’ campi Elysi, al gran furto venite; 
Convien si scuopra ogni secreto interno. 
Glauco, Neptuno, Dori, Alpheo correte 
Al tristo incesto, et Ino, et Melicerta, 

Con le Driade, e ’1 gran padre d’ Amphytrite. 
Accio che in terra, in mare, et in ciel sie certa 
Infamia tal d’ una malvagia et rea, 

Et grave strupo, e inhonestate aperta. 

Vulcan, vieni a veder tua Cytherea, 

Come con Marte suo lieta si posa, 

Et rotta t’ ha la fede, et fatta rea. 

Debbe al consortio tuo esser piatosa, 

Ad altri no; ma gl’ e fatica grave 
Posser guardare una donna amorosa. 

Che sa la vuol, non fia chi mai la cave; 

Tu dormi forse, ma se ’1 mio sono hai inteso, 
Vieni a veder di lei 1’ opere prave. 

Lascia Sicilia, e ’1 tuo stato sospeso; 

Che patir tanta ingiuria honoria te poco, 
Vendetta brama Dio d’ un core offeso. 

VIILCAN0 PARLA. 

Non basta havermi il ciel dall* alto loco 
Gittato in terra, et da sua mensa privo, 

Et fatto fabro, et Dio del caldo foco; 

% 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


365 


Che per piu pena mia ciaschedun Divo 
Cierchi straziarmi, et dimostrar lor prove; 
Ma tanta ingiuria mai non la prescrivo. 

Io pur attendo a far saette a Giove, 

Sudando intorno all’ antica fucina, 

Et Marte gode mie fatiche altrove. 
Venere, Vener mia, spuma marina, 

Tu Marte adulter, pena pagherete, 

Clie grave colpa vuol gran disciplina. 

* * * * 


LA CONFESSIONS 

\ 

Donne, et fanciulle, io mi fo conscienzia 
D’ ogni mio fallo, e vo’ far penitenzia. 

Io mi confesso ad voi primieramente, 

Ch’ io sono stato al piacer negligente; 

Et molte cose ho lasciato pendente; 

Di questo primo i’ mi fo conscienza. 

Io havea lungo tempo disiato 

A una gentil donna haver parlato, 

Poi in sua presentia fui ammutolato; 

Di questo ancora i’ mi fo conscienza. 

Gia in un altro loco mi trovai, 

Et un bel tratto per vilta lasciai; 

E non ritorno poi quel tratto mai: 

Di questo ancora i’ mi fo conscienza. 

Ah, quante volte io me ne son pentito! 

Presi una volta un piu tristo partito, 

Ch’ io pagai innanzi, e poi non fui servito: 
Di questo ancora i’ mi fo conscienza. 

Io mi ricordo ancor d’ altri peccati; 

Che, per ir drieto a parole di frati, 

Molti dolci piaceri ho gia lasciati: 

Di questo ancora i’ mi fo conscienza. 
Dolgomi ancor, che non ho conosciuto 

La giovenezza, e ’1 bel tempo che-ho avuto, 
Se non hor, quando egli & in tutto perduto; 
Di questo ancora i mi fo conscienza. 


POESIE 


366 


Dico mia colpa, et ho molto dolore 

Di vilth, negligentia, et d’ ogni errore : 
Ricordi, o non ricordi, innanzi Amore 
Generalmente io ne fo conscienza. 

Et prego tutti voi, che vi guardiate, 

Che siraili peccati non facciate; 

Accio che vecchie non ve ne pentiate, 
Et in van poi ne vacciate conscienza. 


LE SETTE ALLEGREZZE D’ AMORE. 

Deh state a udire giovane et donzelle 
Queste sette allegrezze, ch’ io vo’ dire, 
Devotamente, che son dolce, e belle, 

Che amore a chi lo serve fa sentire; 

Io dico a tutte quante, et primo a quelle, 
Che son vaghe et gentile, e in sul fiorire; 
Gustate ben queste allegrezze sante, 

Che. amor ve ne contenti tutte quante. 

Prima Allegrezza, che conciede amore 
Si e mirar dua piatosi occhi fiso, 

Esciene un vago, bel, dolce splendore; 

Veder mover la bocca un dolce riso, 

Le man, la gola, e modi pien d’ honore, 

L’ andar, ch’ usc.ita par del paradiso; 

Ogni atto, e movimento, che si faccia, 

Et cosi prima un cor gentil s’ allaccia. 

La seconda allegrezza, che amor dona, 

E, quando ho gratia di toccar la mano 
Accortamente, ove si balla, o suona, 

O in altro modo stringnerla pian piano ; 

Et mentreche si giuoca, o si ragiona, 

Gittar certe parole, et non in vano; 

Toccare alquanto, et stringner sopra a’ panni 
In modo, che chi e intorno, se ne inganqi. 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


367 


Terza allegrezza, qual Amor conciede, 

E quando ella una tua lettera accetta, 

E degna di rispondere, e far fede 
Di propria man, che el collo al giogo metta; 
Bene e duro colui, che, quando vede 
Si dolce pegno, lacrime non getta; 

Leggiela cento volte, e non si satia, 

Et con dolci sospiri amor ringratia. 

Piu dolce assai quest’ allegrezza quarta, 

Se ti conduci a dir qualche parole 
A solo a solo, a far del tuo cor carta, 

Et dire a boccha ben dove ti duole; 

Se advien, che amor le some ben comparta, 
Senti dir cose da fermare el sole: 

Dolci pianti, et sospiri, et maladire 
Usci, et finestre, che ti pub impedire. 

Chi pub gustar questa quinta allegrezza 
Pub dir, che amor, e il suo servitio piaccia, 
Se advien, che baci con gran tenerezza 
Un’ amorosa, vagha, e gentil faccia, 

Le labra, et dento ov’ e tanta dolcezza, 

La gola, el petto, et le candide braccia, 

Et tutte 1’ altre membre dolce, et vaghe, 
Lasciando spesso e segni delle piaghe. 

Questa sesta allegrezza, ch’ io dico hora, 

E il venir quasi alia conclusione; 

Et a quel fin, perche ogni huom s’ innamora, 
Et si sopporta ogni aspra passione; 

Chi 1’ ha provato, et chi lo prova ancora, 

Sa che dolcezza, et che consolatione, 

E quella, di poter sanza sospetto 
Tenere il suo signore in braccio stretto. 

Vien drieto a questa 1’ ultima allegrezza; 

Che amore in fin pur contentar ci vuole; 

Non si pub dir con quanta gentilezza, 

Con che dolci sospir, con che parole, 


368 


POESIE 


Si perviene a questa ultima allegrezza, 

Come si piange dolcemente, e duole; 

Fassi certi atti alhor, clii non vuol fingere, 
Ch’ un dipintore non sapre’ dipingere. 

Queste sono allegrezze, che Amor da, 

O donne, a chi lo serve fedelmente, 

Pero gustile, e pruovile chi ha 
Bellezza, et gentilezza, eta florente, 

Che perder tempo duole a chi pm sa; 

Queste allegrezze, ch’ io ho detto al presente, 
Chi le dice, et prova con divotione, 

Non puo morire sanza extrema untione. 

Questo povero Cieco, quale ha detto 
Queste allegrezze, a voi si racomanda, 

Amor 1’ ha cosi concio el poveretto, 

Come vedete, et cieco attorno il manda, 
Vorrebbe qualche carita in effetto, 

Almen la gratia vostra v’ addimanda; 

Fategli qualche ben, donne amorose, 

Che gustar possa delle vostre cose. 

El poveretto b gia condotto a tale, 

Che non ha con chi fare el Carnasciale. 


CANZONE. 

Prenda piata ciascun della mia doglia, 

Giovane, et donne, et sia chiunehe si voglia 

Sempre servito io ho con pura fede 
Una, la qual credea fussi pietosa, 

Et che dovessi haver di me merzede, 

Et non, come era, fussi disdegnosa; 

Hor m’ ho perduto il tempo, et ogni cosa, 
Che si rivolta, come al vento foglia. 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


369 


O lasso a me! ch’ io non credetti mai, 

Che sua occhi leggiadri, e rilucenti 
Fussin cagione a me di tanti guai, 

Di tanti pianti, et di tanti lamenti; 

Ah crudo amore, hor come gliel consenti? 
Di tanta crudelta suo core spoglia. 

O lasso a me, questo non e quel merto, 

Ch’ io aspettava di mia fede intera, 

Questo non e quel, che mi fu offerto; 
Questo lie* patti nostri, Amor, non era; 
Folle e colui, che in tua promessa spera, 

E sotto quella vive in pianti, e in doglia. 

Cantato in parte vi ho la doglia mia, 

Che vi debba haver mosso haver piatate; 
Et quanto afflitta la mia vita sia, 

Perche di me compassione habbiate; 

Et prego Amor, che piii felice siate, 

Et vi contenti d’ ogni vostra voglia. 


CANZONE. 

Con tua promesse. et tua false parole, 

Con falsi risi, et con vago sembiante, 
Donna, menato hai il tuo fedele amante, 
Sanza altro fare; onde m’ incresce, et duole. 

Io ho perduto drieto a tua bellezza, 

Gia tanti passi per quella speranza, 

La quale mi die tua gran gentilezza, 

Et la belta, che qualunche altra avanza; 
Fidomi in lei, et nella mia costanza, 

Ma insino a qui non ho, se non parole. 

Di tempo in tempo gia tenuto m’ hai 
Tanto, ch’ io posso numeral* molti anni, 

Et aspettavo pur, di tanti guai 
B B 


370 


POESIE 


Ristorar mi volessi, et tanti affanni; 

Et conosco hor, che mi dileggi, et inganni: 
La fede mia non vuol da te parole. 

Donna, stu m’ami, come gia m’ hai detto, 

Fa, ch’ io ne vegga qualche sperantia; 

Deh non mi tener piu in contanto aspetto, 
Che forse non haro piii patientia, 

Se vuoi usare in verso me dementia, 

Non indugiare, et non mi dar parole. 

Va canzonetta, et priega el mio Signore, 

Che non mi tenga piii in dubbio sospeso, 
Di, che mi mostri una volta il suo core, 

Et se e perduto il tempo, cli’ io ho speso, 
Come io haro il suo pensiero inteso, 
Prendo partito, et non vo’ piii parole. 


CANZONE. 

Io prego Dio, che tutti i mal parlanti 

Facci star sempre in gran dolori, e pianti. 

E prego voi, o gentil donne, e belle, 

Che non facciate stima di parole, 

Pero che chi tien conto di novelle, 

D’ ogni piacer privare al fin si suole; 
Honestamente, e liete star si vuole, 

Yivere in gioie, et in piaceri, e canti. 

Deh lasciam dir chi vorra pur mal dire, 

E non guardiamo al lor tristo parlare; 
Allegro si vuol vivere, e morire, 

Mentre che in giovinezza habbiamo a stare; 
E chi vorra di noi mal favellare, 

El cor per troppa invidia se gli scliianti. 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


371 


Canzona, truova ciascheduno amante, 
E le donne leggiadre, alte, e gentile, 
Ricorda lor, che ciascun sia costante 
A1 suo araore con animo virile; 
Perche il temer parole e cosa vile, 
Ne fu usanza mai di veri amanti. 


CANZONE. 

F ho d’ amara dolcezza il mio cor pieno, 
Come amor vuole, e d’ un dolce veneno: 

Nessuno e piu di me lieto, e contento, 
Nessuno merta maggior compassione; 

La dolcezza, et dolor, che insieme sento, 
Di rider damni, e sospiri cagione; 

Non pub intender si dolce passione, 

Scusa non fo, chi non ha gentil core. 

Amore et honestate, et gentillezza, 

A chi misura ben, sono una cosa: 

Per me e perduta in tutto ogni bellezza, 
Ch’ e posta in donna altera, et disdegnosa; 
Chi riprender mi puo, s’ i’ son piatosa, 
Quanto honesta comporta, et gentil core? 

Riprenderammi chi ha si dura mente, 

Che non conoschi li amorosi rai: 

10 prego amore, che chi amor non sente 
Nol faccia degno di sentirla mai; 

Ma chi 1’ osserva fedelmente assai, 

Ardali sempre col suo foco il core. 

Sanza ragion riprendami chi vuole, 

Se non ha cor gentil, non ho paura;' 

11 mio constante amor vane parole 
Mosse da invidia, poco stima o cura, 
Disposta son, mentre la vita dura, 

A seguir sempre si gentil amore. 

b b 2 


372 


POESIE 


SONETTO. 

HKRMELINO EftUO SUvE PUELLJE UTENDUM MISSO. 

Se come Giove trasformossi in toro, 

Anch’ io potessi pigliar tua figura, 

Hermellin mio, senza darti tal cura, 

Portare vorre’ io stesso il mio thesoro. 

Non si da lungi, ne con tal martoro, 

Ne pria nell’ onde mai con tal paura 
Portato harei quell’ Angioletta pura, 

Che hora m’ e donna, et forse poi sia alloro. 

Ma poiche cosi va, Hermellino mio, 

Tu solo porterai soave, et piano, 

La pretiosa salma, e ’i mio desio; 

Guarda non molestar col fren sua mano, 

Ubidisci colei, che ubidisch’ io, 

Poiche si tosto Amor vuole, che amiano. 


SONETTO. 

Fugiendo Loth con la sua famiglia 
La citta, ch’ arse per divin giuditio; 
Guardando indrieto, et visto el gran supplitio, 
La donna immobil forma di sal piglia. 

Tu hai fuggito, et e gran maraviglia, 

La citta, ch’ arde sempre in ogni vitio; 

Sappi anima gentil, che ’1 tuo offitio 
E non voltare a lei giammai le ciglia. 

Per ritrovarti il buon pastore eterno 
Lascia el greggie, o smarrita pecorella, 
Truovati, e lieto in braccio ti riporta. 

Perse Euridice Orfeo gih in sulla porta, 

Libera quasi, per voltarsi a quella; 

Perb non ti voltar piu alio inferno. 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 


373 


SONETTO. 

Segui, Anima divota, quel fervore, 

Che la bonta divina al petto spira, 

Et dove dolcemente chiama, et tira 
La voce, o pecorella, del pastore: 

In questo nuovo tuo divoto ardore 

Non sospetti, non sdegni, invidia, o ira, 
Speranza certa al sommo bene aspira, 
Pace, et dolcezza, et fama in suave odore. 

Se pianti, o sospir semini talvolta 
In questa santa tua felice insania, 

Dolce, et eterna poi la ricolta. 

“Populi meditati sunt mania” 

Lasciali dire, et siedi, et Cristo ascolta, 

O nuova cittadina di Bettania. 


SONETTO. 

Piu dolce sonno, o placido quiete 

Giammai chi use occhi, o piu begli occhi mai, 
Quanto quel cli’ adombro li santi rai 
Dell’ amorose luci altere e liete. 

E mentre ster cosi, chi use e secrete, 

Amor, del tuo valor perdesti assai. 

Che ! imperio e la forza che tu hai 
La bella vista par ti preste e viete. 

Alta e frondosa quercia, ch’ interponi 
Le frondi tra i begli occhi e Febei raggi, 

E somministri 1* ombra al bel sopore, 

Non temer benche Giove irato tuoni, 

Non temer sopra te piu folgor caggi, 

Ma aspetta in cambio, sguardi e stral d’ Amore. 


374 


POESIE 


SONETTO. 

Spesso mi torna a raente, anzi giammai 
Non puo partir dal!a memoria mia 
L’ abito, il tempo, e ’1 luogo dove pria 
La mia donna gentil fiso mirai. 

Quel che paresse allora an cor tu ’1 sai, 

Che con lei sempre fosti in compagnia; 
Quando vaga, gentil, leggiadra e pia 
Non si puo dir, ne immaginare assai. 

Quando sopra i nivosi ed alti monti 
Apollo spande il suo bel lume adorno, 
Tali i crin suoi sopra la bianca gonna. 

Il tempo e ’1 luogo non convien ch’ io conti, 
Che dov’ e si bel sole e sempre giorno, 

E paradiso ov’ e si bella donna. 


SONETTO. 

Io ti lasciai pur qui quel lieto giorno 
Con amore e madonna, anima mia; 

Sei con Amor parlando se ne gia 
Si dolcemente, allor che ti sviorno. 

Lasso or piangendo, e sospirando torno 
A1 loco, ove da me fuggisti pria, 

Ne te, ne la tua bella compania 
Riveder posso, ovunque miro intorno. 
Ben guardo ove la terra e piu fiorita, 

L’ aer fatto piu chiar’ da quella vista 
Ch’or fa del mondo un ’altra parte lieta, 

E fra me dico, Quinci sei fuggita 

Con amore, e madonna, anima trista; 

Ma il bel cammino a me mio destin vieta. 


DI LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


3/5 


LA NENCIA DA BARBERINO. 

Ardo d’ amore, e conviemmi cantare 
Per una dama che mi strugge il core, 

Ch’ ogn’ otta ch’ io la sento ricordare 
El cuor mi brilla, e par che gli esca fore. 
Ella non trova di bellezza pare 
Con gl* occhi getta fiaccole d’ amore, 

Io sono stato in citta e castella 
Et Mori non vidi gnuna tanto bella. 

Io sono stato a Empoli al mercato, 

A Prato, a Monticelli, a San Casciano: 

A Colie, a Poggibonzi, a San Donato; 

Et quinamonte insino a Dicomano: 

Figline, Castelfranco ho ricercato, 

San Pier, el Borgo, Montagna, e Gagliano: 
Piu bel mercato che nel mondo sia, 

E'a Barberin dov’e la Nencia mia. 

Non vidi mai fanciulla tanto honesta, 

Ne tanto saviamente rilevata; 

Non vidi mai la piu pulita testa, 

Ne si lucente, ne si ben quadrata; 

Ell’ ha due occhi che pare una festa 
Quando ella gl’ aka; e che ella ti guata. 

Et in quel mezo ha el naso tanto hello, 

Che par proprio bucato col succhiello. 

Le labbra rosse paion di corallo, 

E havvi drento duo filar di denti, 

Che son piu bianchi che quei di cavallo, 

Et d ogni lato ella n’ha piii di venti: 

Le gote bianche paion di cristallo, 

Senz’ altri lisci ovver scorticamenti; 

Et in quel mezzo ell’ e come una rosa 
Nel mondo non fu mai si bella cosa, 

Ben si potra tener avventurato, 

Che sia marito di si bella moglie; 

Ben si potra tener in buon di nato 
Chi ara quel Fioraliso senza foglie: 


376 


POESIE 


Ben si potra tenersi consolato, 

Che si contenti tutte le sue voglie 
D’ aver la Nencia e tenersela in braccio, 
Morbida, e bianca, che pare un sugnaccio. 
Io t’ ho agguagliata alia Fata Morgana 
Che mena seco tanta baronia; 

Io t’assomiglio alia Stella diana, 

Quando apparisce alia cajianna mia; 

Piu chiara se’ che acqua di fontana 
Et se’ pin dolce che la Malvagia 
Quando ti sguardo da sera, o mattina 
Piu bianca se’ che ’1 fior della farina. 

Ell’ ha due occhi tanto rubacuori 
Ch’ ella trafigere’ con essi un muro: 
Chiunche la vede convien che s’ innamori; 
Ell’ ha il suo cuore piii ch’un ciottol duro: 
Et sempre ha seco un migliajo d’amadori 
Che da quegli occhi tutti presi furo: 

Ma ella guarda sempre questo e quello, 
Per modo tal che mi strugge il cervello. 

* * * * 

Nenciozza mia chi’ vo sabato andare 
Fino a Fiorenza, a vender duo somelle 
Di scheggie che mi posi ieri a tagliare, 

In mentre che pascevan le vitelle, 

Procura ben se ti posso arrecare, 

O se tu vuoi ch’ io t’arrechi cavelle, 

O liscio, 6 biacca drento un cartoccino, 

O di spilletti, o d’agora un quattrino. 

Ell’ e direttamente ballerina: 

Ch’ ella si lancia com’una capretta, 

Et gira piit che ruota di mulina, 

Et dassi delle man nella scarpetta, 

Quand’ ella compie el ballo ella s’inchina, 
Poi torna indrieto e duo tratti scambietta; 
Ella fa le piu belle riverenze 
Che gnuna cittadina di Firenze. 

Che non mi chiedi qualclie zacherella, 

Che so n’ adopri di cento ragioni; 


DI LORENZO DE’ MEDICI. 

O uno intaglio per la tua gonnella 
O uncinegli, o magliette, o bottoni, 

O pel tuo camiciotto una scarsella, 

O cintolin per legar gli scuffioni, 

O voi per ammagliar la gammurrina 
Una Cordelia a seta cilestrina. 

Se tu volessi per portare al collo 
Un corallin di que’ bottoncin rossi 
Con im dondol nel mezzo, arrecherollo, 
Ma dimmi se gli vuoi piccoli, o grossi, 
E s’ io dovessi trargli dal midollo 
Del fusol della gamba, o degli altr’ ossi, 
E s’ io doyessi impegnar la gonnella, 

I* te gli arrecliero, Nencia mia bella. 

Se mi dicessi, quando Sieve e grossa, 
Gettati dentro, i’ mi vi getteria; 

E s’ io dovessi morir di percossa, 

II capo al muro per te batteria; 
Comandami, se vuoi, cosa ch’ i’ possa, 

E non ti peritar de’fatti mia: 

Io so che molta gente ti promette, 
Fanne la prova d’ un pa’ di scarpette. 

Io mi sono avveduto, Nencia bella, 

Ch’ un altro ti gaveggia a mio dispetto; 
E s’ io dovessi trargli le budella, 

E poi gittarle tutte inturun tetto; 

Tu sai, ch’ io porto allato la coltello, 

Che tagli, e pugne, che par un diletto, 
Che s’ io el trovassi nella mia capanna, 
Io gliele caccerei piu d’ una spanna. 


TRIONFO DI BACCO E ARIANNA. 

Quant’ e bella giovinezza, 

Che si fugge tuttavia; 

Chi vuoi’ esser lieto sia, 

Di doman non ci h certezza. 


578 


POESIE 


Quest’ e Bacco, e Arianna, 

Belli, e l’un dell’ altro ardenti; 
Perch& ’1 tempo fugge, e’nganna, 
Sempre insieme stan contend: 
Queste Ninfe, e altre genti 
Sono allegre tuttavia: 

Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia, 

Di doman non ci e eertezza. 
Questi lieti Satiretti, 

Delle Ninfe innamorati; 

Per eaverne, e per boschetti 
Han lor posto cento aguati: 

Hor da Bacco riscaldati, 

Ballon saltan tuttavia: 

Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia: 

Di doman non ci e eertezza. 
Queste Ninfe hanno ancor caro, 

Da loro essere ingannate; 

Non puon far’ h Amor riparo, 

Se non genti rozze, e’ ngrate: 
Hora insieme mescolate, 

Fanno festa tuttavia: 

Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia, 

Di doman non ci e eertezza. 
Questa soma, che vien dreto, 

Sopra 1’ Asino, e Sileno, 

Cosi vecchio, e ebro, e lieto, 

Gia di came, e d’ anni pieno: 

Se non puo star ritto, almeno 
Bide, e gode tuttavia: 

Chi vuol’ esser lieto, sia, 

Di doman non ci e eertezza. 

Mid a vien, dopo costoro, 

Cio che tocca, ora diventa; 

E che giova haver tesoro, 

Poi che l’huom non si contenta? 
Che dolcezza vuoi che senta. 

Chi ha sete tuttavia? 

Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia, 

. Di doman non ci e eertezza. 


DI LORENZO BE’ MEDICI. 


379 


Ciascuno apra ben gli orecchi, 

Di doman nessun si paschi; 
Oggi siam giovani, e vecehi, 
Lieti ognun femraine, e maschi: 
Ogni tristo pensier caschi, 
Facciam festa tuttavia: 

Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia 
Di doman non ci e certezza. 
Donne, e giovanetti Amanti, 

Viva Bacco, e viva amore; 
Ciascun suoni, balli, e canti, 
Arda di dolcezza il core: 

Non fatica, non dolore, 

Quel c’ha esser, convien sia: 
Chi vuol’ esser lieto sia, 

Di doman, non ci e certezza; 
Quant’ c bella giovinezza 
Che si fugge tuttavia? 


CANZONE A BALLO. 

Ben venga maggio, 

E’l gonfalon selvaggio. 

Ben venga Primavera, 

Ch’ ognun par che innamori; 
E voi donzelle a schi^ra 
Con li vostri amadori, 

Che di rose, e di fiori 
Vi fate belle il maggio. 
Venite alia frescura 
Delli verdi arbuscelli: 

Ogni bella & sicura 
Fra tanti damigelli; 

Che le here, e gP uccelli 
Ardon d’amor il maggio. 

Che e giovane, e bella, 

Deh non sie punto aeerba 
Che non si rinnovella 


380 


POESIE DI LORENZO DE* MEDICI. 


L’eta come fa 1’ herba. 
Nessuna stia superba, 

All’ amadore il maggio. 
Ciascuna balli e canti 
Di questa schiera nostra: 
Ecco e dodici amanti, 

Che per voi vanno in giostra 
Qual dura allor si mostra 
Fara sfiorire il maggio. 

Per prender le donzelle 
Si son gl’amanti armati; 
Arrendetevi belle 
A’ vostri innamorati; 

Rendete e cuor furati, 

Non fate guerra il maggio. 
Chi 1’ altrui cuore invola 
Ad altri doni el core: 

Ma chi e, quel che vola? 

E' T Angiolel d’amore, 

Che viene a fare honore 
Con voi donzelle al maggio. 
Amor ne vien ridendo 
Con rose, e gigli in testa: 

E vien di voi caendo, 

Fategli o belle festa: 

Qual sara la piu presta 
A dargli el fior del maggio. 
Ben venga il peregrino, 

Amor che ne coman di? 

Che al suo amante il crino 
Ogni bella ingrillandi; 

Che le zitelle, e grandi; 

S’ innamoran di maggio. 


381 


NOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS. 


CHAPTER I. 

Note 1, (p. 2.) 

“ Sed Florentine canerem primordia gentis; 

Nobile Syllanum tempus in omne genus: 

Syllanum genus Rornana stirpe colonos 
A patribus nunquam degenerasse suis.” 

Landinus, de laudibus Cosmi, ap. Bandinii 
Specimen Liter. Flor. i. 102. 

“ Syllanus primus fugiens asperrima montis 
Purgavit nostros arte colonus agros; 

Atque Arnum recta, contractis undique lymphis, 

Obice disrupto compulit ire via.” 

Id. de primordiis urbis, ib. 

“ Felici Comites Sylle de marmore templum, 

Mavorti posuere suo.” 

Verinus de illustr. Urb. Flor. (1636,) i. 9. 

Note 2, (p. 2.)—“ The triumvirs Caius Cesar, afterwards Augustus, Mar¬ 
cus Antonins, and Marcus Lepidus, Pontifex maximus, sent a colony to 
Florence.” For many curious observations and learned conjectures on the 
origin of Fiesole and Florence, see Politiani Ep. i. 2. 

Note 3, (p. 2.) 

“ Ast ubi Syllanos felix concordia cives 
Altius evexit, Fesule venere redacte 
Sub juga, tunc populi crevit numerosa propago. 

Urbs inimica, potens, vicinaque mcenibus dim 
Martigene, ulterius fines efferre negabat. 

Ac veluti quondam veteres auxere Sabini 

Sub Tatio Romam: sic urbs Fesulana relicto 

Vertice victrioem tandem migravit in urbem.”—Verinus, ul sup. 

Note 4, (p. 3.)—This distinction began about the twelfth century. In 
the dissensions between the pope and the emperor, the partisans of the 
former were denominated Guelphs, and those of the imperial faction, Ghibe- 
lines; but in succeeding times these appellations conveyed other ideas, and 
the name of Guelphs was applied to those who, in any popular commotion, 



382 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


espoused the cause of the people, whilst that of Ghibelines became synony¬ 
mous to the optimates of the Eomans, or Aristocrates. Ammirato, without 
being able to trace the origin, pathetically laments the unhappy consequences 
of these distinctions to his country.—Stor. Fior. i. 55, 132. But the parti¬ 
cular circumstances which introduced them into Florence are related at con¬ 
siderable length by Nerli.—Comment, de’ fatte civili di Firenze, (Aug.1728,) 2. 

Note 5, (p. 3.)—For these factions Italy was indebted to the city of 
Pistoia, where a disagreement took place between two young men of the 
family of Cancellieri, one of whom is called by Machiavelli, Geri, and the 
other, Lore. In this contest Geri received a slight blow from his relation, 
who immediately afterwards, at the command of his father Gulielmo, went 
to the house of Bertuccio, the father of Geri, to apologize for the offence. 
Bertuccio, exasperated at the indignity, seized the young man, and with the 
assistance of two of liis servants, cruelly cut off his hand on a manger. This 
atrocious deed roused the resentment of Gulielmo, who took up arms to re¬ 
venge the injury. Cancellieri, the common ancestor of the family, had two 
wives, from one of whom descended the line of Gulielmo, from the other 
that of Bertuccio. One of these wives was named Bianca, whence that 
branch of their family and their adherents were named Rian chi, and their 
opponents, by way of distinction, obtained the name of Neri. The whole 
city espoused the part of one or other of these factions, and the contagion soon 
spread to Florence, where it received fresh vigour from the ancient dissen¬ 
sions of the Cerchi and the Donati. The quarrel shortly became tinctured 
with political enmity, and the Bianchi were considered as Ghibelines, the Neri 
as Guelphs.—Mac. St. Fior. ii. Amm. 1st. Fior. i. 204. 

Note 6, (p. 3.)—The beneficial effects of their government were not un¬ 
observed by the Florentines, and are well adverted to by Verini : 

“ -Semperque aliquid novitatis in urbe est: 

Stat tamen incolumis majestas publica; causa est 
Praeclaris quoniam ingeniis Florentia favet, 

Festinosque libens virtuti irapendit honores. 

Ex quo si linguae vitaeque industria major 
Concessa est cuiquam, nostram demigrat in urbem 
Ut magis eniteat virtus ubi praemia prompta: 
jEquarique sibi fert aegre prisca colonos 
Nobilitas, oriturque trucis discordia belli; 

Fitque minor census, patrimoniaque hausta tributis, 

Eeddunt attonitum qui stemmate fulget avito. 

Contra autem solers et cedere nescius, instat 
Fortuna?, summosque animo molitur honores.” 

Verinus, ut supra, iii. 

Note 7, (p. 4.)—In an interesting work, published by Allegrini, entitled 
Serie di Ritratti (FUotnini illustri Toscani (Firenze, 1760), there is a plate 
representing the remarkable circumstance of Pope Boniface VIII. receiving 
on one occasion, no fewer than twelve Florentine subjects, as envoys from 
various potentates; among them we find one from the Great Khan of Tartary. 

Note 8 , (p. 4.)—In a MS. of the Eiccardi library, at Florence, of which 
I have obtained an ample extract, entitled Origine e descendenza della casa 



NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


383 


de’ Medici, the origin of the family greatness is romantically referred to 
Averardo de’ Medici, a commander under Charlemagne, who, for his valour in 
destroying the gigantic plunderer Mugello, by whom the surrounding country 
was laid waste, was honoured with the privilege of bearing for his arms six 
palle, or balls, as characteristic of the iron balls that hung from the mace of 
his fierce antagonist, the impi-ession of which remained on his shield. Ve- 
rini had before this accounted for the family name and arms by another 
hereditary tale: 

“ Est qui Bebryaca Medices testetur ab urbe 
Venisse; et Toscam sobolem delesse superbam 
Asserat: liinc Medicis meruit cognomen habere 
Quod Medicus Tosci fuerit, sic ore venenum 
Dixerunt, patrio : factique insignia portet 
Senis in globulis ftaventem sanguine peltam.”—Ver. ut supra. 

It required some ingenuity to invalidate so strong a presumption of the 
ancient family profession, as arises from the name of Medici, and the six 
pills borne as their device. 

Note 9, (p. 4.)—“ As to the origin of the Medici family, it is very uncer¬ 
tain. Some have traced it back to Roman consuls and emperors, others 
to a Medico (physician) to Charlemagne. This much, however, is un¬ 
questionable, that the family was of some consequence in 1168, when we 
find it mentioned in chronicles as erecting a fortified tower, and making a 
convention with powerful families around with reference to it. In a docu¬ 
ment of 1220, a Giovanni di Medici is mentioned as Gavaliere . In 1230, 
Averardo de’ Medici, was mayor of Lucca. In Florence itself, the Medici 
aided materially in putting an end to the tyrannous rule of the duke of 
Athens; and so early as 1297, we find its members occupying high places 
in the magistracy of that city.”—Galluzzi, Istoria di Toscana, 1, (pref.)xv. 

Note 10, (p. 4.)—“ Giovanni born 1360; married Piccarda di Nannino, 
daughter of Odoardo Bueri, 1386. He was chief of the Florentine republic, 
ambassador to the pope, to Ladislaus, and to Venice. He died 20th Feb. 
1428.”—Origine e descendeuza, MS. 

Note 11, (p. 5.)—At the instance of the .two brothers, Donatello the 
sculptor erected a monument to the memory of their father Giovanni de’ Me¬ 
dici, and their mother Piccarda, which yet remains in the church of S. Lo¬ 
renzo, at Florence, on one side of which is the following inscription : 

“ Si merits in patriam, si gloria, sanguis et omni 
Larga manus, nigra libera morte forent, 

Viveret heu! patriae casta cum conjugc felix, 

Auxilium miseris, portus et aura suis. 

Omnia 3ed quando stiperautur morte, Johannes 
Hoc mausoleo, tuque Picarda, jaces: 

Ergo senex moeret, juvenis, puer, omnis et aetas 
Orba parente suo patria mcesta gemit.” 

On the other side : 

“Cosmns etLaurentius de’Medicis, viro clarissimo, Johanni Averardi filio 
et Piccardae Adovardi filiae carissimis parentibus hoc sepulcrum faciendum 


384 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


curarunt. Obiit autem Johannes x. Kal. Martii. mccccxxviii. Piccarda 
vero xiii. Kal. Maii quinquennio post e vita migravit.” 

Note 12, (p. 0.)—“ It is believed that Cosmo de’ Medici, by the property 
of JBaldassare, so augmented his own wealth, as to be thenceforth considered 
the richest citizen in Florence, in Italy, or anywhere.”—Platina, vita di 
Martino V. But this tale is confuted by Ammirato, who (Stor. Fior. ii. 1047) 
has cited the testament of Balthasar, by which it appears that he was 
doubtful whether his property would extend to pay the legacies he had be¬ 
queathed. To the altar of St.John the Baptist he gave a finger of that saint, 
which he had long carried secretly about his person. 

Note 13, (p. 0.) —The malice and virulence of Filelfo led him to accuse 
the Medici of having poisoned Balthasar, in order to obtain possession of 
his property: but this is sufficiently refuted by the slightest acquaintance 
with the characters of the accuser and the accused, to say nothing of the 
irrefragable testimony of Balthasar’s will above referred to, of which Gio¬ 
vanni de’ Medici was one of the trustees. 

Note 14, (p. 7.)—For some time before the close of the 14th century, 
it became a custom amongst the chiefs of this family, to keep private memo¬ 
rials of the circumstances attending it. These memorials, or Ricordi, were 
begun by Filigno de’ Medici, who in the year 1373 entered, in a book yet 
extant, and entitled Notizie della famiglia de' Medici, some information 
respecting its wealth, population, and respectability. He mentions among 
other circumstances, that the property therein set forth, he had acquired 
principally from his brother Giovanni di Chonte; that the importance of the 
house was such that all men feared them, and that the family at that period 
numbered fifty males. Cosmo continued the practice, and in particular has 
left a very minute account of the circumstances attending his banishment 
and return, which greatly differs in many respects from the narrative of 
Machiavelli. The Ricordi of Lorenzo also remain, and, affording much indis¬ 
putable information on the principal events of his life, are given in the 
present volume. 

Note 15, (p. 8.) —The address of Malavolti to Cosmo on this occasion, as 
related by Machiavelli, is full of kindness and humanity. “ You fear poison, 
Cosmo, and therefore starve yourself to death ; ’tis small honour you do me, 
to suppose me capable of lending myself to such an atrocity. I do not at all 
imagine your life to be m danger, you have so many friends within and 
without the palace ; but even were it threatened, be assured they would 
have to find other instruments than myself; for I would not consent to im¬ 
brue my hands in the blood of any one, and more especially not in yours, 
who have never given me cause of offence.”—1st. Fior. iv. 

Note 16, (p. 9.)—Machiavelli ascribes the liberation of Cos/n^ to the 
interference and assistance of Fargonaccio, a buffoon, who was admitted by 
Malavolti to visit Cosmo during his confinement, and was employed by him 
in negotiating with the chiefs of the opposite faction for his deliverance. 
Varillas (ut supra, p. 9) has ornamented the same story, according to his 
manner, with an infinite number of particulars. In the narrative that I 
have given I have thought proper to discard these dubious accounts, and to 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


385 


adhere to the authentic relation of Cosmo himself, in his Riconh ; who 
adverts to no such circumstance, hut on the contrary expressly states by 
whose assistance the money was paid. 

Note 17, (p. 9.)—This library existed till the year 1614, when in con¬ 
sequence of the monastery being rebuilt, it was destroyed, and the books it 
contained are supposed to have perished.—Tirabosclii. Stor. della Lett. Itah, 
vi. 1, 102. 

Note 18, (p. 10.)—Ambrogio was born in 1386, and was a native of 
Forli, but is usually ranked amongst the eminent men of Florence, where 
he was educated, and where he principally resided. “ In Florence he wa 3 
educated; in Florence he assumed the monastic habit; in Florence repose 
his bones: well then may he be called a Florentine.”—Zeno, Dissert. Vos • 
siane, i. So complete was his knowledge of the Greek language, that in 
the council of Florence he acted as interpreter between the Italiaus and the 
Greeks. His translation of Diogenes Laertius, inscribed by him to Cosmo 
de’ Medici, and first printed at Venice, by Nicolas Jenson, in 1475, has been 
several times reprinted. Traversal! has had the good fortune to meet with 
a biographer and annotator in the learned Melius, who has done justice to 
the subject, and made his life and writings the vehicle of much curious and 
useful information. It is only to be regretted that this extensive and valu¬ 
able work is not better arranged.—Amb. Traversarii Lat. Ep. (Flor. 1759.) 

Note 19, (p. 10.)—“ The brothers Cosmo and Lorenzo, those most 
friendly men, are in excellent health; they bear their misfortune with the 
utmost firmness, and, a still higher credit, express as great an attach¬ 
ment to their country as before, or, if possible, greater.”—Trav. ut supra. 
riii. 53. 

Note 20, (p. 10.)—“ The English historian of the Life of Lorenzo de' 
Medici, Mr. Roscoe, passes over in silence the severities exercised on this 
occasion, not, indeed, by Cosmo himself, but by his partisans in his cause, 
and for his personal interests, though in the name of the republic. The 
last Florentine biographer of Cosmo, Fabroni, expresses himself on this 
point as all friends of justice and truth ought to do. He shudders with 
horror, he t-ells us, when he looks upon the long list of distinguished 
and virtuous men who -were sacrificed on this occasion to the vengeance of 
the Medici party.”—Guingeue, Hist. Lett, de ITtalie, book iii. 

Note 21, (p. 10.)—The attachment of the populace to the Medici is 
strikingly described by Poggio. “ An assembly of the people being accord¬ 
ingly called, Heavens ! with what alacrity, with what exultation, with -what 
earnestness, with what enthusiasm, did they hasten to the palace; sound 
and sick, young and old, high and low, Florentines and provincials ! It 
would have been deemed disgraceful to a man to have taken no part on this 
great occasion, to have, abstained from manifesting by voice, hand, and 
gesture, his joyful sanction. It w r as the general feeling that, not so much 
yours, as the safety of the public, was in question; that the cause to be 
asserted was not that of a private family merely, but that of the entire com¬ 
munity.”—Poggii Ep. Opera, (Basil. 1538,) p. 340. 

C C 


386 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


Note 22, (p. 10.)—Boccaccio is entitled not only to the honour of having* 
introduced into Italy the study of the Greek language, but of having pre¬ 
served and restored what constitutes its greatest glory—the writings of 
Homer. Thus he boasts of his meritorious labours :—“ It was I who, at 
my own expense, first restored to Etruria the books of Homer, and other 
Greek works, which had been lost to us, apparently without hope of recovery, 
for so many centuries. To Etruria, and to my own native country, I restored 
these glorious productions.”—Bocc. Genealogia Deorum,xv. 7. 

Note 23, (p. 10.)—The life of this eminent scholar and promoter of 
science is prefixed to his Epistolae, published by Melius, in 2 vols. 8vo, Flor. 
1741. Many particulars may also be found in the Dissert. Voss, of Zeno. 
He was born at Arezzo, in 1370, “of respectable, but not noble parents.” 
Eor several years he was one of the secretaries of the Roman court, but 
afterwards fixed his residence at Florence, where he held an office which 
had been long enjoyed only by men of the first character for learning 
and abilities, that of secretary to the republic. His history of Florence, 
written in Latin, was translated into Italian by Donato Acciajuoli, and 
published in Venice, 1476, Flor. 1492. A considerable number of his works 
yet remain in MS., amongst which are many translations from the Greek. 
His Latin translation of the Epistles of Plato is inscribed to Cosmo de’ 
Medici. 

Note 24, (p. 10.)—Carlo Marsuppini, the elder, succeeded his country¬ 
man, Leonardo Bruni, in the office of secretary to the republic of Florence. 
Whilst he held this employment, a circumstance occurred in some degree 
unfavourable to his reputation as a scholar. On the emperor’s arrival at 
Florence, it was the office of Carlo to address him in a Latin oration, which 
he required two days to prepare, and by which he obtained no small share 
of applause; but ASneas Sylvius, the secretary to the emperor, and who 
afterwards became Pope Pius II., having replied in the name of the em¬ 
peror, and made some requisitions to the Florentines that demanded an 
extempore answei*, Carlo requested time to prepare himself, and could not 
be induced to proceed. The conference was therefore concluded by Gianozzo 
Manetti, who, by the specimen he gave of his talents on this occasion, 
rose to great reputation amongst his countrymen. 

We need not hesitate in attributing this event rather to an untimely diffi¬ 
dence, than to any want of talents in Carlo, as may be judged, not only from 
the numerous suffrages of his countrymen, but from his own works, some of 
which yet survive, although few have undergone the press. He is, however, 
improperly placed by Vossius amongst the writers of history, as Apostolo 
Zeno has fully shown. The numerous errors of the Oltramontani, in treat¬ 
ing on the Literati of Italy, ought to operate as a perpetual caution to those 
who follow them in so hazardous a track. Of his poetry, the only piece that 
has been printed is a translation of the Batrachomyomacliia of Homer, first 
published at Panna, in 1492, and afterwards at Florence, by Bernardo Zuc- 
chetti, 1512, with this distich in the place of a title : 

“ Accipe Maeonio cantatas carmine ranas, 

Et frontein nugis solvere disce meis.” 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


387 


Note 25, (p. 11.)—To Cosmo de’ Medici, Argyropylus addressed his 
translation of several tracts of Aristotle; Lapo Castellionchio, his life of 
Themistocles, from Plutarch; and Benedetto Accolti, his dialogue, De viris 
illustribus. A great number of other learned works, inscribed to Cosmo, 
remain in the Laurentian library, and are particularly cited in the catalogue 
of Bandini. Flor. 1774, &c. 

Note 26, (p. 12.)—This extraordinary man, whose writings throw con¬ 
siderable light on the history of the age, and whose Latin style pleases by 
its unaffected simplicity, was born in the year 1381, of the noble family of 
Bracciolini, originally of Florence, and having spent, his youth in travelling 
through different countries of Europe, settled at length at Rome. He re¬ 
mained in this city as secretary in the service of eight successive popes, till 
he was invited to Florence in the year 1452, being then upwards of seventy 
years of age, to succeed Carlo Marsuppini, as secretary to the republic. 
After his return to Florence, he began to write the history of that state, but 
dying before he had brought it to a conclusion, it was afterwards completed 
by his unfortunate son Giacopo. His numerous works have been several 
times reprinted; the most general collection of them is that of Basil, 1538. 
Of all his productions, his Liber Facetiarum is the most singular. The 
gross indecency of some of his tales can only be equalled by the freedom in 
which he indulges himself respecting the priesthood. It is difficult to con¬ 
ceive how he escaped in those times the resentment of that order; but we 
must remember that this work was produced in the bosom of the church, 
and was probably an amusement for the learned leisure of prelates and of 
cardinals. In a short preface, Poggio explains the motives that led him to 
this composition, and attempts to excuse its licentiousness. 

Although Poggio was an ecclesiastic, he had several children whom he 
openly acknowledged. His friend the cardinal of S. Angelo having remon ¬ 
strated with him on the irregularity of his conduct, Poggio, in his reply, 
acknowledges his fault, but at the same time attempts to extinguish the 
glare of it in the general blaze of licentiousness that involved the age. His 
letter on this occasion affords a striking proof of the depravity of the times. 
(Poggii, Hist, de varietate Fortume, 207.) He afterwards divested himself 
of his clerical character, and married a young and handsome wife; in justi¬ 
fication of which measure he thought it necessary to write a treatise, which 
he entitled An seni sit xixor ducenda, and which he addressed to Cosmo de’ 
Medici. This dissertation yet remains, though it has not hitherto been 
printed.—Zeno, Diss. Voss. i. 86. The dissertation itself may be found 
in the Life of Poggio Bracciolini, by the Rev. William Shepherd, of 
Gateacre, published in 1802, a production which, written in a candid and 
liberal spirit, by one of the most intelligent men of his time, and who had 
made Itiilian literature his particular study, throws much light upon a sub¬ 
ject, upon times, and upon men whom all posterity will regard with interest- 
The work has accordingly been translated into the Italian.and other languages. 

Note 27, (p. 13.) —“ Not in the library, as their dignity required, but in a 
dark, filthy dungeon, at the bottom of a tower, whence the only wonder is 
they were ever at all recoverable.”—Pog. ap. Zeno, vt sup. 

C C 2 


388 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 



Note 28, ^p. 13.)— 

‘ ! Quin etiam, ut veterum erueret monimenta viroruxn, 

Nec sineret turpem tot bona ferre situm, 

Ausus barbaricos populos penitusque reposta 
Poscere Lingonicis oppida celsa jugis. 

Illius ergo manu nobis, doctissime Rhetor, 

Integer in Latium, Quintiliane, redis; 

Illius atque manu, divina poemata Sili 
Italici redeunt, usque legenda suis : 

Et ne nos lateat variorum cultus agrorum, 

Ipse Columellse grande reportat opus: 

Et te, Lucreti, longo post tempore, tandem 
Civibus et Patriae reddit habere tuae. 

Tartareis potuit fratrem revocare tenebris 
Alterna Pollux dum statione movet; 

Conjugis ac rursus nigras subitura lacunas 
Eurvdice sequitur fila canora sui. 

Poggius at sospes nigra e caligine tantos 
Ducit ubi aeternum lux sit aperta viros.” 

Land. Eleg. ap. Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. i. 93. 

Note 29, (p. 14.)—“1 came across a copy of the Sylvce of Statius, which 
Poggio had brought into Italy from France, written in a French hand; from 
which copy, though very inaccurate, and, as I take it, not giving half the 
original work, all the other copies I have were taken.”—Pol. ap. Band. Cat. 
Bib. Laur. Pint, xxxii Cod. 10. 

Note 30, (p. 14.)—“ There are two great volumes, of oblong form, in 
Lombard characters, in the Cistercian monastery of Sora, two German miles 
from Roscliild, which you can reach in about two days from Lubeck. Be 
sure, therefore, to get Cosmo to write without delay to Gherardo de Bueris, 
and tell him to enter into immediate communication with the monastery; if 
necessary, go there himself; for, if this information be true, it will be a great 
triumph for us.”—Trav. Ep. i. praef. 46. 

Note 31, (p. 14.)—Poggio has given a picture of the English nobility 
somewhat different from that of the present times.—“Next to these (the 
French) come the Britons, now called English, whose nobility think it dis 
creditable to live in towns, and dwell almost entirely at their country seats, 
secluded amidst woods and pastures; they are considered according to their 
rent-roll; they attend to rustic affairs, selling wool and the live produce of 
their lands; nor do they deem it at all beneath them to make money in this 
way.”—Poggius de Nobilitate, Opera, p. 69. 

Note 32, ^p. 14.)—At least there is reason to conjecture so, from a 
passage in a letter from Poggio to Niccolo Niccoli:—“ Please to send me 
the Bucolics of Calphurnius, and the portion of Petronius which I forwarded 
to you from Britain,” &c.—Trav. ut sup7-a. 

Note 33, (p. 14.)—Many particulars respecting Guarino may be collected 
from the poems of his pupil, Janus Pannonius, printed at Basil, by Fro- 
benius, in 1518, and which are possessed of considerable merit. Of these 




NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


389 


poems a new and improved edition was published at Utrecht in 1784, in 2 
vols. 8vo. Guarino was born in 1370, and was the first native Italian who 
publicly taught the Greek tongue in Italy. He is, however, more celebrated 
as a preceptor than as an author. Almost all the learned men of the 15th 
century profited by his instructions, but his diction is considered by Cortesi 
as harsh and inelegant.—Cort. de Horn. Doctis. (Flor. 1734.) 

Note 34, (p. 15.)—“I would fain express in my letters to Cosmo and 
Lorenzo the gratitude I feel for the benefits they have conferred upon me, 
but the pen would most inadequately convey my sense of obligation. I leave 
it to you to offer this homage on my part orally.”—Aurispse Ep. in Trav. 
Epistolis, xxiv. 57. 

Note 35, (p. 15.)—“You know Niccolo Niccoli; a chattering, frivolous 
person; but my principal enemy is Carlo Aretino, a man of a most crafty, 
dissembling, and wicked disposition. He can do anything he pleases with 
Medici.” And the character he gives of Cosmo in a letter to the cardinal of 
Bologna, dated 1432, is sufficiently invidious:—“ Cosmo, though he seems 
very much attached to me, is a most dissembling person. He is so close 
that his most intimate associates, and the people always about him, never 
know what he is about.”—Phil. Ep. (1501,) p. 19. 

Note 36, (p. 16.)—By a letter of Filelfo to Lapo Castellionchio, which 
Ambrogio Traversal! saw, it appeared that he expressed himself in terms 
of resentment against both Traversal! and Cosmo de’ Medici. Traversari 
upbraided him with his duplicity, and Filelfo attempted to justify it by- 
accusing Cosmo, in his reply, of a design on his life. “ As to Cosmo de’ 
Medici’s hostility against me, it is capable of going any lengths ; 1 have 
had full experience how he hates me. Do not talk of reconciliation 
between us; he makes use of the dagger and of poison; I have but my pen 
wherewith to defend myself.”—lb. 26. 

Note 37, (p. 16.)—A very extensive catalogue of them may be found in 
the Dissert Voss, of Apostolo Zeno. The character of Filelfo is well given 
by Paolo Cortesi, (De Horn. Doctis, 32:)—“ He possessed from nature an 
erratic, multifarious, flighty turn of mind. There remain by him poems 
and discourses, of a nature as various as was his life. He was a venal 
writer, preferring gain to literary glory.” 

Note 38, (p. 16.)—“ Misit munere Alfonso Cosmas T. Livii Commex- 
tarios. Hex Livianae historic maxime fuit studiosus. Id autem cum 
Medici Regis qui aderant intelligerent, statira Alfonso imperant ut cautum 
agat cum florentino ingenio, neque ullo modo Livium attingat, librum 
ilium ab lioste missum, in eoque venennin occultari posse atque inter le- 
gendum contrahi. Quibus auditis Alphonsus attentior factus est quasi 
assentiri monentibus videretur.” When, however, the book was brought 
him, he eagerly opened it, saying, “ Cease your trifling: kings’ destinies are 
not in the hand of men, but, as old Homer writes, under the shield q<? Jove.” 

Note 39, (p. 17.)—A full and interesting account of the visit of the 
Greek emperor to Italy, and of the proceedings and consequences of the 
council of Florence, may be found in Gibbon’s History of the Decline and 
Fall of the Roman Empire, c. 66. 


390 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


Note 40, (p. 17.)—Pletlio, though living in 1400, had been the preceptor 
of Emanuel Chrysoloras, the great promoter of Grecian literature in Italy, 
whom he, however, long survived, living to the extended age of one hundred 
years.—Hodius de Graecis illustribus, (1742.) p. 22. 

Note 41, (p. 18.)—Thus he speaks of his education in his proem to 
his translation of the works of Plotinus, addressed to Lorenzo de’ Medici: 
“ The great Cosmo, by a decree of the senate entitled Pater Patrice at 
the time of the debate between the Greeks and Latins at Florence, under 
pope Eugenius, often attended to hear the Greek philosopher, Gemisthus 
Pletho, well nigh a second Plato, discourse concerning the Platonic 
mysteries, and he was so moved by his stirring eloquence, that he deter¬ 
mined to establish a Greek academy at the very first seasonable opportunity. 
When this project was about to be carried into effect, he selected me, the 
son of his favourite physician, to preside over the important work, though 
1 was at the time little more than a boy.” &c—Plotini op. Flor. 1492, per 
Ant. Miscominum magnifico sumptu Laurentii Medicis patriae servatoris. 

Note 42, (p. 18.)—“ The example of the Roman pontiff was preceded or 
imitated by a Florentine merchant, who governed the republic without arms, 
and without a title. Cosmo of Medici was the father of a line of princes, 
whose name and age are almost synonymous with the restoration of 
learning; his credit was ennobled into fame; his riches were dedicated to 
the service of mankind; he corresponded at once with Cairo and London, 
and a cargo of Indian spices and Greek books were often imported in the 
same vessel.”—Gibbon’s Hist, of the Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire, c. 66. 

Note 43, (p. 19.)—From the funeral oration over Niccolo Niccoli, by 
Poggio, w r e learn that the most celebrated collections that had been formed 
in Italy, before that of Niccolo, w r ere those of Petrarca, of Lodovico Mar- 
silio, an Augustine monk, of Boccaccio, and of Colucio Salutati. The first 
of these was sold and dispersed after the death of its possessor. Marsilio 
and Boccaccio bequeathed their collections to the library of the Augustine 
monastery at Florence ; and that of Colucio, which almost equalled in 
number the library of Niccolo, was sold by his children after his decease. 
To Niccolo Niccoli we must therefore attribute the honour of having set 
the first example of forming in Italy an institution so favourable to the in¬ 
terests of learning, as a public library.—“ This distinguished man did that 
for letters w'hich there is no record of any other man’s having done for many 
ages before. His conduct is deserving of honour in all time. The books 
which he had, with the utmost labour and care, transcribed and collated 
from more than eighty manuscripts, he, though a man very far from rich, 
nay, a needy man, left in charge to his friends as the nucleus of a public 
library, for the free use of students in all time to come. Oh, noble dona¬ 
tion, wdiereby not this man nor that, but the Greek and Latin muses were 
left heirs to this treasure !"—Poggius, tn funere Nic. 

Note 44, (p. 19.)—Tiraboschi suspects that the books collected by 
Cosmo and by Niccolo Niccoli were united together in the library of S. 
Marco, and that Lorenzo was the first of his family who began a collection 
under his own roof. (Lett. Ital. vi. i. 98.) But ample evidence remains 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


891 


of the establishment of a domestic library by Cosmo. To say nothing of 
the authority of the modern Florentine bibliographers, and particularly of 
Bandini (Lettera sopra i principj, &c.), I may cite the explicit testimony 
of Alberto Avogradi, a contemporary of Cosmo, who addressed to him a 
poem in two books, entitled, JDe religione et magnificentia illustris Cosmi 
Medices Florentini , which has been published bv Lami. {Delicise Erudit. 
v. 12,) in which these two collections are distinctly adverted to. Speaking 
in his first book of the public buildings erected by Cosmo, and particularly 
of the monastery of S. Marco, he adds: 

41 Post cellas gravis iste labor numerare libellos 
Quos duplici lingua bibliotheca tenet: 

Ista tenet nostros, servat pars altera Graecos, 

Quis poterit quot sunt enumerare libros ?” 

But in his second book, when he describes the palace of Cosmo, he expa¬ 
tiates largely on his library. 

“ Iste colit musas, colit hie quoque verba soluta : 

O mira in tectis bibliotheca suis ! 

Nunc legit altisoni sparsim pia scripts Maronis, 

Nunc Augustini sacra notata pii. 

Aut ea quae Cicero: Senecce moralibus atque 
Insudat, memori mente notanda notans. 

Interdum ne fors semper sua pectora curis 
Kepleat, adveniant dulcia scripts jubet, 

Et quando accedit Naso, vel quando Tibullus; 

Aut priscis lectis saepe moderns legit, 

Atque novas laudat musas, nova carmina spectans 
Dicit, habet faciles haec nova musa modos.” 

Note 45, (p. 21.)—Of the numerous authors who have minutely inquired 
into the rise of this useful art, no one has had greater opportunities of ob¬ 
taining information, or has pursued his inquiries with more accuracy, than 
Mr. Heineken,who has clearly shown, that the fabrication of cards for games 
of chance, was first practised in Germany, and was in use before the close 
of the fourteenth century. Not long afterwards, the same art that had at 
first been subservient to the amusement, was employed to gratify the super¬ 
stition of the people, and it became usual to cut upon blocks of wood the 
figures of paints, with inscriptions. Mr. Heineken has cited an indisputable 
specimen of the latter, so early as the year 1423. These inscriptions gave 
the first idea of printing with tablets of wood, which are well known to have 
led the way to the invention of moveable types. The first book printed with 
such types was a copy of the Bible, which made its appearance between the 
years 1450 and 1452. This discovery is certainly to be attributed to the 
Germans, whether it. consisted in printing with blocks of wood, or with types 
moveable at pleasure. John Guttenburg, of Mavence, has the best claim to 
the honour of an invention which has so essentially contributed to enlarge 
the sphere of action of the human faculties.—Idee generate d’une Collec¬ 
tion complette d’Estampes. 

Note 4G, (p. 21.)—The celebrated Johannes Argyropylus, though ranked 
by Dr. Hody amongst the learned Greeks who did not arrive in Italy until 


392 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


after the capture of Constantinople, had undoubtedly taken up his residence 
there before that event, as is fully shown by Mehus.—Trav. Ep. i. praef. 

Note 47, (p. 21.)—Although Italy has no pretensions to the invention 
of printing, it was the first country that followed the example of Germany, 
and that with such ardour, as not only to outvie the rest of Europe in the 
number of printed works, hut even to give speedy perfection to the art. 
Much investigation has been employed in determining in what city of Italy 
it was first practised, and attempts have been made to show that Venice pro¬ 
duced the Decor Puellarum, in 1401, and Milan, the Historice Augusta 
Scriptorcs, in 14G5. The evidence of these is at least doubtful; but it is 
certain, that, in the year last mentioned, the works of Lactantius were printed 
at the monastery of Soubiaco, in the Campagna of Rome, and that the gram¬ 
matical work ©f Donatus had before issued from the same press. The cha¬ 
racter used by the German inventors was the Gothic, and those of the early 
Roman printers partook of the same form, but in a few years it was super¬ 
seded by the character now in general use, which has therefore obtained the 
name of Roman. In the year 1471, this art was practised in Naples, Bo¬ 
logna, Ferrara, and Florence, and in a short time there was scarcely a place 
of afly note in Italy in which it was unattempted. The Carattere Corsivo, 
or running type, was the invention of the celebrated Aldo Manutio, and 
being first used in Italy, thence acquired the name of the Italic, or Aldine, 
character. Strictly speaking, however, the Roman character itself was de¬ 
rived from the cursive character of the ancient Romans, as it appeared in the 
MSS. of the times, with such corrections and improvements as were suitable 
to the taste of the letter-founder, and not from the original or primary cha¬ 
racter. That both the Greeks and Romans had a smaller, distinct, and more 
ready character for common use, is well known; and from that of the Romans 
all the modern European characters are supposed to have been derived. 
“From that small cursive character, which, as we have shown, was known to 
the Romans and to the Greeks, were derived those characters, which Cl. 
Mabillon, De Arte Diplomatica, i. 11, and after him, Cl. Abbas Godefridus, 
in his Chron. Gottwicensi, i. 16, call Gothic, Lombard, Franco-Gallic, or 
Merovingian, Caroline, Anglo-Saxon, Toletan, Sueco-Gothic. All these 
characters, at first aspect dissimilar, are to be traced back to the one and 
the same old cursive character of the Romans, as to their original source; 
the variations having occurred from various circumstances of time and 
country, and from the different handwriting of transcribers.”— Villoison, 
Anecd. Greec. p. 149.—For the above extract, elucidating this curious sub¬ 
ject, I am indebted to the Rev. Dr. Parr. 

Note 48, (p. 23.)—In the Laurentian Library are several manuscripts 
which appear to have been copied for his use. At the close of the works of 
Lactantius (Plut. xxi. Cod. 2) is the following memorial: “ Scriptus autem 
fuit monu mea Gerardi Johannis del Ciriagio civis et notarii Floreutini pro 
Johanne Cosmi de’ Medicis optimo et primario cive Florentino de anno 
Domini mcccclviii. Florentiae, Laus Deo.”—Similar memorials occur in other 
instances. (Bandini, Cat. Bib. Laur.) Nicolo Tignosio inscribed to Gio¬ 
vanni de’ Medici his treatise, De laudibms Cosmi patris ejus. On his death, 
Naldo Naldi addressed a Latin poem to his father, which is printed in the 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I, 


393 


Carmina Must. Poet. Ital. vi. 451. The same work contains other testimo¬ 
nies of the regret that attended his loss. I shall content myself with giving 
one of the several epitaphs that Peregrino Allio wrote upon this occasion. 

“ Hie sita magnanimi Medicis sunt ossa Joannis 
Quanto heu privata est urbsque, domusque viro ! 

Fratre Petro, patrieeque bonis, Cosmoque parente 
Ac tanto rerum culmine dignus erat.” 

The death of Giovanni de’ Medici may afford a useful lesson: and I shall 
not conceal from my readers, that in the manuscript I have before cited, en¬ 
titled, Origine e descendenza ddla casa de' Medici, this event is said to have 
been attributed to high living. “ Many will have it that the death of Gio¬ 
vanni was owing to his excess in eating and drinking; for he was naturally 
of a feverish temperament, and his reckless feasting and jollifications, it is 
said, made matters ten times worse, and at last killed him.” 

Note 49, (p. 23.)—“ There are many letters of Carlo Medici extant to 
his father and his brothers, in which he gives them an account of his affairs, 
and his emendations in Greek and Latin classics. Among others, there is 
one in which he adverts to a commission from Cosmo to have the epistles of 
Phalaris translated into Latin.”—Fabronius, in vita Cosm. ii. 213. 

Note 50, (p. 24.)— De religione et magnificentia Illustris Cosmi Medicis 
Florentini. By which, however, the author only means to celebrate the 
buildings erected by Cosmo for public and private use. Accordingly, in his 
first book he adverts to the churches of S. Marco and S. Lorenzo, the dor¬ 
mitory of the convent of S. Croce, the chapels of Boschetti and Monte 
Avemo, and the monastery of Fiesole, of each of which he gives a descrip¬ 
tion. He also alludes to the intention which Cosmo had then formed, and 
which he afterwards executed, of erecting at Jerusalem a house of reception 
for poor and infirm pilgrims, in which it seems he had to contend with the 
prejudices of the Saracens. 

-“ Domini tu sancta sepulchra, 

Quae sunt Jerusalem condecorasse paras, 

Magna parat Cosmus, sed tu, Saladine, recusas, 

O rapiant sensus, ista negata, tuos.” 

In the second book, Avogradi recounts, in similar language, the magnifi¬ 
cence of the palaces and other buildings erected by Cosmo for secular pur¬ 
poses. 

Note 51, (p. 24.)—Plut. liv. Cod. 10. This manuscript consists of seventy- 
two distinct pieces, composing a large volume in quarto, with the portrait of 
Cosmo prefixed to the work, which is also preceded by the following short 
introductory epistle from Scala to Lorenzo de’ Medici:— 

“ Bart. Scala, Laurentio Medici, urbis spei, S. D. Collegi, Laurenti cha- 
rissime, scripta compluria et omnia fere in quae manus inciderunt, ubi nomen 
Cosmi Avi tui, Patns hujus urbis legeretur. Ea redegi in volumen, quod 
mitto nunc ad te. Velim ut tantum otii subtrahas maximis tuis occupa- 
tionibus, ut mira et legendi et intelligendi divini ingenii tui solertia omnia 
percurras ; et si tibi videbuntur digna quae legantur ab hominibus, alicui ex 
bibliothecis Cosmi ut inserantur curabis. Vale.” 



394 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


Note 52, (p. 24.)—Beccatelli was born of a respectable family, in 1394, 
and was for some years a public professor of history and letters at Pavia, 
where he enjoyed the protection of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, and a 
salary of eight hundred gold crowns. After having received the laurel by 
the favour of the emperor Sigismund, he went to the court of Alfonso king 
of Naples, in whose employ he passed the remainder of his days, honoured 
with the office of his secretary and councillor, and the constant companion 
both of his studies and his military expeditions. His Dicta et facta Al- 
phonsi Regis Arragoniw, in four books, was commented on by ./Eneas Syl¬ 
vius (pope Pius II.) and has been frequently printed. His epistles and 
orations were published at Venice in 1553. His Hermaphroditus is divided 
into two books, containing short epigrammatic poems on a variety of sub¬ 
jects. Some of the least exceptionable may be found at the end of his 
E pistol® et Orationes. (Ven. 1553.) And others in the Carmina illustrium 
Poetarum Italorum. (ii. 109.) The remainder have been strictly confined 
within the limits of the Laurentian Library. 

There is a manuscript copy of the Hermaphroditus at Holkham, and the 
work itself was printed with some other productions of a similar character, 
at Paris, in 1791. 

Note 53, (p. 25.)—“Evenfromthe pulpit, Bernardino da Siena and Roberto 
da Lecce preached against them, so that in Bologna, in Ferrara, and in 
Milan, they were burnt in the public squares. If w r e may believe Valla (In 
Facium Invect. ii. (Basil, 1540) 543, not only was his book twice burnt, 
but his portrait, too, was consigned to the flames.” And he adds: “ The next 
time, I hope the man himself will be burnt.”—Zeno Dissert. Voss. i. 316. 

Note 54, (p. 25.)—“ I have been delighted with the elegance of the 
verses, and wondered to see matter so indecent, so absurd, conveyed with 
such charm of manner; for I admire your learning and your wit, and thank 
you for thus once more recalling to me the Latin muse, so long neglected. 
But, for charity, when next you write, let your theme be somewhat of a 
graver character. Remember the same licence is not permissible to us who 
are Christians, as to the poets of old who knew not God.”—Poggii Op. 49. 

Note 55, (p. 26.)—First printed by Sweynheim and Pannartz at Rome, 
about 1470, and several times afterwards, particularly by Aldus, in 1516. 

Note 56, (p. 27.)—For a curious instance of this, see L. Aretini Ep. ii. 17. 

Note 57, (p. 28.)—Warton (Essay on Pope, ii. 68) traces the genealogy 
of this curious tale from Poggio to Rabelais, “ who,” says he, “ inserted it 
in his eighth book, and thirty-third chapter; it was afterwards related in a 
book called the Hundred Novels. Ariosto finishes his fifth satire with it. 
Malespiui also made use of it. Fontaine, who imagined Rabelais to be the 
inventor of it, was the sixth author who delivered it, as our Prior was the 
last, though perhaps not the least spirited.” Dr. Warton had this informa¬ 
tion from the Menagiana ; but he has mistaken his authority, in placing 
the writings of Rabelais before the well known work of the Cent Nouvelles 
Nouvelles, which is more ancient by nearly a century. Even Ariosto was 
prior to Rabelais, who was only the fourth amongst these Hogs of West- 
phaly. Of this Menage was well aware.—Menag. i. 369. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


395 


Note 58, (p. 28.)—This information we derive from the introduction of 
Ficino to his translation of that work, inserted in the Collectianes Cosmiana. 

Note 59, (p. 29.)—This letter yet remains, and gives us a very interest¬ 
ing account of the conduct of Cosmo shortly before his death. It is as fol¬ 
lows: “I wrote to you the other day, and told you that Cosmo was getting 
worse; since then he has become still weaker, and he is so sensible of his 
condition, that on Tuesday evening he desired all to leave the chamber but 
myself and Monna Contessina. He then gave us an outline of his life, 
touching upon the principle he had acted upon in his government of the 
city, upon his commercial transactions, upon his household affairs, and 
upon his property; and then he discoursed of you two, and said it was a 
great consolation to him to reflect upon the good disposition you exhibit, 
giving him satisfactory assurance of your future conduct. He said he felt 
sorrow for two things; that he had not done all he had wished to do and 
might have done, and that my health was so indifferent that he should leave 
the world anxious on my account. He said he had made no will, thinking 
it unnecessary, by reason of the concord and mutual esteem which prevails 
amongst us. He desired that his funeral should be conducted without pomp 
or display, and, as he had several times before mentioned to me, that he 
might be buried in S. Lorenzo. He said all this with the utmost calmness, 
with wonderful tranquillity of soul, adding, that God had spar ed him many 
years, and that he should leave the world well content. Yesterday morning, 
early, he got up, and had his clothes, shoes and all, carefully put on, and 
then sending for the prior of S. Lorenzo and two other priests, he confessed, 
and had mass celebrated, making the responses without faltering. After¬ 
wards, he made his profession of faith, and devoutly took the sacrament, 

first asking pardon of all the world.Upon the whole, I have derived 

so much consolation from his firm and pious demeanour, that, though I 
cannot wholly restrain my natural grief on such an occasion, I shall be 
much more reconciled than otherwise I could have been to see him take 
the path in which we must all follow him. And do you bear in mind that 
you are now no longer children; submit with enduring soul to the dispen¬ 
sation of God, and act with the manly firmness which your present condition 
requires. The time has come when you must make trial of your own strength. 
Live in the fear of God, and hope for the best.—Careggio, 26 July, 1464.” 

Note 60, (p. 29.)—In the Ricordi of Piero de’ Medici is a particular 
account of the death of his father, a character of whom is there given, 
drawn with great truth and simplicity by the hand of filial affection. It is 
as follows:—“ 1 August, 1464, died Cosmo di Giovanni de Averardo de' 
Medici. He had been for some time past much afflicted with rheumatism, 
though free from any other malady, with the exception of having towards 
the last been somewhat feverish. He was 77 years old, a tall tine man, 
with his faculties, physical and moral, unimpaired, except as above men¬ 
tioned. He was a person of great wisdom and judgmeut, and of great 
goodness of heart. He was ever in the highest credit and favour with his 
fellow-citizens, who all trusted and loved him. Never died any man amongst 
us, whose departure caused more general grief; and this with reason, for 
there was no one had just cause of complaint against him, while, on the 



396 


NOTES TO CHAPTER I. 


other hand, there were great numbers who had been assisted and befriended 
by him. Not only his relations and friends mourned him, but his death 
was subject of regret, however strange it may seem, even to those who were 
enemies to his house. One thing which had, among others, greatly en ¬ 
deared him to the city, was the pains he had ever taken to reconcile persons 
who, from whatever cause, had conceived hostility to each other; by his me¬ 
diation, many persons, before enemies, had become the warmest friends. 
He was very liberal, compassionate, and charitable, and spent large sums 
in alms; and not only in the city and district, but in distant places, he was 
ever ready with his purse to assist in the repair of churches, and the sendee 
of religion in various ways. He was highly esteemed and respected by all 
the potentates of Italy, as well as by foreign sovereigns. He was honoured 
with the highest offices in our state, but would never accept any post else¬ 
where. He filled the most important embassies that proceeded from Florence 
in his time. Many citizens beside himself were enriched by means of his 
commercial transactions ; his operations were not only conducted with great 
judgment, but they were attended with the utmost good fortune. He 
died at Careggi, after having received all the sacraments of our holy 
church with great devotion and reverence ; he refused to draw up a will, 
leaving everything to my honour and judgment. He was buried the fol¬ 
lowing day, in the church of San Lorenzo, in the spot he had previously 
indicated to us, without any pomp or splendour. He had expressly left 
word that he would have nothing beyond the simplest preparations made, 
it being his opinion, he said, that alms and other good works during life 
reflect the greatest honour upon a man when he departs hence, and procure 
him more respect on the part of those who see him going to his grave, 
than the most magnificent obsequies. I complied witli his injunctions. 
I distributed in his name, the following alms.” 

Note Cl, (p. 30.)—In a picture, however, by Franc. Piselli, representing 
a public procession, Cosmo appears in advance of the other chief citizens. 

Note 62, (p. 30.)—Of this nature was the intercourse between Cosmo 
and Donatello. The treasures of the citizen were applied under the direc¬ 
tion of the sculptor to the acquisition of the most beautiful specimens of 
ancient art. Donatello survived his patron, but Cosmo on his death recom¬ 
mended him to the attention of Piero, his son, who amply provided for the 
wants of his age. Donatello died in 1466, and was buried in the church of 
S. Lorenzo, adjoining to the sepulchre of Cosmo, according to his own di¬ 
rections, for which he alleged as a reason, that as his soul had always been 
with Cosmo whilst living, so he desired their bodies might be near each 
other when dead. 

Note 63, (p. 30.)—Before the time of Brunelleschi, the Italians had 
imitated in their public buildings the Gothic structures of their German 
neighbours. He was the first who attempted to restore the Grecian orders 
of architecture, and under his control this important branch of art attained 
a degree of perfection which it had not known since the times of the ancients. 

Note 64, (p. 30.)—This venerable edifice is now the residence of the 
noble family of Riccardi, who, in the year 1659, purchased it from the grand 
duke Ferdinand II. Under the auspices of its present owner, the marquis 



NOTES TO CHAPTER T. 397 

Iticcardi, wnose extensive collection of manuscripts and antiquities is open 
to public inspection, this mansion yet emulates its ancient glory. 

Note 65, (p. 30.) —Cosmo had employed Brunelleschi in completing the 
church of S. Lorenzo, and in erecting the church and monastery of S. Bar¬ 
tolomeo, and acknowledged him on all occasions as the first architect of his 
time; after his death Cosmo also raised a monument to his memory.—Fab. 
in vita Cos. i. 155. 

Note 66, (p. 31.) —His attachment to women was extreme, and if the 
favourite object resisted his assiduities, he found some consolation in paint¬ 
ing her likeness. By this unconquerable propensity his labours were often 
interrupted, and an expedient adopted by Cosmo to remedy it, nearly cost 
Filippo his life. Having engaged the painter to complete a piece of work 
for him, Cosmo made him a prisoner in his chamber, but a confinement of 
two days exhausted the patience of the artist. At the risk of his life he 
made his escape through the window, and devoted himself for several days 
to his pleasures, nor did he return till sought out and solicited by Cosmo, 
who heartily repented of a proceeding which, however friendly in its motive, 
was certainly somewhat too arbitrary. 

Note 67, (p. 31.) —Thus Bartolomeo Scala, on a portrait of Cosmo, 
painted when he was young: 

“ Quae vera est Cosmi facies, haud vera videtur; 

Dissimiles adeo longa senecta facit; 

Talis erat quondam, quern nunc perfectior aetas, 

Ex homine, incoepit fingere velle deum.” 

Carm. illust. Poet. Ital. viii. 489. 

Note 68, (p. 32.) —“ I think this family was the greatest that ever was 
in the world; for its factors and agents had so much credit, upon the 
account of their name, that the effect I have since seen of this in Flanders 
and England is scarce credible. I saw one Gerard Quanvese who kept king 
Edward IV. upon his throne, almost by himself, during the civil wars in 
England; he furnished the king at different times with more than six score 
thousand pounds, tnougn not much to his master’s advantage; however, he 
got back his money after awhile. There was another 1 saw, named Thomas 
Portunari, who was security between the said king Edward and duke Charles 
of Burgundy for 50,000 crowns, and at another time for 80,000.” —Mem. of 
Comines, ii. 224. 


CHAPTER II. 

Note 1, (p. 33.)—Several of her Laudi, or hymns, are printed in the 
•ollection of sacred poems by the Medici family, published by Cionacci, at 
Florence, 1680, and since reprinted at Bergamo, in 1763; but a much more 
favourable specimen of her talents is given by Crescimbeni, (Della volgar 
Poesia, iii. 277,) who is of opinion that she excelled the greater part of, not 
to say all, the poets of her time. Her versifications of scripture history. 



398 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II, 


though never printed, are noticed by Luigi Pulci, in liis Morgante, which 
poem he was induced to complete, by her encouragement, and in which he 
thus adverts to the writings of his patroness: 

“ Quivi si legge della sua Maria 
La vita, ove il suo libro h sempre aperto; 

E di Esdram di Judith e di Tobia 
Quivi si rende giusto premio e merto; 

Quivi s’ intende hor 1’ alta fantasia 
A descriver Giovanni nel deserto; 

Quin cantano hor gli angeli i suoi versi, 

Dove il ver d’ ogni cosa pud vedersi.” 

Note 2, (p. 33.)—“ Lorenzo,” says Sismondi, “lias been distinguished 
by posterity with the title, par excellence, 1 of the Magnificent,’ whereas, 
the epithet was only made use of towards him in the same way that 
it was always made use of, at that period, towards prominent persons who 
had no title of their own; the only difference being that Lorenzo chanced 
to merit the appellation.” But, says Fabroni: “ lie even in boyhood is 
seen to have laid the foundations of that glory and general commendation 
which procured for him the name of Magnificent. For he was wonderfully 
liberal to all, especially to the poor, and was ever deeply touched with all 
instances of misfortune and unhappiness that came under liis observation, 
deeming nothing more deserving of commiseration than afflicted and de¬ 
pressed worth. Even when a youth, his high-souled liberality obtained 
for him the title of Magnificent .” “ The title of Magnificent,” says Pignotti, 
“ was given him on account of the grandeur and magnificence characterizing 
his whole conduct.” 

Note 3, (p. 34.)—Valori dwells with apparent satisfaction on his early 
piety. “ I have often heard,” says he, “ from his preceptor Gentile, with 
whom, both when he was our ambassador in France, and when at home, I 
was on the most intimate terms, that Lorenzo never quitted him. His ob¬ 
servance of the duties of religion was exemplary. He assiduously performed 
each daily service, and was in the constant habit of attending, in company 
with Gentile, the evening devotions at St. Paul’s, where a pious company 
were wont to assemble for the worship of God, to express their thanks for 
liis mercies by prayers and night watches. His charity to his poor brethren 
in Christ was unbounded. There was nothing puerile, nothing effeminate, 
about him.—Val. in vita Laur. p. 5. 

Note 4, (p. 35.)—This peculiarity in the character of Lorenzo was not 
unobserved by his contemporaries. “ Who ever combined within himself 
in so remarkable a manner high virtues appar ently irreconcilable ? What, 
for instance, would seem more incompatible with grave austerity than easy 
good-nature; yet, on the one hand, who more inflexibly firm than you, and, 
at the same time, more gentle, more clement ? ’Tis wonderful to see so great 
and magnanimous a soul so tempered by the mild influence of kindliness and 
humanity.”—Pauli Cortesii Ep. ad Laur. Med. ad Dial, de Hominibus dootis 
praef. (Flor. 1734.) See also Val. in vit& Laur. p. 14. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II, 


399 


Note 5 , (p. 35 .) —“ Argyropylus Byzantius was in distinguished consi¬ 
deration and favour with Cosmo de’ Medici, his son Piero, and his grandsoa 
Lorenzo, to whom he communicated the literature and language of Greece, 
and the ethical portion of philosophy.”—Politian. in Proem, ad Miscel. 

Note 6, (p. 37.)—The Sforza were a family of adventurers. Sforza degli 
Attendogli, the father of Francesco, from the condition of a peasant, ac¬ 
quired such a high degree of military reputation, as enabled his son, who 
was also a soldier of fortune, to obtain in marriage the daughter of Filippo 
Maria Visconti, duke of Milan, and the Milanese territory, at that period 
one of the most extensive in Italy, as her portion. According to tradition, 
Sforza was employed in turning the soil, when he was invited by some 
soldiers to enter into the army. His determination was a matter of diffi¬ 
culty, for the solution of which he resorted to his spade. Throwing it 
into an oak, he declared that if it fell to the ground he would continue his 
labours; if it hung in the tree, he would pursue his fortunes. (Murat. Ann. 
ix. 2.) He became the father of a line of princes who were regarded as the 
most splendid sovereigns of Italy, and formed alliances with the chief fami¬ 
lies in Europe. 

Note 7, (p. 39.)—It is deserving of remark that Macliiavelli is mistaken 
not only in the period he assigns for the commencement of this building, 
but in the motives that led to it. After relating the successful interposition 
of Luca Pitti in the affairs of the republic, in the year 1453, by which 
he rose to great eminence, and obtained a reward from his fellow-citizens, 
which was supposed to amount to 20,000 ducats, he adds (Hist. lib. vii.), 
“ which was the occasion of his attaining such repute, that it was not 
Cosmo, but Messer Luca, that ruled the city. Hereupon he became so 
exalted and confident in his notions of himself, that he set about two 
edifices, the one in Florence, the other at Ruciano, a place situate a mile 
from the city; both of them magnificent, regal structures; but as to the 
one in the city, it was by many degrees finer than any private citizen had 
ever before thought of building.” It is, however, certain that both these 
palaces were designed, and in part executed, by Filippo Brunelleschi, who 
died in 1440, seven years before the event related by Macliiavelli took place. 
“ Filippo also planned for M. Luca Pitti, at a place called Ruciano, beyond 
the gate of St. Nicholas, at Florence, a rich and magnificent palace, though 
by no means equal to that which the same citizen commenced in Florence, 
and carried up to the second windows; an edifice so grand, so splendid, that 
of Tuscan structure nothing more exquisite nor more magnificent has yet 
been witnessed.” (Vasari, Life of F. Brunelleschi.) This palace was after¬ 
wards purchased by Leonora of Toledo, wife of Cosmo I. duke of Florence, 
and was completed under the directions of Bartolomeo Ammanati. 

Note 8, (p. 40 .) —Macliiavelli informs us that Agnolo withdrew to Naples, 
and professes to cite the particulars of the letters between him and Piero. 
The accuracy of this historian may appear by comparing the authentic let¬ 
ters published by Fabroni with Machiavelli’s account of them in the 7 th book 
of his history. The letter of Acciajuoli is dated Siena, 17 Sept. 1446 ; he 
says: “lam pleased that you have now an opportunity of removing the 
grounds of hostility between us; your father deprived me of my country and 
of my property; it is in your power to restore both to me. His property 


400 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 


heretofore, was not taken from him, as mine has been, even down to my fur¬ 
niture. Do not sleep ere you show you are not ungrateful to me for my 
former services to your family.” The reply of Pietro de’ Medici bears date 
the 22nd of the same month. After expressing his sympathy for the personal 
ill-fortune of his correspondent, whom he addresses as “ Illustrious knight, 
honoured by me with paternal respect,” he says, “ that though for his own 
part he heartily forgives him, yet that, as he must himself admit, the offence 
he had been guilty of towards his country is one which it is impossible for 
the republic, and which it ought not, lightly to pass over; and that as to 
the favours which may have been conferred by Acciajuoli on the house of 
Medici, the Medici have, to say the very least, amply repaid tliem.’ ; 

Note 9, (p. 41.)—“A prince of rare wisdom and valour, whom the most 
powerful sovereigns of Italy disputed with each other to secure as leader of 
their troops, and by all of whom he was ever received with the most distin¬ 
guished honours.”—Tiraboschi, vi. i. 13. 

Note 10, (p. 41.)—“ July, 1467, came duke Galeazzo of Milan, who 
was in the field in Romagna, against Bartolomeo da Bergamo, at that time 
in arms against our state. He took up his abode in our house, at his own 
desire, although the Signory had prepared apartments for him in Santa Maria 
Novella.”—Ricordi di Lorenzo. 

Note 11, (p. 42.)—Platina, in reference to this battle, says, “ Those 
who were present at the battle assure us that our times have not witnessed 
a greater one; numbers were killed in the fight.” (Plat. i. 448. Ven. 1744.) 
And Ammirato expressly informs us, in direct contradiction to Macliiavelli, 
that both armies fought with great courage; that, according to the most 
moderate accounts, 300 men and 400 horses were killed ; that another ac¬ 
count stated the loss at 800, and another at 1000 men. He also cites the 
Venetian history of Sabellico, who denominates this a very bloody engage¬ 
ment.—Amm. iii. 102. 

Note 12, (p. 42.)—These poems are, however, yet preserved in the Lan- 
rentian Library, Plut. xc. cod. xxxviii. The subject is Friendship. The 
derided candidates -were Michele di Noferi, Francesco Altobianco, Antonio 
Allio, afterwards bishop of Fiesole, Mariotto Davanzati, Anselmo Calderoni, 
and Francesco Malecarni. Pozzetti, somewhat unfortunately, denominates 
this contest “ The triumph of literature.” (See Pozzetti de laud. L. B. Al¬ 
berti, Flor. 1789.) 

Note 13, (p. 43.)—Alberti was of a noble family of Florence, but was 
born at Venice, in 1404. In his youth he was remarkable for his agility, 
strength, and skill in bodily exercises. An unquenchable thirst of know¬ 
ledge possessed him from his earliest years. In the learned languages, he 
made a speedy and uncommon proficiency, and had perhaps a more general 
acquaintance with the sciences than any man of that age. Of all the fine 
arts he had a thorough and practical knowledge; and as a painter, a sculptor, 
but particularly as an architect, obtained no small share of celebrity.—Vasari, 
vita di Alberti. Pozzetti. 

Note 14, (p. 43.)—This piece was written by Alberti during the confine¬ 
ment of sickness, occasioned by too close an application to study. It was 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 


401 


printed in the succeeding century by the younger Aldo Manutio, who had 
procured a manuscript copy, and, not aware of the deception, gravely con 
fosses in the proem his ignorance of Lepidus, the Roman poet. 

Note 15, (p. 43.)—On the authority of Vasari we may attribute to Al¬ 
berti the discovery of the camera-oscura, though that invention is generally 
given to Giambattista Porta, in the succeeding century. “ In the year 1437 
he found out a way of taking natural perspective by means of an instru¬ 
ment, and diminishing the figures,” &c. (Vasari, vita di Alberti.) The in¬ 
vention of the optical machine for exhibiting drawings, so as to imitate 
nature, is indisputably due to him. “ By the same art he effected results 
unheard of before, which seemed even to the spectators incredible. He en¬ 
closed drawings in a small box, with a little hole at the end, on looking 
through which you saw before you what seemed lofty mountains,” &c.—Va¬ 
sari, nt. sup. 

Note 10, (p. 43.)—Of this Vasari has preserved the following specimen: 

“ Questa per estrema miserabile pistola mando, 

A te, che spregi miseramente noi.” 

Some of the sonnets of Alberti are yet extant, and are printed with those 
of Burchiello, with whom he was on terms of intimacy ; and Pozzetti, who 
has lately favoured the public with a very full account of this extraordinary 
man, has also pointed out several of his poetical pieces, wliich are yet pre¬ 
served in different libraries of Italy. 

Note 17, (p. 440—To these poems Landino prefixed the name of 
Xandra, being the diminutive of Alessandro. , the appellation of his poetical 
mistress. This work has not been published; but the Canonico Bandini 
has given us some extracts from it in his Spec. Lit. Flor. i 110, &c. 

Note 18, (p. 44.)—This work, written in Latin, was first printed at 
Venice in 1532 ; again at Basil, 1544, and at Florence, 1023 ; the last 
mentioned edition being accompanied by the annotations of Thomas Demp¬ 
ster, a Scotchman, and professor of humanity in the college of Bologna. It 
was translated into Greek by Irone Ducas, and printed at Paris, in 1020: 
and into Italian by Francesco Boldelli, and published by Giolito, at Venice, 
in 1549.—Zeno. Diss. Voss. i. 103. 

Note 19, (p. 44.)—Accolti is not less celebrated as a civilian than as a 
polite scholar. He was bora at Arezzo, in 1415, whence his usual appella¬ 
tion of Benedetto Aretino. Huving been sent on an embassy from that 
place to Florence, he took up his residence there, and in the year 1459 
succeeded Poggio Bracciolini, as secretary to the republic, in which office he 
continued till his death, in 1400. Besides his history, he is the author of 
a dialogue, entitled, De prastantia virorum sui. cevi, inscribed to Cosmo de’ 
Medici, which was first printed in 1089. Paulo Cortesi, a severe censor, 
allows that his history is a work of great industry, and that it throws con¬ 
siderable light on a very difficult subject.—Id. ib. i. 104. Cortes, de Horn, 
doct. p. 22. 

Note 20, (p. 45.)—If we believe Mackiavelli, this exhibition took place 
in 7405, (at which time Lorenzo was only seventeen years of age,) and was 
intended merely to turn the attention of the people from the aft airs of state. 

D D 




402 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 


“ To employ them, therefore, in such a manner as might best divert their 
thoughts, and prevent them from entering into cabals and conspiracies 
against the government, and at the same time to console them in some 
measure after their mourning for the loss of Cosmo, who had now been 
dead a year, these citizens thought it would be no bad expedient to revive 
the public spectacles with which the people used to be entertained. For this 
purpose they appointed two seasons of holidays, in one of which an his¬ 
torical drama was exhibited upon the stage, representing the coming of the 
Three Magi from the East, by the guidance of a star, to the place of our 
Saviour’s nativity; and this was done with so much pomp and magni¬ 
ficence, that the whole city was entirely taken up several months in the 
performance, and making preparations for it. In the other, a grand tour¬ 
nament was held, in which the young gentlemen of the city challenged the 
most noble knights of Italy ; and Lorenzo de’ Medici, Piero’s eldest son, 
who was esteemed the most accomplished cavalier in Florence, easily carried 
away the prize from all others, not by popular favour, but by mere dint of 
merit and bravery.”—1st. vii. 

Note 21, (p. 45.)—In his elogies, Jovius adverts to the Giostra of 
Lorenzo, as prior to that of Giuliano. “ Politiano, in his early youth, 
acquired the reputation of high talent. In a poem of singular excellence, 
he celebrated the knightly games of Giuliano de’ Medici; it was, indeed, a 
poem, which, by the admission of all its readers, surpassed that wherein the 
noble poet, Luca Pulci, had, in some measure, sung the tournament held by 
Lorenzo, his brother,” &c.—In Elog. vir. doct. But in liis life of Leo X. 
he directly contradicts his own evidence. Speaking of the tournament 
of Giuliano, he says: “ The reward of his glorious labours was their 
triumphal celebration in the verses of the divine poet Politiano. Not long 
after, Lorenzo, that he might entitle himself to equal praises with his bro¬ 
ther, held a jousting, whereat was much perilous fighting. Of this magni¬ 
ficent spectacle, Pulci himself, emulous of Politiano, immortalized the 
memory, in a very charming poem.”—Vita Leonis X. i. 

Note 22, (p.45.)—Bayle cites these different passages of Jovius, but, as 
usual, leaves his reader to form his own judgment upon them.—Diet. Art. 
Politien. See Boissardum in Elog. vir. doct. et Jo. Mich. Brutum in Hist. 
Flor. ii. ap. Bayle. 

Note 23, (p. 45.)—Varillas and Baillet. The former of whom gives an 
account of the poem of Politiano, sufficiently absurd to afford amusement to 
the reader, the substance of which has been adopted by the latter.—Anec. de 
Flor. 194. Jugemens des Savans, v. 29. 

Note 24, (p. 45.)—Fabroni places this event before the conspiracy of Luca 
Pitti, and the attempt on the life of Piero de’ Medici.—Laur. Med. vita, i. 20. 

Note 25, (p. 45.)—“ I am acquainted with no writer who has unravelled 
this knotty point. I do not venture, therefore, to make any positive state¬ 
ment on the subject.”—Menck. in vita, Politiani, 44. 

Note 20, (p. 45.)—“ I have ascertained, from some learned Italian friends 
of mine, well acquainted with this book, that it is divided into two books, 
the third not having been completed.”—Menck. in vita Pol. 43. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 


403 


Note 27, (p. 46.) 

“ L’ anno correva mille quatfro cento 
Et sessant’ octo dall’ ipcarnazione, 

Et ordinossi per mezzo Gennaio, 

Ma il septimo di fessi di Febraio.”—Giostm di Lorenzo. 

It must be observed that the year, according to the Florentine computa 
tion, did not terminate till the 25th day of March. 

Note 28, (p. 46.) 

“ Cli’ era al principio del ventesimo anno, 

Quando e’ fu paziente a tamo affanno.”—Ib. 

Note 29, (p. 46.) 

“ Ma poi che in tutto fu l’orgoglio spento 
Del furor bergamasco : al her leone 
Venne la palma, et ciascun fu contento 
Di far la giostra nel suo antico agone.”—Ib. 

Note 30, (p. 46.) 

“ E’ si faceva le nozze in Fiorenza 
Quando al ciel piacque, di Braccio Martello, 

Giovane ornata di tanta eocellenza 

Cli’ io non saprei chi comparare a quello,” &c.—Ib. 

Note 31, (p. 46.) 

“ Trassonsi gli elmi i giostranti di testa 
E posto fine a si lungo martoro; 

Fu data al giovinetto con gran festo 
II primo honor di Marte, con 1’ alloro, 

Et T altro a Carlo Borromei si resta.”—Ib. 

Note 32, (p. 46.) 

“ Poi seguitava il suo fratel Giuliano, 

Sopra un destrier tutto d’ acciaio coperto.”—Ib. 

Note 33, (p. 46.) 

“ Digli, che sono per Giuliano certi squilli 
Che deston come Carnasciale il corno, 

Il suo cox magno all’ aspettata giostra; 

Ultima gloria di Fiorenza nostra.”—Ib. in fine. 

Note 34, (p. 46.)—Of this poem I have seen only two editions; the 
first printed without note of date or place, but apparently about the year 
1500, under the title of La Giostra di Lorenzo de' Medici messa in rinia da 
Luigi de’ Fit lei, anno mcccclxviii, in which it is to be observed, that this 
work is erroneously attributed to Luigi, the author of the Moryonte, instead 
of Luca, his brother. The other edition is printed in Florence by the 
Giunti, in 1572, accompanied by the Cirijfo Calvaneo , and the Epistole of 
Luca Pulci, and is there attributed to its proper author. 

Note 35, (p. 47.)—The grant of this privilege yet remains. It is dated 
May, 1465, and sets forth that the request of Piero de’ Medici to that effeet 
is complied with, “in memory of the high and all praiseworthy renown 
which the late Cosmo de’ Medici acquired by the whole conduct of his life, 

D D 2 


404 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II. 


bo distinguished by virtue and wisdom, as fully to entitle liis children, and 
others his relatives and friends, to honour and distinction.” 

Note 36, (p.47.')—The Stcinze of Politiano on the Giostra of Giuliano de’ 
Medici have been frequently printed. In the earliest edition I have seen, they 
are accompanied by his fable of Orfeo, stampate in Firenze, per Gianstephano 
di Carlo da Pavia, a stanza, di Ser Piero Pacina da Pescia, qnesto di xv. 
d Ottobre, mdxiii. This, however, is not the first edition; they havingbeen 
printed in the lifetime of Politiano, though without his concurrence, as 
appears by the dedication from Alessandro Sartio to Galeazzo Bentivoglio, 
reprinted in the edition of 1513, wherein Sartio alludes to their having been 
printed by Plato de Benedictis, one of the best printers of the fifteenth cen¬ 
tury, and adds, “ I think that if, on the one hand, Politiano should be some¬ 
what annoyed at these verses of liis, which he has heretofore set at nought, 
being printed, he will, on the other hand, be gratified that, as they are to be 
sent forth to the public, it should be under the immediate auspices of your 
lordship.” Many subsequent editions have been published; at Venice, 1521, 
1537, &c., and at Padua, by Comino, 1728, 1751, and 1765. 

Note 37, (p. 48.) 

“ Le gloriose pompe, e i fieri ludi 
Della cittd che ’1 freno allenta e stringe 
A’ magnanimi Toschi: e i regni crudi 
Di quella dea che ’1 terzo ciel dipinge: 

E i premj degni a gli onorati studi.” 

Note 38, (p. 51.)—On this lady we have an epitaph by Politiano, (the 
substance of which is said to have been suggested to him by Giuliano,) 
printed amongst his smaller poems, iu Opp. Aid. 1498. And Bernardo 
Pulci has also left an elegy on her death, published by Miscomini, at Flo¬ 
rence, in 1794. 

Note 39, (p. 51.)—This work was first published without note of place 
or date, but as Bandini supposes, about the year 1472, (Spec. Lit. Flor. 
ii. 3,) or 1475. (Ib. p. 192.) De Bure conjectures it was printed about 
the year 1480. (Bib. Instr. iv. 272. Ed. 1763.) This edition is extremely 
scarce. Bandini could not find a copy in the Vatican library, although it 
appears in the catalogue. It was reprinted at Strasburgh, in the year 1508. 
The title of this last edition, is “ Christopliori Landini Florentini libri quat - 
tnor. Primus de vita activa et contemplativa. Secundus de summo bonp 
Tertius et quartus in Publii Virgilii Maronis Allegoriesand at the close, 

“ Has Camaldulenses Disputationes pulchrioribus typis Mathias Sckiirerius. 
artium doctor excussit in oflicina sua litteratoria Argentoraci die xxvi Au- 
gusti. Anno Ohristi mdviii. Begnante Cfesare Maximiliano Augusto.” 

Note 40, (p. 52.)—“He was indeed a man, of all those whom this and 
not a few preceding centuries have produced, the most replete with wisdom 
and every accomplishment. As to mere learning, there is nothing which it 
is lawful for men to know, wherein lie was not thoroughly versed.”—Land. 
Disput. Carnal. 7. Ed. 1508. 

Note 41, (p. 52.)—Land. Disput. Carnal. 7. Bandini conjectures that 
Landino composed this work about the year 1460, (Spec. Lit. Flor. ii. 2,) 


NOTES TO CHAPTER II, 


405 


at which time Lorenzo was only twelve years of age. But from the above 
passage it is evident that it was written towards the latter part of the life of 
Piero de’ Medici, and probably about, the year 1468, when Lorenzo had 
already distinguished himself by his successful interference in public affairs. 

Note 42, (p. 53.)—-Alberti appears, from the following passage, to have 
almost given up the contest. “Nam quod aiebas maximum idcirco inde 
provenire reipublic® detrimentum quod occupatis excellentioribus ingeniis 
circa veri cognitionem, ipsa a deterioribus regatur, nunquam profecto ces- 
sabit sapiens, quin se de rebus arduis consulentes recta semper moneat; 
unde si non opera, consilio tamen juvabit.” (Qu®st. Carnal. 28.) Thus 
the philosopher is obliged to stoop from his celestial height, and to disturb 
the calm repose of his mind with the cares of this grosser world.—Beautiful, 
but impracticable system of philosophy! which must perhaps wait for its 
completion till another state of being! 

Note 43, (p. 54.)—From this singular circumstance, compared with the 
evidence of one of the epigrams of Politiano, we are enabled to determine 
that this lady was the beautiful Simonetta, the mistress of Giuliano de’ 
Medici, to whose untimely death we have before adverted. 

“ In Simonettam. 

“ Dum pulchra effertur nigro Simonetta feretro, 

Blandus et exanimi spirat in ore lepos, 

Nactus amor tempus quo non sibi turba caveret, 

Jecit ab occlusis mille faces oculis: 

Mille anirnos cepit viventis imagine risus; 

Ac morti insultans est mea dixit adhuc; 

Est mea dixit adlmc, nondum totam eripis illam, 

Ilia vel exanimis militat ecce mihi. 

Dixit—et ingemuit—neque enim satis apta triumphis 
Ilia puer vidit tempora—sed lachrymis.” 

Pol. lib. Epigram, in Op. Aid. 1498. 

Note 44, (p. 56.)—Let it not be thought that I should hazard such a 
sentiment without the full authority of my author, who has indeed expressed 
it in more general terms. “ Her understanding,” says he, “ was marvel¬ 
lous, and that without arrogance or ostentation; she avoided an error com¬ 
mon among women, who, when they imagine themselves at all sensible 
beyond the ordinary, become insupportable; meddling with every subject in 
a manner most impertinent and coxcombical.”—But we must recollect that 
Lorenzo de’ Medici wrote in the fifteenth century. 

Note 45, (p. 59.)—Bayle is mistaken in supposing that the marriage of 
Lorenzo took place in 1741. Speaking of Machiavelli, he says, “ He does 
not give the year of this marriage, a great omission in a writer of history ; 
but one may gather from his narrative that it was 1471.”—Diet. Art. Poli- 
tien. In correcting Bayle, Menckenius falls into a greater error, and places 
this event in 1472.—Menck. in vita Pol. p. 48. 

Note 46, (p. 59.)—Ricordi di Lor. vt supra. The expression is, vnifu data; 
in reference to which Meclierini observes: “ From this phrase, which 


406 


NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 


signifies nothing beyond a promise of future marriage, we cannot justly 
derive any conjecture of an indisposition on the part of Lorenzo to this 
marriage.” But Pignotti inclines to the construction of Mr. Roscoe, ob¬ 
serving that he “ cannot understand why the translator should go out of kis 
way to throw doubts over the point by the introduction of a needless note.” 
The expression of Lorenzo certainly implies, that the lady he married was 
not of his own seeking; but it does not follow, as Mecherini suggests, that 
it conveys any dissatisfaction on his part at the match. 


CHAPTER III. 

Note 1, (p. 65.)—Of the population and finances of Florence, in the 
fifteenth century, I am enabled to give some interesting particulars, from a 
manuscript of that period, hitherto unpublished, entitled, Iuvcntiva d' tma 
impositione di nn ova gravezza, or “A proposition for a new mode of taxa¬ 
tion,” by Lodovico Ghetti. In this document, the projector calculates the 
number of Florentine citizens capable of bearing arms at 80,000 men, which, 
by computing four persons with each, so as to include infirm people, women, 
and children, he estimates as a population of 400,000 inhabitants. He then 
calculates the amount of the consumption, by tins number of inhabitants, 
of the necessary articles of life, of which he proposes to take a tenth part, 
in one general tax upon the produce of the soil and the labour of the 
country, amounting to 475,815 florins, which, after making all due allow¬ 
ances, would be sufficient to support the military establishment of the re¬ 
public, and to discharge the other necessary expenses of the government. 

The florin is no longer a current coin in Tuscany; it may, therefore, be 
proper to observe, that the value of the ancient florin, or Fiorino d' oro, was 
about two shillings and sixpence, having been of the value of three lire and 
ten soldi.—Amm. 1st. Fior. ii. 758. 

Note 2, (p. 66.)—The family of Este may be considered as powerful 
rivals of the Medici in the encouragement of learning and arts. This taste 
seems to have arisen with Leonello, who had studied under Guarino Vero¬ 
nese, (Tirab. vi. 2. 259,) and is not less entitled to a place in the annals 
of letters than in those of political events. Under his protection the univer¬ 
sity of Ferrara was splendidly re-established and endowed. His court was 
resorted to by men of lear ning from all parts of Italy. Of his own poetical 
productions some specimens yet remain which do honour to his memory. 
“ A prince,” says Muratori, “ of immortal memory; for, according to the 
Cronicadi Ferrara, he was a lover of peace, of justice, and of piety, virtuous 
in his life, most assiduous in his study of the holy scriptures, munificent 
in his liberalities to the poor; patient in adversity, moderate in prosperity, 
governing his people with great wisdom, and so as to keep them ever tran¬ 
quil; well did he deserve, then, the glorious name of Father of his country.” 
—Mur. Ann. ix. 439. His successor was not inferior to him, as a patron 
of learning; and Ercole I., who succeeded Borso in 1471, continued his 
hereditary protection of literature to the ensuing century. 



NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 


407 


Note 3, (p. 66.)—If we give implicit credit to Macliiavelli, Lorenzo was 
in a great degree indebted for this high distinction to Tomaso Soderini, who 
(as that author informs us) liad ; after the death of Piero de’ Medici, ob¬ 
tained such influence in the city, that he was consulted on all affairs of 
importance, and was even addressed by foreign powers as the principal 
person in the republic. On this trying occasion, Tomaso, we are told, gave 
a striking proof of his moderation and fidelity. He assembled by night the 
principal citizens in the convent of S. Antonio, when Lorenzo and Giuliano 
were present, to take into consideration the state of the republic; where, 
by many arguments, he convinced his auditors of the expediency of con¬ 
tinuing the Medici in the elevated station wdiich their ancestors had so long 
enjoyed.—Mac. St. vii. This account, though so circumstantially related, 
and adopted even by Ammirato and Fabroni, I am led to reject, on the simple 
narrative of Lorenzo, in his Ricordi. If Lorenzo was, in fact, called upon to 
take the direction of the republic two days after the death of his father, 
there seems to have been but little time allowed for the honours paid by the 
citizens, and by foreign powers, to Tomaso Soderini. And if Lorenzo ac¬ 
cepted this honourable distinction in his own house, as he expressly informs 
us was the case, there was no occasion for his attendance in the convent of 
S. Antonio, whilst the citizens debated whether he should preserve the rank 
which his family had so long held in Florence. His continuance in this 
rank was not owing to the favour or the eloquence of an individual, but to the 
extensive wealth and influence of liis family, its powerful foreign connex¬ 
ions, and above all, perhaps, to the remembrance of the many benefits which 
it had conferred upon the republic. 

Note 4, (p. 67.)—“ Lorenzo de’ Medici and his brother,” observes M. de 
Sismondi, in his Hist, des Republiqties Italiennes (xi. p. 82), “did not 
altogether agree in their system of administration. The latter, of a gentler 
nature, more retiring, more disposed to live with his fellow citizens on terms 
of equality, naturally felt considerable anxiety at the constant indications 
presented to him of his brother’s lofty ambition, his pride, and his tendency 
to violence.” The authority, however, on which M. de Sismondi has relied, 
in making this attack upon Lorenzo, is no other than that of Bruto, respecting 
the dependence to be placed upon whom, he himself elsewhere says : “Bruto 
is placed in the first rank among the Latin historians of the sixteenth century, 
but it is solely on account of the elegance of his style. As to his candour 
on this subject, he had lived at Lyons among the emigrant Florentines, 
enemies to the house of Medici, and he has in general adopted their preju¬ 
dices, and their hatred to that family: his authorities, moreover, are chiefly 
Macchiavelli, the cardinal of Pavia, and Valori /” 

Note 5, (p. 67.)—“ I rejoice most heartily to find our Giuliano so devote 
himself to letters ; I congratulate him thereupon, and thank you for the zeal 
you have shown in guiding him in the right way.”—Laur. Med. ad Pol. in 
Ep. Pol. x. 

‘Giuliano is verily and indeed your brother • your alter idem ; he outruns 
me quite ; he is not merely his own encourager, but his own preceptor; 
there is nothing wanting to our supreme happiness, but that you should be 
with us,” &c.—Pol. and Laur. Med. ib. 


408 


NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 


If we may admit tlie evidence of a poet, the two brothers exhibited a 
striking example of fraternal affection. 

In Laurentium, Juliumque Petri F. Fratres piissimos. 

“ Nec tanta Ebalios tenuit concordia fratres, 

Nec tanto Atridas foedere junxit amor, 

Implicuit quanto Medieum duo pectora nexu 
Mitis amor, concors gratia, pura fides ; 

Unum velle animis, unum est quoque nolle duobus, 

Corque sibi alterna dant capiuntque manu: 

Esse quid hoc dicam Juli, et tu maxime Laurens, 

Anne duos una mente cal ere putem ?” 

Pol. lib. Epigram, in Op. Aid. 1498. 

Note 6, (p. 71.)—They consisted of one hundred men-at-arms, and five 
hundred infantry, as a guard, fifty running footmen richly dressed in silk 
and silver, and so many noblemen and courtiers, that, with their different 
retinues, they amounted to two thousand horsemen. Five hundred couple 
of dogs, with an infinite number of falcons ana hawks, completed the pa¬ 
geantry.—Amm. 1st. Fior. iii. 108. 

Note 7, (p. 71.)—Muratori, (Annali d’ Italia, ix. 511,) after Corio, 
(1st. di Milano,) informs us, that this journey was undertaken by Galeazzo, 
under the pretext of the perfonuance of a vow. Valori supposes that the 
motive of the duke was to confirm the authority of Lorenzo in Florence. 
Galeazzo was not remarkable either for his piety or his prudence, and it 
seems more probable that tliis excursion was undertaken merely to gratify 
his vanity, which he did at the expense of 200,000 gold ducats. In tracing 
the motives of conduct, historians frequently forget how many are to be 
sought for in the follies of mankind. 

Note 8, (p. 72.)—Ficino, addressing himself to Lorenzo, denominates 
Politiano, “ our Angelo Politiano, your foster-pupil, a man of the clearest 
judgment.” And Politiano himself says, “ I was brought up, almost from 
a boy, in the strictest intimacy with this great man, Lorenzo de’ Medici, in 
his very palace, in this his most flourishing republic.”—Pol. Ep. ad Johan - 
nem Regem Portugalliae, in Ep. x. i. 

Note 9, (p. 72.)—Monte-Pulciano is remarkable, also, for producing the 
best wine, not only in Italy, but in Europe. In the Ditirambo of Itedi, 
Bacchus, after enumerating every known species of wine, declares, by a 
definitive sentence, that 

“ Monte Pulciano d’ogni vino e il re.” 

Note 10, (p. 72.)—Some authors have given him the name of Angelus 
Bassus, but more modern critics have contended that his real name was 
Cini, being a contraction of Ambrogini. (Menage Antibaillet, lib. i. c. 14. 
Bayle, Diet. Hist. Art. Politien.) Menckeuius, in his laborious history of 
the life of this author, employs Iris first chapter in ascertaining his real 
name, and constantly denominates him Angelus Anibroginus Politianus. 
The Abate Serassi, in his life of Politiano, prefixed to the edition of his 
Italian poems by Comino, (Padua, 1765,) is also of opinion, that the name 
of Bassus is supposititious, and endeavours, on the authority of Salvini, to 
account for the rise of the mistake. Notwithstanding these respectable 


NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 


409 


authorities, indisputable evidence remains, that in the early part of his life, 
Politiano denominated himself by the Latin appellation of Bassus. Not to 
rely on the epigram “ ad Bassam,” printed amongst his works, and cer¬ 
tainly addressed to him, which Menckenius supposes led Vossius into his 
error, we have the most decisive evidence on this subject from different 
memoranda in the handwriting of Politiano, yet remaining in the Laurentian 
library, which I shall hereafter have occasion more particularly to state, and 
in which he subscribes his name Angelus Bassus Politianus. Bandini, who 
has had every possible opportunity of information on this subject, accord 
ingly gives him that denomination. (Spec. Lit. Flor. i. 172.) That 2?«ssms 
was an academical name, assumed by Politiano in his youth, might be con¬ 
tended with some degree of probability. De Bure has given him the name 
of Jean Petit, (Bibliogr. Instr. iv. 271,) in which absurdity he was pre¬ 
ceded by another of his countrymen, Guy Patin. [Note 61, of the Latin 
life of Lorenzo, observes Sig. Menechini, makes it conclusive that Poli- 
tiano’s surname was Ambrogini, whatever other name he may have assumed.] 

Note 11, (p. 73.) —“ For, in my tender years, under the directions of 
two most excellent men, Marsilio Ficino of Florence, and Argyropylus of 
Byzantium, by far the most distinguished peripatetic of his time, I applied 
myself to either philosophy, but not with sufficient assiduity; for I was both 
by nature and the tendencies of my age, more prone to the poet Homer.”— 
Pol. in fine Miscell. 

Note 12, (p. 73.) —“ All the aids to philosophizing, are supplied thee by 
the favour and kindness of Lorenzo de’ Medici, that most eminent patron of 
letters of our time; who sends agents throughout the universal world, to 
acquire books in every class of learning, sparing no expense to provide thee 
and other famous men, emulating thee in the prosecution of the higher 
studies, with the amplest materials.” (Nic. Leonicenus ad Pol. in Pol. Ep. 
lib. ii. Ep. 7.) Nor did Politiano hesitate upon occasion to trouble his 
patron with his personal wants. From one of his epigrams, it appeal’s that 
his inattention to dress had rendered it necessary for him to request imme¬ 
diate assistance from Lorenzo’s wardrobe; and from another we find that 
such assistance was not denied him. 

Note 13, (p. 75.) —“All raced, old men, middle-aged men, and young 
men, and Jews, who, however, were thoroughly drenched before they started, 
that they might not run so fast. Horses raced, mares, asses, and buffaloes; 
and at all this racing the populace were so amused that they could hardly 
keep on their feet for laughing. The course was from the arch of Domitian 
to the church of St. Marco, where was stationed the pope, who derived 
supreme delight from these entertainments; and after the race wa3 over, 
he used to give all, down to the little boys, covered with dirt and sweat as 
they were, a carlino a-piece.”—Plat, ut sup. 

Note 14, (p. 78.) —Ten thousand foot and two thousand horse, accord¬ 
ing to Machiavelli (lib. vii.), but Ammirato, with more probability, enumerates 
them at five thousand of the former and five hundred of the latter.—1st. Fior. 
iii. 3. 

Note 15, (p. 79.) —The coincidence of these circumstances is adverted 
to in an epigram of Politiano, whose poems illustrate almost all the prin¬ 
cipal incidents in the life of Lorenzo. 


410 


NOTES TO CHAPTER III, 


“ Cura coramissa sibi tellus malefida negasset 
Semina, et agricola? falleret herba fidem, 

Protimis optatas patriae tua dextera fruges 
Obtulit, et celerem jussit abire famem. 

Nec mora, Piseis commutas sedibus urbem 
Servatam, et nimio tempore lentus abes. 

Hen quid agis ? Patriae Laurens te redde gementi. 

Non facta est donis laetior ilia tuis. 

Moesta dolet, malletque famem perferre priorem, 

Quam desiderium patria ferre tui.”—Pol. in lib. Epigr. 

Note 16, (p. 79.)—The other deputies were Tomaso de’ Ridolfi, Donato 
degli Acciajuoli, (after whose death his place was supplied by Piero Miner- 
betti,) Andrea* de’ Puccini, and Alamanno de’ Rinuccini.—Fabronio, p. 50. 
This author, who was many years Provveditore, or principal, of the Pisan 
academy, has, in his life of Lorenzo, given a very full account of its reno¬ 
vation, and of the different professors who have contributed towards its 
celebrity. [And, adds Micherini, a still more complete account in his 
laborious History of the University, in three volumes.] 

Note 17, (p. 79.)—The teachers of the civil and canon law were Bar¬ 
tolommeo Mariano Soccini, Baldo Bartolini, Lancelotto and Filippo Tnstano, 
Pier Filippo Corneo, Felice Sandeo, and Francesco Accolti; all of whom 
had great professional reputation. In the department of medicine we find 
the names of' Albertino de Chizzoli. Alessandro Sermoneta, Giovanni 
d’Aquila, and Pier Leoni. In philosophy, Nicolo Tignosi. In polite letters, 
Lorenzo Lippi and Bartolommeo de Prato. In divinity, Domenico di Flan- 
dria and Bernardino Cherichini. Of these, the civilians had the highest 
salaries—that of Soccini was 700 florins annually; that of Baldo, 1050; 
and that of Accolti, 1440. 

Note 18, (p. 80.)—Forgetful of the jus gentium, which it was his pro¬ 
vince to teach, Soccini made an attempt to evade his engagements at Pisa, 
and to carry off with him to Venice sundry books and property of the aca¬ 
demy entrusted to his care, which he had artfully concealed in wine casks. 
Being taken and brought to Florence, he was there condemned to death, 
hut Lorenzo exerted his authority to prevent the execution of the sentence, 
alleging as a reason for his interfei*ence, that so accomplished a scholar 
ought not to suffer an ignominioiis death. An observation which may show 
his veneration for science, but which will scarcely be found sufficient to 
exculpate a man whose extensive knowledge rather aggravated than alle¬ 
viated his offence. Soccini, however, not only escaped punishment, but in 
the space of three years was re-instated in his professorship, with a salary 
of 1000 florins. [The author, observes Micherini, is somewhat too hard 
upon Soccini. The books in question were his own property, not that of 
the university, and it was to save them from being confiscated that he hid 
them in barrels.] 

Note 19, (p. 80.)—I give the following for its conciseness rather than 
its merit: 

“Invideo Pisis Laurenti nec tamen odT 
Ne mihi displiceat quae tibi terra placet." 

Pol. in lib. Epigr. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER III. 


411 


Note 20, (p. 80.)—“Yon write that you wish me to he more sparing in 
my praises of you,” &c.—Fic. ad Laur. in Ep. Fic. p. 84. Ed. 1502. 

Note 21, (p. 81.) “-Vigilum canum 

Tristes excubiae.”—Hor. 

Note 22, (p. 85.) 

“ Sono infinite vie e differente, 

E quel che si ricerca solo 6 uno.” 

Poesie di Lor. de’ Medici, p. 33. Ed. 1554. 

Note 23, (p. 85.)—“When we were lately together, after disputing a 
long while about happiness, you adducing certain reasons of your own for 
conceiving that happiness consists of an act of the will rather than of the 
understanding, you were pleased to determine that you should set forth your 
arguments in a poetical form, I mine in a discourse, in the usual manner. 
You have already completed your task, in the elegant poem you have sent 
me. I shall now, with the aid of'God, execute my part as briefly as pos¬ 
sible.”—Fic. Ep. i. 38. Ed. 1497. 

Note 24, (p. 85.) —“Read happily, O happy Lorenzo, that which your 
Marsilius Ficinus has here briefly put together, derived in great measure 
from your own ideas concerning happiness.”—lb. 41. 

Note 25, (p. 85.)—“1 have heard our Lorenzo de’Medici singing some¬ 
thing like this to his lyre, under the inspiration, as it seemed, of a certain 
divine furor.” —lb. 

Note 26, (p. 85.)—Printed without date, apparently about the close of the 
fifteenth century, and not since reprinted, nor noticed by any bibliographer. 
It is entitled, “ Altercatione overo Dialogo composto dal Magnifico Lorenzo 
di Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici nel quale si disputa tra el cittadino el pastore 
quale sia piu felice vita o la civile o la rusticana con la determination? facta 
dal philosopho dove solamente si truovi la vera felicita.” In 12mo. 

Note 27, (p. 90.)—In his treatise De vita ccelitus coviparanda , we have 
a chapter, De virtute verborum alque cantus ad benejicium ceeleste captan - 
dum, and another, De astronomica diligentia in liberis procreandis, with 
other disquisitions equally instructive.—Fic. de Vita. Ven. 1548, 8vo. 


CHAPTER IV. 

Note 1, (p. 91.)—“He showed no less resolution upon the scaffold than 
he had done in the perpetration of the act for which he suffered; for when 
he was stripped, and the executioner stood ready with his axe in his hand 
to give the stroke, he said in Latin, as he was a man of some learning, 
‘Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoriafacti.’”—Mach. vii. 

It appears, however, from the ancient clironiele of Donato Bossi, that 
more than one of the conspirators suffered the horrid punishment which he 




412 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


there relates: “After being put to the question as to the parties in the con¬ 
spiracy, in the vestibule of the citadel, looking towards the city, they were 
quartered alive.”—Chronic. Bossiana. (Mil. 1492.) 

Note 2, (p. 92.)—“Galeazzo was cruel and lascivious; of which he had 
given so many proofs, that he was become exceedingly odious to his subjects. 
For he did not content himself with debauching the noblest ladies of the 
city, but he also took a pleasure in declaring publicly their shame; and 
when he put any one to death, he did not think that sufficient, if it was not 
done with some uncommon circumstance of barbarity.”—Mach. vii. 

Note 8 , (p. 92.)—Cecco was brother to the historian Simoneta, whose 
elegant Latin liistory of the life of Francesco Sforza has furnished future 
historians with some of the most interesting particulars of that period. 
This work was first published at Milan in 1479, and reprinted there in 
1480. The Italian translation, by Cristoforo Landino, was also published 
at Milan in 1490, under the title of La Sforziada. 

Note 4, (p. 94.)—At least Ferdinand of Naples, the ally of Sixtus in the 
contest that ensued, assured the Florentine ambassador that such w r as the 
intention of the pope, “ that he himself knew that Sixtus was as bent upon 
occupying and making himself lord of Florence, as the present pope was in 
getting hold of this kingdom,”—alluding to the subsequent attack made by 
Innocent VIII. upon the kingdom of Naples.—Fabronio, ii. 107. 

Note 5, (p. 94 .)—Conjurationis pactiance commentarimn. This piece, 
written by a spectator, and printed in the same year in which the event took 
place, is as remarkable for the vehemence of its invective, as for the elegance 
of its style, and proves how deeply Politiano felt, and how keenly he resented 
the injury done to his great patrons. Not being republished with the other 
works of this author in 1498 or 1499, or in the Paris edition of 1519, it 
became extremely rare, “ tarn rarum deventum quidem, ut inter doctos ssepe 
dubitatum est, an unquam typis impressum fuerit, ac inter alios ignoratus 
etiam libri titulus.”—Adimarius in prsef. ad Pact. Conj. Comment. Ed. Nap. 
17G9. Adimari, having procured the ancient copy from the Strozzi library, 
and collated it with various manuscripts, republished it at Naples in 1769, 
with great elegance and copious illustrations, forming an ample quarto 
volume. 

Note 6, (p. 95.)—This fact is authenticated by the letter from Luigi 
Pulci to Lorenzo de’ Medici, dated the twenty-second of April, 1465. 

Note 7, (p. 96.)—Giocopo not only translated the Florentine history of 
his father from Latin into Italian, but has also left a specimen of his talents, 
in a commentary on the Trionfo della Fama. of Petrarca, which was pub¬ 
lished in folio, without a date, but, as Bandini conjectures, about the year 
1485 or 1487. It may, however, be presumed, from the dedication of this 
book to Lorenzo de’ Medici, that it was printed previous to the year 1478, 
when the author joined in this conspiracy to destroy a man, of whom, and 
of whose family, he had shortly before expressed himself in the following 
affectionate and grateful terms: “And because, dearest Lorenzo, the humble 
faculties I possess owed their development to the earnest encouragement 
given me in my childhood by Cosmo, your grandfather, a man who, had he 
been born in the time of the Roman republic, w'ould have seemed to us 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


413 


equal to Camillus, or Fahricius, or Scipio, or any other of the great names 
whom we venerate, 1 feel myself bound in gratitude to dedicate to you, 
his true successor, any product which his admonitions and exhortations may 
bring forth from me; testifying thereby that I hold myself indebted to your 
house for aught that may be deemed worthy in me.”—G iac. Poggio in Proem. 

Note 8, (p. 97.)—“He said he could never find courage enough to per¬ 
petrate such a deed in a church, adding sacrilege to treachery; and this was 
the beginning of the failure of the enterprise.”—Mach. viii. 

Note 9, (p. 98.)—“ They led him to church, and all the way, and in the 
church itself, amused him with jokes and merry conversation. Nor did 
Francesco omit, under colour of caressing him, to take him in his aims, so 
as to feel whether he had a coat of mail on, or other defence, under his 
clothes.”—Mach. viii. 

Note 10, (p. 98.)—Giuliano was indisposed, and totally unarmed, having 
left at home even his dagger, which he was generally accustomed to wear. 
“ For he was sick, and had that day, contrary to liis custom, left his dagger 
at home, because it rubbed against his sore thigh.”—Synod. Flor. Act. ap. 
Fabr. ii. 184. 

Note 11, (p. 98.)—In the point of time fixed for the perpetration of this 
deed, historians are nearly agreed. “ At the elevation of the host,” says 
Raffaello da Volt. Geogr. 151. “ When the priest broke the euchorist in his 
hands.”—Val. in vita, p. 24. “ The communion being just completed,” says 
Politiano. “ After the consecration of the eucharist.”— In Prov. Rep. Flor. ap. 
Fabr. ii. 111. “ While the priest was communicating.”—Mach. viii. 

Note 12, (p. 98.)—“The first blow was in the back of the neck,because 
he could not hold him by the arm to strike him in the breast, as he con¬ 
fessed.”—Strinatus, ap. Adimar. in not. 25. 

Note 13, (p. 98.)—When Leo X. many years afterwards paid a visit to 
Florence, he granted an indulgence to all those who should pray for the 
soul of Francesco Nori, under the idea that his death had preserved the 
life of his father Lorenzo.—Adimar. in not. p. 20. 

Note 14, (p. 99.)—“ An attack was made upon them by Francisco de 
Pazzi and a number of his adherents, arm^d with poisoned weapons,” says 
Matteo de Toscano, cited by Adimari, Documenta Conj. Pact. 142. I do 
not find that any other author mentions this circumstance. The young man 
who gave this striking proof of his affection to Lorenzo was Antonio Ro¬ 
dolfo, of a noble family of Florence.—Pol. Conj. Pact. Comment. 

Note 15, (p. 99.)—“ Those who were in the church, alarmed at the up¬ 
roar, ran up and down like mad people, asking one another what was the 
matter. Some thought the church was falling in.”—Valori, 25. 

Note 16, (p. 99.)—“ With his party, in number about twenty-eight,” 
says Belfredello Strinato, ap. Adimar. in not. p. 17. Ammirato informs us, 
that the archbishop had about thirty followers, and that he left the church 
on the pretence of paying a visit to his mother.—Am. iii. 117. 

Note 17, {p. 99.)—“ Under the colour and pretence of presenting him a 
papal brief.”—M. Tuscanus ap. Adimar. int. doc. 142. 


414 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


Note 18, (p. 99.) —He was deprived of his expected support by a singular 
incident. Some of his followers had retired into an adjoining chamber, to 
wait his signal. It was customary for every succeeding magistrate to make 
an alteration in the doors of that place, as a precaution against treachery; 
and Petrucci had so constructed them that they closed and bolted on the 
slightest impulse. The followers of the archbishop thus found themselves 
unexpectedly secured in the chamber, without the possibility of affording 
assistance to their leader—Fabronio, i. 67, ii. 108. 

Note 19, (p. 100.)—“ He was seized with so great fear, that thence¬ 
forward he never regained his natural colour.”—Ciacconius ap. Adimar. in 
not. 26. 

Note 20, (p. 101.)—The palle d’ oro, or golden balls, the arms of the 
family of Medici. 

Note 21, (p. 101.)—“One of the bishop’s priests died in the square; he 
was cut iuto four pieces; his head was stuck on the end of a spear, and 
can-led about through Florence all day long; his four quarters were carried 
about in a similar way, the people all the while crying, “ Death to the 
traitors !”—Landuccius ap. Adimar. in not. 26. All cried, “ The PalU for 
ever! Death to the traitors !”—Chron. Caroli e Florentiola ap. idem. 

Note 22, (p. 101.)—In the opinion of Politiano, the crime of the arch¬ 
bishop was not expiated by his death. Amongst his poems, printed in the 
edition of Basil, are several epigrams that strongly speak his unquenchable 
resentment. The following is a specimen:— 

“ Salviatus mitrae sceleratus lionore superbit: 

Et quemquam coelo credimus esse deum ? 

Scilicet liaec scelera, hoc artes meruere nefandee ? 

At laqueo en pendet. Estis io superi !” 

Note 23, (p. 101.)—Amm. Istor. iii. 119. “The next day Messer 
Jacopo de’ Pazzi, who had fled, was taken in Romagna; he was examined, 
and immediately afterwards hanged outside the same window.”—Strinat. ap. 
Adimar. in not. 27. 

Note 24, (p. 101.)—“When they got to his house, they stuck him up 
against the door, saying. Knock.”— Landuccius ap. Adimar. in not. 43. 
Politiano, who seems to dwell with pleasure on the excesses of an enraged 
populace, relates more particularly their insults to the lifeless body of 
Jacopo. 

Note 25, (p. 101.)—Macliiavelli, who bore no partiality towards the 
Medici, gives us a more favourable idea of the character of Jacopo. “ He 
was said to have been guilty of many vices, particularly of gaming and 
swearing, and that to a degree beyond the greatest reprobates of his time; 
but, on the other hand, he had some good qualities, for he was exceedingly 
charitable to the poor, and bountiful to religious houses. It should like¬ 
wise be remembered to his commendation, that the day before this plot was 
to be put into execution, he paid all his debts, and consigned all the mer¬ 
chandise belonging to other people, which he had either in the custom-house 
or at home, to the right owners, with the greatest care and exactness imagin¬ 
able, so that, nobody might be t*ne worse for any ill-fortune that might befal 
him.”—Mach. viii. 


NQ ES TO CHAPTER IV. 


415 


Note 26, (p. 101.)—Andrea di Piero de’Pazzi, Giovanni, Niccolo, Gale- 
otto, and Antonio de’ Pazzi, brothers, were found in the garden of the Monks 
degli Angeli. Niccolo, Giovanni, and Galeotto were taken to Volterra.—Cod. 
Abbatie Flor. ap. Adimar. in not. 36. 

Note 27, (p. 102.)—“ Montesicco being arrested in his flight, was hanged, 
after he had disclosed all that had taken place, and related the advice which 
had been given throughout the whole progress of the conspiracy by the pope 
and Count Jerome, mentioning the very words made use of by his holiness.” 
Fabroni, i. 69. But Adimari had before produced documents from the 
libraries of Florence, which show that. Montesicco was decapitated. “ On 
the 1st of May, M. Gio. Bat. da Montesicco was taken, and on the 4th of 
the same month, decapitated at the podesta’s palace.”—Bibl. Abbat. Flor. 
Cod. No. 67, ap. Adimar. “ Gio Battista da Montesicco’s head was cut off 
in the gateway of the podesta's house.”—In not. ad lib. cui titulus, II Prio¬ 
ri sta, ap. idem. 

“ When we were in the presence of the pope,” states Montesicco, in his 
examination, “ an allusion was made to the possibility of these people (the 
Medici) being killed; the pope said he desired that, if practicable, the con¬ 
templated change might be effected without bloodshed. Whereupon the 
Count, questioning whether so great a revolution could be brought about 
without some deaths occurring, went on to ask the pope: ‘ We will do all 
we can to prevent it; but supposing any person should chance to be killed, 
will your holiness pardon the slayers ?’ To which his holiness replied, Tu 
set una bestia; as much, observes the Florentine commentator, as to say: 
Thou art a fool for asking so absurd a question; for that the pope consented 
to the intended murders, is evident from what he subsequently said. There¬ 
upon,” continues Montesicco, “ after we had seen reason to conclude that 
the pope would give us his countenance, and whatever aid, in soldiers or 
otherwise, we might need, the archbishop said: * Then, holy father, you are 
content that we should steer this bark our own way; we shall steer it well;’ 
and his holiness replied, ‘ I am content ’ Therewith we rose from his feet, 
and took our departure; and the honour of the pope and the count being 
thus reposed in our hands, on the 26th April the affair took place.” 

Note 28, (p. 102.)—“ Bernardo di Bandino Bandini was sent home from 
Constantinople on the 14th Dec. 1479, and having been examined at the 
Bargello, next the custom-house, was hanged out at the window on the 29th 
of that month.”—Strinatus ap. Adimar. in notis ad Conj. Pact. Comment. 29. 
Adimari, on the authority of Chronicle of Carlo a Florentiola, attributes 
the seizure of Bandini to the orders of the sultan Bajazet, but the capture of 
Bandini took place in the reign of his predecessor, Mahomet II., whose 
death did not happen till the year 1481.—Murat, ix. 537. Sagrado, Mem. 
Istor. de’ Monarchi Ottomani, p. 95. (Ven. 1688.) 

Note 29, (p. 102.) — “A large concourse of people, full of anxiety respect¬ 
ing Lorenzo^s safety, assembled in front of his house; and when, to com¬ 
fort them, he showed himself at the window, wounded, indeed, but other¬ 
wise safe and well, he w r as received with such thunders of applause, with 
such vehement acclamations as ’tis impossible adequately to describe.”— 
Valori, p. 25. 


416 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


Note 30, (p. 104.)—The sonnets now preserved in the Laurentian 
Library, under the name of Giuliano de’ Medici, are by the son of Lorenzo, 
and brother of Leo X. 

Note 31, (p 104.')—“Antonio da S. Gallo then went to Lorenzo, and 
told him, that the sudden death of Giuliano had prevented him from inti¬ 
mating, as he had intended to do, that near a twelvemonth back, a lady of 
the Gorini family, his mistress, had brought him a son, to whom he, San 
Gallo, had stood godfather, and that the child was now at a house opposite 
Giuliano’s old residence in the Via di Pinti. Lorenzo immediately went to 
see the boy, and gave him into the charge of Antonio, with whom he re¬ 
mained till he was seven years old.”—Cod. Abbat. Flor. ap. Adimar. in 
notis ad Conj. Pact. Com. p. 40. 

Note 32, (p. 104.)—Machiavelli, who wrote his history in the pontificate 
of Clement VII. informs us, that this pontiff was born a few months after 
the death of his father, in which he has been generally followed by succeed¬ 
ing writers. “ He, Giuliano, left behind him a son, born a few months after 
his father’s death, who was christened Giulio, and whose virtues and fortune 
have proved most remarkable, as is known to the whole world.”—Mach.viii. 
A full account of the political transactions of Clement VII. will be found in 
the Florentine history of Benedetto Varchi, written under the auspices of 
Cosmo I. grand duke of Florence, who granted the author access to all the 
archives of his family. The favour of an absolute sovereign did not seduce 
Varchi from the duty of an historian, but the extreme freedom with which 
he commented upon the events which led to the subjugation of his country, 
and animadverted on the characters of Clement VII. and others who con¬ 
tributed towards it, prevented for nearly two centuries the publication of his 
work, which first appeared at Cologne in 1721, in folio, and afterwards, 
without date, at Leyden, ap. Pietro vander Aa. 

Note 33, (p. 104.)—The descendants of Andrea de’ Pazzi are thus ac¬ 
curately given by Adimari. 

Guillelminus. 

I 

Dom. Andreas. 


Dom. Petrus. Dom. Jacobus. Antonius. 


Dom. Antonius..Benatus. Andreas. Joannes.Nicolaus. Galeottus. Leonar- 
Episcop. dus. 

Melatensis. 


Franciscus. Gulielmus Joannes, 

cum Blanca Medicea. 

Note 34, (p. 105.) —“ In the year 1478, after that in the church of 
S. Maria del Fiore, Giuliano de’ Medici was lulled and his brother Lorenzo 
wounded, by the Pazzi family and their adherents and fellow-conspirators, the 
eignory passed a resolution that the portraits of the conspirators, as traitors 








NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


417 


to their country, should be painted on the walls of the palace of the podesta; 
the execution of the work was offered to Andrea, and he, as a servant of the 
house of Medici, and deeply bound to it, accepted the commission mo9t 
willingly, and performed his task with such ability, that men were amazed 
when they looked on it, ’twas of such surpassing power and beauty. It is 
impossible to overrate the high art and judgment displayed in the figures he 
drew, the size of life, and hanging by their feet in every sort of strange atti¬ 
tudes, but all full of truth and intrinsic beauty. This production was so 
satisfactory to the whole city, and particularly to the Directors of Paintings, 
that it occasioned Andrea thenceforward to be designated Andrea degli Im- 
piccati (of the hanging men), instead of Andrea del Castagno.”—Vasari, vita 
di Andrea dal Castagno. 

Note 35, (p. 105.)—See Vasari, Life of Andr. Verocchio, where a 
particular account is given of these figures, which were “ so well done, that 
they seemed not wax-work, but living menone of them was placed in the 
church of the Cliiariti, “ opposite the miraculous crucifix.” It appears they 
were all remaining at the time Vasari wrote. 

Note 36, (p. 105.)—Vasari, Life of Pollajuoli.—“ He also struck some 
exquisite medals, one of which represented the conspiracy of the Pazzi; 
on one side are the heads of Lorenzo and Giuliano de’ Medici, and on the 
reverse the choir of S. Maria del Fiore, and the whole event exactly as it 
occurred.” 

Note 37, (p. 105.)—“ There were on the same occasion assembled to¬ 
gether a thousand men, under Giovanni Francisco da Tolentino from Romagna, 
one of the conspirators, and another thousand under Lorenzo da Tevere; but 
as soon as they heard that the attempt at Florence had miscarried, they made 
their way home, with great difficulty and danger.”—Raph. Volater.in Geogr. v. 

Note 38, (p. 105.)—Louis XI. had anticipated his communication by a 
letter written to Lorenzo, immediately after the intelligence of the assassi¬ 
nation had arrived at Paris, in which he expressed the warmest resentment 
against the authors of the treachery, which letters are yet extant. 

Note 39, (p. 106.)—Philip de Comines was sent by Louis XI. to Flo¬ 
rence, from whence he afterwards went to Milan, to request the Milanese to 
send a body of soldiers to the relief of the Florentines, with which, he informs 
us, they complied, “ at once to comply with the king’s request, and as a 
matter of duty.” Speaking of the Florentines, he further adds, “ The king’s 
favour does something for them, but not so much as I could have wished; 
for I had no army to support them; only my own attendants. I remained at 
Florence or in its territories a year, and was excellently well entertained by 
them, and even better the last day than the first.”—Mem. of Comines, vi. 5. 
For this last assertion the French statesman had sufficient reason, for Am- 
mirato informs us, that at his departure from Florence, the republic pre¬ 
sented him with fifty-five pounds weight of wrought silver for the use of his 
table.—Amm. iii. 126. 

Note 40, (p. 106.)—Politiano afterwards sent this poem with the follow 
ing address to Lorenzo de’ Medici: 

«I lately wrote this ode for the consolation of our Gentile, and I send, it 
to you as relating to a matter in which you are fully as much interested os 

E E 


418 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


either lie or I. When you look around you, and see what infinite things de¬ 
pend upon you, and upon the preservation of your health, you cannot refuse 
to take care of that health for the sake of Italy.”—Pol. Op. (1498.) 

Note 41, (p. 108.)—“ The whole city being aroused by the uproar, about 
twenty persons of the cardinal’s family were cut to pieces, and as many of 
the archbishop’s; while from the windows of the palaces of the signorv and 
of the podesta there w r ere seen hanging about sixty men; a number of 
others were terribly wounded.”-—Orig. e descend', della casa de’ Med. M.S. 

Note 42, (p. 209.)—Whatever share the cardinal had in the conspiracy, 
lie was by no means insensible of the lenity that had been shown him. 
In a letter to the pope, of the 10th of June, 1478, some days after he was 
liberated, lie expresses the strongest sense of liis obligations to the Floren¬ 
tines, and in particular to Lorenzo de’ Medici; he remonstrates with the 
pope in warm terms on the injustice of subjecting to ecclesiastical censures 
those persons to whom he is indebted for his preservation; and declares his 
resolution not to leave Florence until the sentence of excommunication 
issued by Sixtus be annulled. 

Note 43, (p. 109.)—“ To me also, whom the grave offence of my brother 
Antonio, above referred to, might have seemed to render suspected, he sent 
a letter full of kindness and humanity, and so elegant in its diction, that I 
was persuaded it had been written by Politiano, until that poet himself after- 
wards assured me that it was wdiolly the production of Lorenzo, who, in¬ 
deed, wTien the cares of state left him leisure, yielded to few in refined com¬ 
position.”— Raph. Volt. Com. Urb. p. 153. Ed. Lugd. 1552. 

Note 44, (p. 111).—Fabroni conjectures that this convocation was not 
held; but for this opinion he adduces no reasons, and other historians have 
related it as a w T ell-known circumstance. Some doubt may, perhaps, remain 
whether the document, purporting to be the act of the synod, was in fact 
adopted there; or whether it was merely proposed for the approbation of 
the assembly; though the presumption is in favour of the former opinion. 
For producing a document addressed in such contumelious terms to the 
head of the ehurch, Fabroni thinks it necessary to apologize: “I should 
fear the reprehension of the prudent, in promulgating matters so injurious 
to pope Sixtus, were it not the duty of an historian to relate everything that 
is said and done.”—Fabroni, ii. 130. 

Note 45, (p. 112.)—Several eminent scholars also testified theiv readi 
ness to transmit to posterity the memory of this transaction. Even Filelfo, 
the ancient adversary of the family, offered his pen to Lorenzo on this 
occasion. 

Note 40, (p. 112.)—As to the atrocity of the crime, and the turpitude 
of the authors of it, contemporary historians are agreed. It is only in our 
own days that an attempt has been made to transfer the guilt from its per¬ 
petrators, to those who suffered by it. The conspiracy of the Pazzi has 
afforded a subject for a tragedy to a celebrated living author, who, in his 
various dramatic works, lias endeavoured, not without success, to accustom 
his countrymen to bolder sentiment, and to remove the idea that the 
genius of the Italian language is not adapted to the purposes of tragedy. 
It must, however, be confessed, that in attempting to render this transac- 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


419 


tion subservient to the interests of freedom, by his Congiura de’ Pazzi , he 
has fallen greatly short of that effect which several of his other pieces 
produce. The causes of this failure are not difficult to discover. In 
selecting a subject for tragedy, the author may either derive his materials 
from his own fancy, or he may choose some known historical transaction. 
The first of these is the creatine of the poet, the second he can only 
avail himself of so far as acknowledged historical facts allow. In the 
one, the imagination is predominant; in the other, it is subservient to the 
illustration of truths previously understood, and generally admitted. What, 
then, shall we think of a dramatic performance in which the Pazzi are the 
champions of liberty ? in which superstition is called in to the aid of truth, 
and Sixtus consecrates the holy weapons devoted to the slaughter of the two 
brothers ? in which the relations of all the parties are confounded, and a 
tragic effect is attempted to be produced by a total dereliction of historical 
veracity, an assumption of falsehood for truth, of vice for virtue ? In this 
tragedy Guglielmo de’ Pazzi (there called Raimondi), who married Bianca, 
the sister of Lorenzo, is the chief of the conspirators, and, failing in his 
attempt, executes vengeance on himself; but Machiavelli expressly informs 
us, that “ Gulielmo de’ Pazzi, was a cousin of Lorenzo, in whose house he 
found safety, as well be reason of his own innocence, as on account of his wife 
Bianca,” (Hist. lib. viii.;) whereas Francesco, the leader of the assassins, and 
who was not related to the Medici, died by a halter. If we are surprised at so 
extraordinary a perversion of incident and character, we are not less so in 
perusing the remarks with which the author has accompanied his tragedy, 
in which he avows an opinion, that Lorenzo would be too insignificant even 
to be the object of a conspiracy, if he had not lent him a fictitious import¬ 
ance ! It is to be hoped that the better information, or the riper judgment 
of this feeling author, will induce him to form a more just estimation of the 
character of a man, whose name is the chief honour of his country ; and to 
adopt the converse of the assertion with which he concludes his remarks on 
this tragedy, “ che per nessuna cosa del mondo non vorrebbe 1’ aver fatta.” 
—Trag. del Conte Vittorio Alfieri, vol. iv. Paris, ap. Didot, 1788. 

Note 47, (p. 113.)—On this occasion Bernardo was accompanied by his 
son, then only nine years of age. He remained there about two years, and 
to this circumstance his historian, Casa, attributes the proficiency he made 
in the Italian tongue, of which he was destined to be one of the brightest 
ornaments. “Nor did the industry of the son foil to justify his parent’s 
determination; for the youthful mind of Bembo was so actively disciplined 
at Florence, his ears, his tongue, his soul, became so thoroughly imbued 
with the pure, soft language of Tuscany, that even in his childhood he com¬ 
posed -works in that idiom, than which nothing more polished, more refined, 
more elegant, ever delighted mankind.”—Casa in vita P. Bembi. in Op. 
Cas. iv. 40. Ed. Ven. 1728. 

Note 48, (p. 117.)—It is somewhat surprising that this letter, so expli¬ 
citly stating the purpose of Lorenzo, should have escaped the attention of 
Fabroni; who has, however, favoured us with the oration of Lorenzo to 
Ferdinand, on his arrival at Naples, the authenticity of which may, perhaps, 
be doubted, as well as that of Lorenzo to the magistrates of Florence before 
his departure for Naples, attributed to him by Ammirato. (iii. 143.) The 

E E 2 


420 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


efforts of imagination should not be substituted for the documents of history. 
This letter is published in the Lettere di Principi, i. 3. Ed. Ven. 1581. 

Note 49, (p. 118.)—Valori informs us, that when the letter of Lorenzo 
was recited in the senate, not one of the assembly could refrain from tears. 
“ The letters were read in the senate, and no one could abstain from weeping. 
The hearts of all present yearned to this great man, who, in the service of 
his country, spared himself no labour, incurred every peril.”—Valori, p. 33. 

Note 50, (p. 119.)—Piccinini was one of the most eminent Condottieri 
of his time, and by his valour had acquired the absolute sovereignty of 
several towns in Italy, and raised himself to such consideration as to obtain 
in marriage Drusiana, one of the daughters of the great Francesco Sforza, 
duke of Milan. Soon after his marriage, he was invited by Ferdinand, who 
had some secret cause of enmity against him, to pass a short time at Naples, 
whither he went, accompanied by his new bride, and fell an easy victim to 
the treachery of Ferdinand; who, not being able to allege any plausible 
reason for this atrocious act, endeavoured to propagate a report that Picci¬ 
nini had broken his neck by a fall from the window of the place of his con • 
finement.—Muratori, ix. 493. 

Note 51, (p. 119.)—The instructions sent by the magistracy of Florence 
to Lorenzo on this occasion were drawn up by Bartolomeo Scala, the chan¬ 
cellor of the republic, who transmitted them to Lorenzo, accompanied by a 
private letter, strongly expressive of his anxiety for the success of his patron 
in this dangerous expedition. 

Note 52, (p. 120.)—“ They added, that he who throughout the day showed 
himself to all men joyous and pleasant, at night, as though he were entirely 
another person, gave himself up to grief and lamentation,—now at his own 
unhappiness, now at the misfortunes of his country.”—Valori, p. 30. 

Note 53, (p. 121.)—These conditions were, that tlieparties should mutually 
assist each other in the defence of their dominions. That the places which 
had been taken from the Florentines should be restored at the discretion of 
the king; that the survivors of the Pazzi family should be liberated from 
the tower of Volterra ; and that the duke of Calabria should receive a certain 
sum of money to defray the expenses of his return.—Amm. iii. 145. 

Note 54, (p. 122.) 

“ Ad Laurentium Medicem. 

“ 0 ego quam cupio reducis contingere dextram 
Laurenti! et loeto dicere laetus, ave ! 

Maxima sed densum capiunt vix atria vulgus, 

Tota salutantum vocibus aula fremit. 

Undique purpurei Medicem pia turba senatus 
, Stat circum ; cunctis celsior ipse patet. 

Quid faciam ? accedam ?—neqtieo ;—vetat invida turba 
Alloquar ?—at pavido torpet in ore sonus. 

Aspiciam ?—licet hoc, toto nam vertice supra est, 

Non omne officium, turba molesta, negas. 

Aspice sublimi quum vertice fundit honorem 
Sidereo quantum spargit ah ore jubar. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IV. 


421 


Quae reducis facies, leetis quam laetus amicis ! 

Respondet nutu, lumine, voce, manu. 

Nil agimus: cupio solitam de more salutem 
Dicere, et officium persoluisse meum. 

Ite mei versus, Medicique lioec dicite nostro, 

Angelus lioc mittit Politianus, ave.” 

“ What bliss, once more to clasp the hero’s hand 
And bid him welcome back to his own land! 

But see! About him press the courtly crowd, 

Thronging his spacious halls ! their homage loud 
Would drown my humble voice. That noble brow, 

See how it shines above the throng that bow 
In purple flatt’ry round him ! Shall I seek 
To swell the general chorus ? Shall I speak 
In timid accents all my earnest love ? 

At least I gaze upon him! From above 
Th’ obsequious circle how his stately frame 
Towers eminent! His eye kindles to flame 
As he salutes his friends with word and smile 
And look and proffer’d hand.—Enough, the while, 

For me to know that, of that honour’d band, 

Not one whose duteous love and faith may stand 
With firmer zeal than his whose feeble pen 
Commends these poor lines to the first of men. 

Accept then, my Lorenzo—best of friends— 

This duteous verse which thy Politian sends.’’ 

Pol. in Op. ap. Aid. 

Note 55,(p.l23.)— “ The Neapolitans suspected,”says Muratori,(ix. 535,) 
« that Mahomet, or rather his pasha, Bassa Achmet, had been urged to this 
enterprise by the Venetians, from the great hatred they bore to king Ferdi¬ 
nand.” That Ferdinand did not suppose Lorenzo had any share in instigating 
Mahomet to this enterprise, is evident from his subsequent letters to him, 
several of which yet remain. Fabroni has also preserved a letter from 
Lorenzo de’ Medici to Albino, who attended’ the duke of Calabna on his 
expedition to Otranto, in which he expresses his strong aversion to the 
Cani Turchi , as be denominates the invaders, and his extreme and, perhaps, 
courtly solicitude for the success and personal safety of the duke. 


CHAPTER V. 

Note 1, (p. 127.)—Landino considered Dante as a close imitator of 
Virgil. “ Have we not amongst ourselves, Dante, a man replete with the 
highest and most varied learning—an author of the most solid parts ? He, 
in his journey through the universal world, from lowest Tartarus to the 
heavenly kingdom, feigns him (Virgil) to have been his guide. In this 
work wherein the writer seeks the summum bonvm of man, tis wonderful 
with what ingenuity the writer has adopted the .Eneid as his sole model, so 



422 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


entirely, that even on occasions when he seems to relinquish the model for a 
while, if we examine more closely, we shall find that no such departure has 
in reality taken place.”—Land. Disput. Carnal, iv. Ed. 1508. Even the form 
of his hell and Ills purgatory, the first of which resembled the cavity of an 
inverted cone, the other the exterior of an erect one, may, perhaps, be traced 
to the following passage :— 

“-Turn Tartarus ipse 

Bis patet in praeceps tantum, tenditque sub umbras 
Quantus ad aetherium coeli suspectus olympum.”— JEn. lib. vi. 

Note 2, (p. 128.)—The Bella Mano of Giusto da Conti, a Roman 
civilian by profession, but a poet by incliuation, who wrote in the beginning 
of the fifteenth century, may perhaps be exempted from this general censure. 
It consists of a series of sonnets in praise of the author’s mistress, some of 
which may contend in point of elegance with those of Petrarca, on the 
model of which they are professedly written. “ Though, at the same time,” 
says Tiraboschi, not without some reason, “the verse at times drags languidly 
and without sufficient interest.”—Storia della Lett. Ital. vi. parte ii. p. 146. 

Note 3, (p. 128.)—Some authors, who have taken too general and in¬ 
distinct a view of this subject, would induce us to believe, that a continual 
improvement in Italian literature took place from the time of Petrarca, till 
it arrived at its summit in the sixteenth century; and have had influence 
enough to establish this as a popular opinion; but to say nothing of the 
evidence of the best Italian critics, by whom this singular degradation of 
their language is fully attested, it is yet capable of being ascertained by an 
appeal to facts. If the rise of literature had been gradual during this 
period, some memorials of it must have remained; but from the death of 
Petrarca to the time of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Italy did not produce a single 
specimen of this boasted improvement; whilst on the other hand, innumer¬ 
able instances remain, both in verse and prose, of the barbarous and de¬ 
graded style then in use. Even the celebrity of Cosmo de’ Medici, the great 
patron of letters, never gave rise to a panegyric in his native tongue that 
has any pretensions to the approbation of the present time, although there 
yet remain among the manuscripts of the Laurentian library innumerable 
pieces in his praise. Voltaire, indeed, informs us, “ that there was an unin¬ 
terrupted succession of Italian poets, who are all known to posterity; that 
Pulci wrote after Petrarca; that Bojardo succeeded Pulci; whilst in the 
fertility of his imagination, Ariosto surpassed them all.”—Essai sur les 
Moeurs, ii. 163. Pulci, it is true, is the next author of popular estimation 
that followed Petrarca, but the period between them is precisely the time in 
question. The Morgante was not written till upwards of a century after 
the death of Petrarca. The errors into which many writers on this subject 
have fallen, have been occasioned by a want of discrimination between the 
progress of Italian and of classical literature; a distinction which I shall 
hereafter have occasion to develop more at large. 

Note 4, (p. 129.)—The sonnets of Burchiello were several times printed 
in the fifteenth century, generally without date. The earliest edition is 
supposed to be that of Bologna, 1475. In the following century, they were 
commented by Anton Francesco Doni, and published at Venice, 1553; but 
the commentator stands no less in need of an interpreter than the author. 



NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


423 


Tills edition is inscribed by the editor to the celebrated artists, Tintoretto 
and Romanelli, and is printed by Francesco Marcolini, in a singular but not 
inelegant type. Besides his sonnets, Burchiello is also the author of a 
satire in terza rima, in which he has attempted to imitate the manner of 
Dante. The objects of his animadversion are the practitioners of what are 
called the liberal professions in Florence, amongst whom the physicians 
have their full share of ridicule. Of this poem, which has not been printed, 
a copy is preserved in the Gaddi library, now incorporated with that of the 
grand duke of Florence.—Band. Cat. v. Plut. xliv. cod. 30. 

Note 5, (p. 129.)—This was the first attempt to translate the Eclogues 
of Virgil into the Italian language. From the dedication of these pieces, it 
is not difficult to determine that they were translated about the year 1470, 
as the author adverts to the recent death of Piero de’ Medici, and at the 
same time mentions his translation as having been commenced in the year 
preceding his address to Lorenzo ; that they are not to be referred to a much 
later period, is evident from his congratulating Lorenzo on his knowledge 
of the Latin tongue, which he asserts is far beyond his years. These trans¬ 
lations were first published in 1481, and again, at Florence, in 1494. Tira- 
bosclii is mistaken in supposing that the Eclogues of Bernardo, and bis 
version of the Bucolics, are different works. (Storia della Let. Ital. vi. 
parte ii. 174.) In both these editions, the works of Bernardo are united 
with those of other writers, although in the latter some additional pieces are 
included. The title of this edition is as follows : “ Bucoliche elegantissi- 
mamente composte da Bernardo Pulci Fiorentino. Et da Francesco de 
Arsochi Senese et da Hieronymo Benivieni Fiorentino et da Jacopo Fiorino 
de Boninsegni Senese.” At the close we read, “ Finite sono le quattro 
Boccoliche sopra decte con una elegia della morte di Cosimo. Et un altra 
elegia della morte della diva Simoneta. Et un altra elegia di nuovo ad- 
giunta. Impresse in Firenze per maestro Antonio Miscliomini anno 
iiccccLXXxxim adi xviii del mese Aprile.” 

Note 6, (p. 130.)—This poem was published at Florence j ocr Franc. 
Bonacursio, die 3 Novcmbris , anno 1490, in 4to. (Ilaym. Bibl. Ital. p. 95.) 
But I conceive that the edition also printed,at Florence without note of the 
year, or name of the printer, and having at the close only the mark Flo- 
rentice impressum, is of earlier date. The lady to w’liom it is inscribed is 
Annalenade' Tanini nel monasterio delle murate, who was probably sister of 
the author’s wife, as it appeals that he married a lady of the family of Tanini, 
who, as well as her husband, was distinguished by her talents for poetry. 

Note 7, (p. 130.)— II Ciriffo Calvaneo, and his companion, II Povero 
Avvednto, the heroes of the poem, are the illicit offspring of two unfortunate 
ladies, who, being abandoned by their lovers, are indebted to the shepherd 
Lecore for their preservation. ‘ As the young men grow up, they display 
their courage in pursuing wild beasts, and their generosity in giving away 
the old shepherd’s cattle and effects ; in consequence of which he breaks Ids 
heart. Massima, the mother of 11 Ciriffo, then informs them of the nobility 
of their origin, and of the distress which she has herself suffered ; in con¬ 
sequence of which her son piously swears to accomplish the death of his 
father, which voav he accordingly fulfils. Repenting of his crime, he hastens 
to Rome, obtains Christian baptism and the remission of his sins. In the 


424 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


meantime II Povero Avveduto is carried off by Epidoniffo, a pirate of Mar¬ 
seilles, who stood in fear neither of God nor his saints. 

“ Egli harebbe rubata quella nave 
Dove Christo a San Pier venne in ajuto; 

E se vi fusser stato su, le chiave 
Tolte, e poi 1’ oro e 1’ argento fonduto ; 

E preso in terra Y angel che disse ave, 

Menato a fusta, e ne’ ferri tenuto, 

E spogliato Gioseppe vecchiarello, 

Ma col baston prima scosso il mantello.” 

After many adventures, II Povero Avveduto goes to the assistance of Te- 
baldo, sultan of Egypt, who was besieged by Luigi, king of France. The 
combatants on each side are particularly described. A battle takes place, 
after which II Povero is made a cavalier by the sultan, for whose particular 
amusement he tilts with his newly-discovered brother, Lionetto. Such is 
the heterogeneous mixture which composes this poem; the invention of 
which is not, however, to be wholly attributed to Luca. In the Gaddi 
library is a MS. anterior to his time by 150 years, entitled, by Bandini, 
Liber pauperis prudentis. (Cat. Bibl. Laur. v. Plut. xliv. cod. 30.) 
From which it sufficiently appears, that, in this instance, Luca is only an 
imitator. It'is to be regretted that his judgment did not lead him to select 
a better model. 

Note 8, (p. 130.)—It was printed, with the continuation of Giambullari, 
at Florence, in 1535; and had probably been printed before, as it is dedi¬ 
cated to Lorenzo de’ Medici, the grandson of Lorenzo the Magnificent, who 
died in the year 1519. It there consists of four books, of which the first 
only is the work of Pulci. The Ciriffo Calvaneo was reprinted with the 
Giostra of Lorenzo, and other works of Luca, by the Giunti, at Florence, in 
1572, but the continuation by Giambullari is there omitted. 

Note 9, (p. 130.)—Printed at Florence in 1479. (De Bure, No. 3411.) 
I have seen two other ancient editions of this poem, without date; at the 
close of one of which we read, “ Finito il Driadeo per Luca Pulci ad Peti- 
tione di ser Piero Pacini.” Haym erroneously attributes this poem to 
Luigi Pulci, and I conceive he is also mistaken in citing an edition of 1489. 
—Bibl. Ital. p. 91. 

Note 10, (p. 130.)—These epistles have been several times printed. 
Tiraboschi refers to an edition of 1481, and I have met with three others; 
the first, Impresso in Firenze per ser Francesco Bonacorsi et per Antonio 
di Francesco Venetiano nelV anno mcccclxxxviii, a di xxvm di Fcbraio, 
the second at Florence in 1513, and the last in 1572. 

Note 11, (p. 131.)—It is evident, from the following lines at the con¬ 
clusion of the poem of Bojardo, that it was not finished when the French 
made an irruption into Italy, in the year 1494:— 

“ Mentre ch’ io canto, Aliime Dio redentore, 

Veggio 1’ Italia tutta a fiamma e a fuoco 
Per questi Galli, che cou gran furore 
Vengon per rovinar non so che luoco.” 

Bojardo Orl Inam. lib. iii. canto 9. Ed. Yen. 1548. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


425 


Note 12, (p. 131.)—Limerno Pitocco, ( Teqfilo Folengi ,) in his extrava¬ 
gant and licentious poem of Orlandino, ridicules the idea of Politiano being 
the author of the Morgante. 

“ Politian fa quello, ch’ altamente 
Canto del gran gigante dal bataio : 

Et a Luigi Pulci suo cliente 
L’ honor die senza scritto di notajo. 

Pur dopo si penti; ma chi si pente 
Po 1 fatto, pesta 1’ acqua nel mortajo. 

Sia o non sia pur cotesto vero 

So ben, chi credde troppo, ha del liggero.” 

Orlandino, cap. i. Ed. Ven. 1550. 

Note 13, (p. 131.)—Dr. Burney’s History of Music, iv. 14. For this 
the learned and ingenious author has cited the authority of Crescimbeni, 
(ii. part ii. p. 273,) who informs us, as is probably the truth, that Pulci was 
accustomed to recite his poem in the manner of ancient rhapsodists, at the 
table of Lorenzo de’ Medici, but does not fix this event at any particular 
period, though he afterwards informs us, that Luigi flourished about the 
year 1450. 

Note 14, (p. 131.)—Folengi, however, ranks the poem of Pulci as 
canonical, with those of Bojardo, Ariosto, Francesco Cieco, and himself; 
and freely condemns those of the other romances to the flames, as apo- 
eryphal. 

-“ Trabisonda, Ancroia, Spagna, e Bovo, 

Con 1’ altro resto al foco sian donate : 

Apocrife son tutte; e le riprovo 
Come nemighe d’ogni veritate. 

Bojardo, 1’ Ariosto, Pulce, e ’1 Cieco, 

Autenticati sono, ed io con seco.”—Orlandino. cap. i. 

Note 15, (p. 131.)—A very judicious French critic has given the fol¬ 
lowing just and accurate character of this work:—“ It is a poem in twenty- 
eight books, and of a very original turn. The author manifests himself 
above all rules, not from design, as Vincent Gravinahas done him the favour 
to suggest, but simply because he was totally ignorant of them. Perfectly 
indifferent as to the judgment of the critics, he has confounded times and 
places in the most astounding manner; mixed up very ludicrously the comic 
and the grave, and burlesquely kills off the giant, his hero, with a bite of a 
crab in the heel, in the twentieth book, leaving the other eight books to 
get on as well as they can without him. The charm of the diction, how¬ 
ever, makes up for all these and other defects ; and the lovers of the Flo¬ 
rentine language, to this day, derive infinite satisfaction from the Morgante, 
especially when they can come across a copy of the edition of Venice, 1546, 
or 1550, with explanatory notes by Giovanni Pulcj, the author’s nephew.”— 
M. de la Monnoye. Baillet Jugem. des Scav. iv. 30. I must, however, add, 
that these explications amount to nothing more than a glossary of a very 
few words, placed at the end of each canto. 


426 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


Note 10, (p. 132.) 

“ A clie credi ch’ io pensi, o ch’ io balocclii 
Tanti de’ Pulci le persone stolte ? 

Perchfe de’ Pulci liai sol tre cose tolte, 

Leggerezza, colore, e piccini ocelli, 

Ma il uome tuo e Gigi de’ Pidocclii,” &c.—Son. ix. 

Note 17, (p. 132.) 

“ E gia la fame in fronte al naturale 
Porti dipinta, e pare opra di Giotto.”—Son. xxxvii. 

Note 18, (p. 132.) 

“ Tenuto hai con la morte, 

Otto di triegua; lior clie sofferto ha troppo, 

Con la falce fienaja vien di galoppa. 

Tu n’ andrai a pi6 zoppo, 

A trovar Luca tuo, ladro di zecca, 

Che per te serba un luogo alia Judecea.’’—Son. xxxvii. 

Note 19, (p. 132.) 

“ Tu nascesti col segno del capresto, 

Come in Francia si dice della croce.”—Son. xxx. 

Note 20, (p. 132.)—“And though M. Matteo and Luigi in their sonnets 
seem to be anything but well-disposed towards each other, in private, never¬ 
theless, they were bosom friends. It was merely to amuse their readers that 
they every now and then abused and satirized one another in such hostile 
strains.” 

Note 21, (p. 132.)—1 have seen an edition of these poems, without note 
of date or place, but apparently printed about the close of the fifteenth cen¬ 
tury, and entitled, Sonetti di Missere Mattlieo Franco et di Luigi Pulci 
jocosi et faceti doe da ridere. Many of these sonnets are addressed to 
Lorenzo de’ Medici, for whose favour the rival poets seem to have con¬ 
tended, by endeavouring to surpass each other in eccentricity and scurrility. 
A new edition was published in the year 1759, by the marchese Filippo de’ 
llossi, who informs us that they were three times printed in the fifteenth 
century; to which he adds, “The holy inquisition fulminated against them 
a very merited prohibition, which, by keeping them from being reprinted, 
has made the original work so excessively scarce that it is next to impos¬ 
sible to procure a copy.” If my readers be curious to know the style of 
these formidable compositions, which excited the vigilance of the holy tri¬ 
bunal, they may take as a specimen the following sonetto of Luigi Fulci: 

“ Luigi Pulci a un suo amico per ridere. , 

“ Costor, clie fan si gran disputazione 

Dell’ anima, ond’ ell* entri, o ond’ ell’ esca, 

0 come il nocciol si stia nella pesca, 

Hanno studiato in su n’ un gran mellone. 

Aristotile allegano, e Platone, 

E voglion ch’ ella in pace requiesca 
Fra suoni, e canti, e fannoti una tresca, 

Che t’ empie il capo di confusione. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


42^ 


L’ Anima e sol come si vede espresso 
In un pan bianco caldo un pinnoccbiato, 

O una carbonata in un pan fesso. 

E cbi crede altro ba il fodero in bucato, 

E que’ cbe per 1’ un cento hanno promesso 
Ci pagberan di succiole in mercato. 

Mi dice un cbe v’ & stato 
Nell’ altravita, e piu non pud tornarvi 
Cbe appena con la scala si pud andarvi. 

Costor credon trovarvi 
E’ beccallclii, e gli ortolan pelati, 

E’ buon vin dolci, e letti spiumacciati, 

E vanno drieto a’ Frati. 

Noi ce n’ andrem, Pandolfo, in val di buja, 

Senza sentir piu cantare: Alleluja.” 

Note 22, (p. 132.) —Tbis singular circumstance, which so decisively 
ascertains the early period at which Lorenzo began to exercise bis poetical 
talents, was first discovered by Apostolo Zeno, who having, in the year 1742. 
found in the possession of his friend, Jacopo Facciolati, at Padua, a manu¬ 
script collection of ancient Italian poems, was, after mature deliberation, 
induced to conjecture that they were collected and arranged by Lorenzo de’ 
Medici. To this supposition he was principally led by the introductory ad¬ 
dress to Federigo of Arragon, in which the compiler adverts to the visit of 
Federigo to Pisa, in the preceding year, and afterwards addresses that prince 
in the following terms: “ At the close of the book, (conceiving that it might 
afford you some satisfaction,) I have inserted a few of my own sonnets and 
canzoni, with the expectation, that when you peruse them they may recall 
to your remembrance the fidelity and attachment of their author.” On com¬ 
paring the productions of the anonymous compiler, with the Poesie Volgari 
of Lorenzo, printed by Aldo, in 1554, the conjectures of the critic were 
amply confirmed; he having there discovered almost every poem which ap¬ 
peared in the manuscript, except five pieces, which he conceived might pro¬ 
bably be inserted in the Canzone a ballo of Lorenzo and Politiano; but 
which in fact he could not then ascertain, for want of that work. I must, 
however, observe, that the visit of Federigo to Pisa was not in 1464, as 
mentioned by Zeno, who has too hastily quoted Ammirato (iii. 93), but 
in 1465, as will appear by a reference to the before-cited passage of the Flo¬ 
rentine historian. 

Note 23, (p. 134.)—How grateful to our sensations, how distinct to our 
imaginations, appear the 

“ Speluncae, vivique lacus, ac frigidaTempe 
Mugitusque bourn, mollesque sub arbore somni.” 

Note 24, (p. 137.)—Spenser has a similar passage iu his Mourning 
Muse of Thestylis: 

“ The blinded archer boy, 

Like larlce in showre of rain, 

Sate bathing of his wings, 

And glad the time did spend 


428 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


Under those chrystaU drops 
Which fell from her faire eyes, 

And at their brightest beams, 

Him proyn’d in lovely wise.” 

Mr. Warton, in his observations on the Fairy Queen, (i. p. 223,) has 
traced this passage to Ariosto (canto ii., stanza 65): 

“ Cosi a le belle lagrime le piume, 

Si bagna amore, e gode al cliiaro lume.” 

Though he thinks Spenser’s verses bear a stronger resemblance to those 
of Nic. Archias (or the count Nicolo d’Arco, a Latin poet of the sixteenth 
tury): 

“ Turn suavi in pluvia nitens Cupido, 

Insidebat, uti solet volucris, 

Ramo, vere novo, ad novos tepores 
Post solem accipere aetheris liquores 
Gestire et pluvias ore blandiendo.” 

I have only to add, that as Lorenzo de’ Medici is the earliest author who 
has availed himself of this beautiful idea, so his representation of it has not 
been surpassed by any of those who have since adopted it. 

Note 25, (p. 141.)—If Virgil has given us a highly-finished personifica¬ 
tion of rumour ; if Horace speak of his atra cura; if Lucretius present us 
with an awful picture of superstition,—their portraits are so vague as scarcely 
to communicate any determinate idea, and are characterized by their opera¬ 
tion and effects, rather than by their poetical insignia. Of the ancient Ro¬ 
man authors, perhaps there is no one that abounds in these personifications 
more than the tragedian Seneca; yet what idea do we form of labour when 
we are told that 

“ Labor exoritur durus, et omnes 
Agitat curas, aperitque domos.” 

Or of hope or fear, from the following passage: 

“ Turbine magno, spes solicit® 

Urbibus errant, trepidique metus.” 

The personification of hope, by Tibullus (ii. 6), is scarcely worthy of that 
charming author; and if he has been happier in his description of sleep 
(i. 1), it is still liable to the objections before mentioned. 

Note 26, (p. 141.)—One of the finest personifications of Petrarca, is that 
of liberty, in a beautiful canzone; which, on account of its political ten¬ 
dency, has been excluded from many editions of his works. 

“ Liberta, dolce e desiato bene ! 

Mai conosciuto a chi talor no ’1 perde; 

Quanto gradito al buon mondo esser dei. 

Per te la vita vien fiorita e verde, 

Per te stato gioioso mi mantiene, 

Ch’ ir mi fa somiglianti a gli alti dei: 

Senza te, lungamente non vorrei 
Ricchezze, onor, e cio ch’ uom piu desia, 

Ma teco ogni lugurio acqueta 1’ alma.” 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 429 

Yet the painter who would represent the allegorical form of liberty, would 
derive but little assistance from the imagination of the poet. 

Note 27, (p. 145.)—For a learned and curious disquisition on the origin 
of the Sonetto, see Annotazioni di Francesco Redi, al suo ditirambo di Bacco 
in Toscana, p. 99. 

Note 28, (p. 145.)—The following remarks by Lorenzo de’ Medici, on. 
this kind of composition, are as judicious as they are pointed and concise: 
“ The necessary brevity of the sonnet makes it essential that not one re¬ 
dundant word should be made use of; the genuine subject matter of the 
sonnet should be some distinct, fine idea, embodied in corresponding lan¬ 
guage, and in few verses, avoiding all harshness and obscurity.”—Comment, 
di Lor. de’ Med. sopra i suoi Sonetti, p. 120. 

Note 29, (p. 145.)—If written in later times, some of these sonnets 
might have been thought to border on impiety. Thus the poet addresses 
the faithful—in love— 

“ A ciascun alma presa, e gentil core, 

Nel cui cospetto viene il dir presente, 

In cid cli6 mi rescrivan suo parvente, 

Salute in lor signore—cio6 Amore.” 

And again, in allusion to a well-known passage, 

“ O voi che per la via d’amor passate, 

Attendete e guardate, 

S’ egli h dolore alcun quanto ’1 mio grave.” 

Vita Nuova. Fir. 1723. 

Note 30, (p 146.)—“ I was once giving a lecture upon Petrarch’s 
Elegies and Lyrics, wherein he celebrates Laura, when some who were pre¬ 
sent denied there had ever been such a person as Laura, and affirmed that 
under that name the author did not refer to a mistress, but conveyed some 
latent allegory.” (Land, in Interp. Carm. Hor. ii. ap. Band Spec. Lit. 
Flor. i. 232,) where it appears that Landino passed a tolerable jest on these 
refined critics. 

Note 31, (p. 147.)—“ He appears to me to'have been more happy in his 
shorter epigrams than in his odes.”—Fabroni, i. 10. 

Note 32, (p. 147.)—“E' oro di miniera, miscliiato, con rozza terra, ma 
sempre & oro.”—Della perfetta poesia Italiana, ii. 376. 

Note 33, (p. 147.)—In the general collection of the poems of Lorenzo, 
printed by Aldo in 1554, his sonnets are accompanied with a copious com¬ 
mentary, which exhibits many striking traits of his character, and is a very 
favourable specimen of his prose composition. This commentary has not been 
reprinted; and the copies of this edition have long been of such rare occur¬ 
rence in Italy, that even Cionacci, the editor of the sacred poems of Lorenzo, 
and of others of the Medici family, in 1680, had never been able to obtain a 
sight of the book. “ Mention is made of these two,” says he, adverting to the 
Solve damore, and the Libro di Rime , intitolato Poesie volgari, “ by Pocci- 
anti and by Valori, cited above, but I have only seen the first, printed in 
octavo.”—Cion, osserv. 28. This volume is entitled, “ Poesie volgari, nao- 


430 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


vamente stampate di Lorenzo de’ Medici, che fu padre di Papa Leone." 
Col commento del medesimo sopra alcuni de sitoi sonetti. In Vinegia, 
mdliiii. From the expression nuovamente stampate, we might infer, that 
these poems had before been printed; hut I have not been able to discover 
any trace of a former impression; and Apostolo Zeno, in his notes on the 
Biblioteca Italiana of Fontanini, ii. 59. Ed. Ven. 1753, expressly informs 
us that this is the only edition known, “ 1’ unica edizione delle poesie del 
Magnifico.” A variation, however, occurs in the copies : the sheet marked 
with the letter O having, in the greater part of the edition, been reduced from 
eight leaves to four, as appeal's by a defect in the numeration of the pages. 
This is generally understood to have arisen from the scrupulous delicacy of 
the printer, who, having discovered some indecent pieces inserted from the 
Canzoni a hallo, cancelled the leaves in such copies as remained unsold. 
Hence the copies which contain the sheet 0 complete, have, in the per¬ 
verse estimation of bibliographers and collectors, acquired an additional 
value. On an examination of the pieces thus omitted, I have, however, 
some doubts, whether the reason above assigned he the true motive for the 
caution of the printer; a caution which I conceive was rather occasioned 
by an apprehension of the censures of the inquisition, for his having un¬ 
accountably blended in the same poem some pious stanzas, with others of a 
more terrestrial nature, intended for a different poem, without giving the 
reader due notice, by a proper separation or distinct title, of so unexpected 
a change of sentiment. In consequence of which, a poem on the resurrec¬ 
tion of Christ is terminated by some stanzas that relate only to a mere 
mortal passion. The works of Lorenzo were reprinted, with the addition of 
several pieces, at Bergamo, in octavo, in 1703. 

Note 34, (p. 147.)—This poem has been several times printed. The 
earliest edition which I have seen is Impresso in Pesaro per Hieronymo 
Soncino nel mcccccxiii a di xv di Lvglio, under the title of Stanze hellis- 
sime et ornatissime intitulate le Selve d’Amore composte dal magnifico 
Lorenzo di Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici. It was again printed by Matthio 
Pagan, at Venice, in 1554, and is also inserted in the Aldine and Bergamo 
edition of his works. In the last-mentioned edition it is, however, preceded 
by thirty stanze, which form a poem entirely distinct in its subject, though 
not inferior in merit; and the reader ought to commence the perusal of the 
Selve d ’ amove at the thirty-first stanza, “Dopo tanti sospiri e tanti ornei. 

Note 35, (p. 148.)—Notwithstanding these illustrious authorities, it 
may, perhaps, he allowable to doubt, whether a series of stanzas he the most 
eligible mode of narrating an epic, or indeed, any other extensive kind of 
poem. That it is not natural, must he admitted; for naturally we do not 
apportion the expression of our sentiments into equal divisions ; and that 
which is not natural, cannot in general long he pleasing. Hence the works 
of Ariosto, of Tasso, and of Spenser, labour under a disadvantage which it 
required all the vigour of genius to surmount; and this is the more to he 
regretted, as both the Italian and the English languages admit of composi¬ 
tions in blank verse, productive of every variety of harmony. 

Note 36, (p. 148.)—“ I remember reading a short amatory poem of his, in 
company with Gentile; a very charming work, polished, full of thought and 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


431 


feeling, elegant as any that 1 ever read. Christoforo Landino, a distin¬ 
guished poet and orator of that time, when he saw the verses, said, 
‘ Unquestionably the author will excel in this class of composition a pro¬ 
phecy which he afterwards fully made good. Nor is it any w ay extraordinary 
that the mighty passion of love should produce great effects in so rich a soil.” 
—Valori, p. 8. 

Note 37, (p. 148.)— I dilettevoli amori di messer Girolamo Benivieni 
Fiorentino, printed at Venice, by Nicolo d’Aristotile di Ferrara, detto Zop- 
pino, 1537, with another poem entitled, Caccia bellissima del Reverendissimo 
Egidio, and several pieces of the count Matteo Bojardo. This piece of 
Benivieni is not printed in the general edition of his w'orks.—Ven. 1524. 

Note 38, (p. 138.)— Strambotli di Serafino d Aquila. This celebrated 
poet and improwisatore, “who,” says Paolo Cortese,“ combines words in such 
melodious versification, that music could not add to the harmonious effect,” 
was born in 1466, and died in 1500. (Tiraboschi, vi. part 2, p. 154. His 
works have been frequently printed, but the edition most esteemed is that 
of Florence, by the Giunti, in 1516. Zeno has cited no less than sixteen 
editions of the works of Serafino, the latest of which is in the year 1550.— 
Bib. Ital. i. 429. 

Note 39, (p. 148.)—Some of these Stance of Politiano were first pub¬ 
lished in the edition of his w r orks by Comino, Padua, 1765 ; but imperfectly. 
They are preserved in the Laurentian Library.—Band. Cat. Bib. Laur. v. 51. 

Note 40, (p. 148.)—“Lorenzo de’ Medici, who cultivated and adorned to 
the utmost his beautiful farm at Cajano, called by him Ambra, as a place of 
relaxation from the cares of state.”—Pol. ad Laur. Tornabonum in Op. ap. Aid. 
“ The English author,” writes Pignotti, in his Storia di Toscana, ix., “ ima¬ 
gines that Ambra was a small island in the Ombrone, which was destroyed 
by a sudden overflow of that river. In my opinion, however, Lorenzo rather 
intended to celebrate in his verses, his villa called Ambra, which in periods 
of inundation, had the grounds which surrounded it often laid under water, 
and to give a poetic origin to his beloved retreat aud to the charming 
eminence on which it was immediately placed.”. 

Note 41, (p. 148.)—This is not the only occasion on which Ambra has 
been celebrated in the language of poetry. Politiano has given the same title 
to his beautiful Latin poem devoted to the praises of Homer ; in the close 
of which, is a particular description of this favourite spot, which was at that 
time thought to be sufficiently secured against the turbulence of the flood. 

“ Ambra mei Laurentis amor, quam corniger Umbro 
Umbro senex genuit, domino gratissimus Arno ; 

Umbro, suo tandem non erupturus ab alveo.” 

Note 42, (p.148.)—“Around the villa of Cajano, which he had erected on 
a most magnificent scale, there was an estate of great fertility and beauty, 
in which he ofteu hunted, and still oftener amused himself with flying his 
falcons and other sporting birds.”—Valori, p. 39. 

Note 43, (p. 151.)—Of the union of poetry and music in the Laude 
Spirituali, or sacred songs, Dr. Burney has traced the origin in Italy, and 


432 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


Las given a specimen of a hymn to the Trinity, with the music, so early as 
the year 1336, from the MS. which he had himself consulted in the Maglia- 
bechi Library.—Hist, of Music, ii. 326. 

Note 44, (p. 151.)—Since the above was written, I have discovered this 
hymn to be a paraphrase of The Secret Song, or Hymn of Regeneration , in 
the PymandcT of Hermes Trismegistus, who is said to have been the law¬ 
giver of Egypt, and the inventor of hieroglyphic writing, and to have lived 
sixteen centuries before Christ. In the Laurentian library, (Plut.xxi. Cod. 8. 
Band. Cat. i. 668,) is a translation of this work from the Greek, by 
Ficino, bearing the date of 1463, and dedicated to Cosmo de’ Medici, from 
which Lorenzo undoubtedly translated or imitated the ensuing poem. The 
translation by Ficino also appears in his printed works, ii. 780, ed. Par. 
1641. An English version of the same author, said to be from the Arabic, 
by Dr. Everard, was published at London, by Thomas Brewster, 1657. I 
scarcely need to observe, that the authenticity of this work is doubtful, it 
being generally regarded as a pious fraud, produced about the second cen¬ 
tury of the Christian era. 

Note 45, (p. 155.)—The Beoni, or Simposio of Lorenzo, was first pub¬ 
lished by the Giunti, at Florence, 1568, with the sonnets of Burchiello, 
Alamanni, and Risoluto, and was afterwards inserted in the third volume of 
the collection of the Opere Burlesche , printed with the date of (London) 
1723. In the former edition, many of the objectionable passages are omitted, 
which are, however, restored in the latter. The editors of the poems of 
Lorenzo, published at Bergamo in 1763, have again mutilated this poem, 
having totally omitted the eighth capitolo, as mancante e licenzioso. In all 
the editions, the work is left imperfect, and ends in the midst of the ninth 
capitolo; after which, in the edition of 1568, it is added, “ Dicon ch’ el 
maguifico Autore lascid 1’ opera cosi imperfetta.” 

Note 46, (p. 155.)—“ These Canti Camascialeschi , composed with the 
view of amusing the populace, I look upon as the first, and not least able, of 
the jocose Italian satire; to these we should add, I Beoni and La Compagnia 
del Mantellaccio, written by the same Lorenzo de’ Medici, in the hours of 
relaxation from his onerous, state cares and higher studies.” (Bianchini, 
della satira Italiana, p. 33. Ed. Fir. 1729.) La Compagnia del Mantel¬ 
laccio was not, however, written by Lorenzo, though it has frequently been 
attributed to him. In the earliest edition I have seen of this poem, which 
is without a date, but was probably printed before the year 1500, it appears 
without the name of its author. A more complete copy is annexed to the 
sonetti of Burchiello, Alamanni, and Risoluto, by the Giunti in 1568, where 
it is attributed to Lorenzo de’ Medici; but it is by no means possessed of 
those characteristic excellences that distinguish the generality of his works. 

Note 47, (p. 157.)—“While returning to the city, he began and finished, 
extempore, a satire against drunkards, a work of consummate wit and point. 
When he was disposed to be jocose, none merrier than he ; when he had 
recourse to graver satire, none more biting.”—Valori, p. 14. 

Note 48, (p. 157.)—Francesco Berni, availing himself of the examples of 
Burchiello, Franco, Luigi Pulci, and Lorenzo de’ Medici, cultivated this 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


433 


branch of poetry with such success, as to have been generally considered as 
the inventor of it; whence it has obtained the name of Bernesclie. The 
characteristic of this poetry is an extreme simplicity of provincial diction, 
which the Italians denominate Idiotismo. The most extravagant sentiments, 
the most severe strokes of satire, are expressed in a manner so natural and 
easy, that the author himself seems unconscious of the effect of his own 
work. Perhaps the only indication of a similar taste in this country appears 
in the writings of the facetious Peter Pindar; but with this distinction, that 
the wit of the Italians generally consists in giving a whimsical importance 
to subjects in themselves ridiculous or contemptible, whilst that of our 
countryman is for the most part shown in rendeiing things of importance 
ridiculous. The principal work of Berni is his Orlando Innamorato, being 
the poem of Bojardo, newly versified, or rather travestied; in the third book 
and seventh chapter of which he has introduced, without much ceremony, 
some particulars of his own history. 

Note 49, (p. 157.)—The satires of Pietro Nelli were published under the 
name of Andrea da Bergamo.—Ven. 1546, 1584. 

Note"50, (p. 157.)—In the satires of Ariosto, the author has faithfully 
recorded his family circumstances and connexions, the patronage with which 
he was honoured, and the mortifications and disappointments which he 
from time to time experienced : whilst his independent spirit, and generous 
resentment of the oppressive mandates of his superiors, are exhibited in a 
lively and interesting style. In the Orlando Furioso we admire the poet- 
but in the satires of Ariosto we are familiarized with, and love the man. 

Note 51, (p. 157.)—Ercole Bentivoglio was of the same family that for 
many years held the sovereignty of Bologna. His satires do him infinite 
credit as a poet, and are scarcely inferior to those of Ariosto, his friend and 
contemporary. 

Note 52, (p. 158.)—Few attempts have been made in England to adapt 
the provincial idiom of the inhabitants to the language of poetry. Neither 
the Shepherd’s Calendar of Spenser, nor the Pastorals of Gay, possess that 
native simplicity, and close adherence to the manners and language of 
country life, which ought to form the basis of this kind of composition. 
Whether the dialect of Scotland be more favourable to attempts of this 
nature, or whether we are to seek for the cause in the character of tbe 
people, or the peculiar talents of the writers, certain it is, that the idiom of 
that country has been much more successfully employed in poetical com¬ 
position than that of any other part of these kingdoms, and that this 
practice may there be traced to a very early period. In later times, the 
beautiful dramatic poem of The Gentle Shepherd has exhibited rusticity with¬ 
out vulgarity, and elegant sentiment without affectation. Like the heroes 
of Homer, the characters of this piece can engage in the humblest occu¬ 
pations without degradation. If to this production we add the beautiful and 
interesting poems of the Ayrshire ploughman, we may venture to assert, that 
neither in Italy nor in any other country has this species of poetry been 
cultivated with greater success. The Cotter’s Saturday Night is perhaps 
unrivalled in its kind in any language. 

F F 


434 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


Note 53, (p. 158.)—Decam. Giorn. viii. Nov. 2. Bentivegna del Mazzo 
being interrogated whither be went, replies, “ Gnafie, Sere, in buona venta 
io vo infino a Citta per alcuna mia vicenda, e porto qneste cose a Sere Bona 
corri di Ginestreto, cbe m’ ajuti di non so cbe m’ ha fatto ricbiedere per una 
comparigione del paa'entorio per lo pericolator suo il guidice del deficio.” 
That the ancient Romans bad also a marked distinction between the written 
tongue, and the dialect of the country inhabitants, may be inferred from the 
following lines of Tibullus.”—Lib. ii. Eleg. 3. 

“ Ipsa Venus lsetos jam nunc migravit in agros, 

Yerbaqme ar at oris rustica discit amor.” 

Note 54, (p. 158.)— Nencia is probably the rustic appellation of Lorenzo. 
oxLorenzina; thus from Lorenzo, in the same dialect, is formed Nencio 
and Renzo ; and from the dimunitive Lorenzino, Nencino and Ccncino. In 
this poem, the rustic Vallero, also addresses his mistress by the augmenta¬ 
tive of Nenciozza. These variations are frequently used in the Florentine 
dialect, to express the estimation in which the subject of them is held ; thus, 
ino, and ina, denote a certain degree of affection and tenderness, similar to 
that which is felt for infants; whilst the augmentatives of uccio, vccia, one, 
ona, usually imply ridicule or contempt. 

Note 55, (p. 158.)—As the peculiar excellence of this poem consists in 
its being an exact transcript of the Tuscan idiom, I shall not attempt to ex¬ 
hibit it in another tongue; particularly in a language which, if we may 
judge from previous attempts, seems scarcely susceptible of this kind of com¬ 
position. 

Note 56, (p. 158.)—The learned Anton Maria Salvini has given an ex¬ 
cellent edition of this comedy, with another by the same author, entitled, 
La Fiera. Firenz. 1726. The annotations of Salvini upon these pieces 
are highly and deservedly esteemed. 

Note 57, (p. 158.)—An elegant edition of this poem was published at 
Florence in 1755, in quarto, with copious notes and illustrations by Orazio 
Marrini; in which the editor has, with great industry and learning, traced 
t-he history of rustic poetry in Italy, from the time of Lorenzo de’ Medici, to 
whom he attributes the invention of it, (Pref. p. 10,) to that of his author, 
Baldovini; and has illustrated the text in the most judicious and satis¬ 
factory manner. 

Note 58, (p. 159.)—Several of our most celebrated critics have warmly 
contended for the antiquity of the English stage, which they suppose may 
be traced higher than the Italian by 150 years ; in proof of which is adduced 
the miracle play of St. Catherine, said to be written by Geoffry, abbot of St. 
Albans, and performed at Dunstable in the year 1110.—See Malone’s Shaks- 
peare, in Pref. Hence we might be led to conclude that this miracle play 
was composed in dialogue ; but there is reason to conjecture that the whole 
consisted of dumb show, and that the author’s only merit lay in the arrange¬ 
ment of the incidents and machinery. Of the same nature were the gro¬ 
tesque exhibitions well known in this country under the name of the har¬ 
rowing of Hell.—Tyrwhit’s Chaucer, iv. 242. And the representations 
at Florence, mentioned by Villani, (lib. viii. c. 10;) and Ammirato, (lib. iv.,) 
who inform us, that in the year 1304, the inhabitants of the district of 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


435 


S. Borgo publicly proclaimed that they would give an insight into the next 
world to those who would attend upon the bridge of Carrara. A great number 
of people were accordingly collected to witness a representation of the in¬ 
fernal regions, which was displayed in boats or rafts upon the river. In this 
spectacle the damned appeared to be tormented by demons in various forms, 
and with dreadful shrieks struck the spectators with terror: when, in the 
midst of the performance, the bridge, which was of wood, gave way, and the 
unfortunate attendants became the principal actors in the drama. The 
interludes preserved among the Harieian MSS., said to have been performed 
at Chester in 1327, and adverted to by Mr. Malone, are manifestly antedated 
by nearly two centuries; nor do I conceive it possible to adduce a dramatic 
composition in the English language that can indisputably be placed before 
the year 1500; previous to which time they were common in Italy; though 
possibly not so early as Mr. Malone allows, when he informs us, on the 
authority of the Histriomastix, that pope Pius II., about the year 1416, com¬ 
posed, and caused to be acted before him on Corpus Christ.i day, a mystery, 
in which was represented the court of the kingdom of heaven. ./Eneas 
Sylvius, who assumed that title, was not raised to the pontifical dignity till 
the year 1458. In the extensive catalogue of his writings by Apostolo Zeno 
(Dissert. Yoss.) I find no notice of any such composition. 

Note 59, (p. 159.)—Of this piece I have two ancient editions, without 
date, one of which, printed at Florence by Francesco Bonacorsi, bears suffi¬ 
cient evidence of its having been published during the life of the author. 
“ If you find any mistakes in this book,” says the editor, “ do not impute them 
to our magnificent Lorenzo, but to the printer.” It is also republished by 
Cionacci amongst the sacred poems of Lorenzo and others.—Fir. 1680. 

Note 60, (160.) 

“ Sappiate che chi vuol propol regere 
Debbe pensare al bene universale, 

E chi vuol altri dalli error correggere, 

Sforzisi prima lui di non far male; 

Perd conviensi giusta vita eleggere, 

Perche lo esemplo al popol molto vale; 

E quel che fa il Signor, fanno*poi molti, 

Che nel Signor son tutti gli ocelli volti.” 

It must be observed, that St. John and St. Paul, the heroes of this drama, 
are not the personages of those names mentioned in the sacred writings, but 
two eunuchs, attendant on the daughter of Constantine the Great, who are 
put to death by Julian the Apostate, for their adherence to the Clmstian 
religion. 

Note 61, (p. 160.)—A considerable collection of the ancient editions of 
the Jiappresentazioni of the fifteenth century, printed without date, and 
formerly in the Pinelli library, has fallen into my hands. I may say of them, 
with Apostolo Zeno, “ a few of them have some touch of good about them, 
mixed up with a vast disproportion of what is harsh and unpleasant; but the 
greater part are very bad, derived from apocryphal legends, from impure 
sources, rank and stupidwritten in a lame, low style, without skill or 
grace.”—Annot. alia Bib. Ital. di Fontan. i. 489. 

F F 2 


436 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


Note 62, (p. 160.)—Decam. Gior. iii. Nov. 9. The argument of this 
piece is given hy Accolti, in the following sonetto, prefixed to the edition of 
Flor, 1514: 

“ Virginia amando el He guarisce, e chiede, 

Di Salerno el gran principe in marito; 

Qual costretto a sposarla, e poi partito 
Per mai tornar fin lei viva si vede: 

Cerca Virginia scrivendo, mercede, 

Ma el principe da molta ira assalito 
Gli domanda, s’ a lei vuol sia redito, 

Due condizion qual impossibil crede. 

Perd Virginia sola, e travestita, 

Partendo, ogn’ impossibil conditione 
Adempie al fin con prudentia infinita. 

Onde el principe pien d’ amiratione 
Lei di favore, e grazia rivestita 
Sposa di nuovo con molta affectione.” 

Note 63, (p. 161.)—“ Let it come forth, then, since such is your pleasure; 
but I protest that your kindness herein is a cruelty to me; and that I deem it 
so, let this epistle testify for me.”—Pol. in Pref. 

Note 64, (p. 162.)—Of this exhibition, which took place about the year 
1512, Vasari has left a very particular account. (Vita di Piero di Cosimo.) 
The same author has preserved the following lines of the Carro della 
Morte, sung upon this occasion, which was the composition of Antonio 
Alamanni: 

“ Morti siam come vedete, 

Cost morti vedrem voi, 

Fummo gia come voi siete, 

Voi sarete come noi.” 

The whole piece is published in the Canti Carnascialeschi, p. 131. Ed. 1559. 

Note 65, (p. 162.)—“ This species of entertainment w r as invented by the 
magnificent Lorenzo de’ Medici, one of the most illustrious ornaments, not 
only of your illustrious house, but of Florence, of Italy, of the whole world; 
whose name should never be recalled without tears of reverence.”—II Lasca, 
ad Sig. Francesco de’ Medici. Canti Carnascialeschi in pref. Flor. 1559. 

Note 66, (p. 162.)—These pieces, as well as the other poems of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici, are frequently cited by the academicians della Crusca, in their 
celebrated dictionary, as authorities for the Italian tongue; and conse¬ 
quently compose a part of those works, selected for the purity of their style, 
and known by the name of Testi di lingua. 

Note 67, (p. 162.)—This was not, however, the first edition of the Canti 
Carnascialeschi. Zeno, in his notes on the Bibl. Ital. of Fontanini, (ii. p. 83,) 
has cited two editions, printed without note of date or place, but prior, as he 
thought, to the year 1500: the first entitled, Canzone per andare in Maschera ; 
the latter, Ballattette del Magnijico Lorenzo de ’ Medici di M. Agnolo 
Poliziano , e di Bernardo Giamburlari. The edition of 1559, is, however, 
the first general collection of these pieces, towards which a great number of 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


437 


the natives of Florence contributed. Of this edition the greater part of the 
copies are mutilated, having been deprived of one hundred pages about the 
middle of the book;—viz.,from page 298 to page 398, in which space were con¬ 
tained the pieces of Battista dell’ Ottonajo, whose brother Paolo having re¬ 
monstrated against their publication in a surreptitious manner, and in an 
inaccurate state, had sufficient influence with the government of Florence to 
obtain an order that the printer, Torentino, should deliver up all the copies 
in his hands, which appeared to be 495 ; after a year’s litigation, the poems of 
Ottonajo were ordered to be cut out from the book, and Paolo was left at 
liberty to publish another edition of them, which he accordingly did. This 
dispute gave rise to another contest during the present century, between the 
Canonico Biscioni, late librarian of the grand duke’s library at Florence, 
and Sig. Rinaldo Maria Bracci, who published at Pisa, under the date of 
Cosmopoli, 1750, a new edition of the Canti Carnascialeschi, in two volumes 
quarto, including those of Ottonajo, from the impression of his brother 
Paolo; in the introduction to which he justifies the decree that suppressed 
these pieces in the edition of 1559, contrary to the opinion of Biscioni, who 
considered it as severe and unjust. The dispute seems of little importance, 
but the result of it was unfavourable to the modern editor, whose elegant 
and apparently correct edition of these poems has never obtained that credit 
amongst the literati of Italy, to which, on many accounts, it appears to be 
entitled. 

Note 68, (p. 163.)—In the edition of the Canzoni a hallo , published at 
Florence in 1568, the title-page is ornamented with a print in wood, repre¬ 
senting twelve women dancing before the palace of the Medici, known by 
the arms affixed to it, and singing, as we may presume, a dancing song. 
Towards the front of the print appears Lorenzo de’ Medici; two females 
kneel before him, one of whom presents him with a garland taken from her 
head, of which he seems to decline the acceptance. Behind Lorenzo stands 
Agnolo Politiano, his associate in this w'ork. This print seems to have a 
more particular reference to one of the songs written by Lorenzo, which 
became extremely popular by the name of Ben vevga Maggio. In an ancient 
collection of Laude, or hymns, printed at Venice in 1512, I find that several 
of these devout pieces are directed to be, sung to the air of Ben veaga 
Maggio. From this collection, it appeal’s that it was then a general custom 
in Italy, as it now is, or lately was, the practice of a certain sect in this 
country, to sing pious hymns to the most profane and popular melodies, for 
the purpose of stimulating the languid piety of the performers, by an asso¬ 
ciation with the vivacity of sensual enjoyments. Thus the hymn Jesu sommo 
diletto, is sung to the music of Leggiadra damigella; Jesufammimoirre, to 
that of Vaga bella e gentile ; Genetrice di Bio, to that of Dolce anima mia; 
and Crucifisso a capo chino, to that of Una Donna d' amorfino, one of the 
most indecent pieces in the Canzoni a hallo. 

Note 69, (p. 164.)_“To this is to be added, that Giovanni Pico, Conte 

della Mirandola, a man of singular learning and genius, in a late letter 
written by him to the magnificent Lorenzo de’ Medici the elder, not merely 
equals, but absolutely sets him above both Dante and Petrarch, the latter of 
whom he says is deficient of ideas, the former in words; whereas Lorenzo 


438 


NOTES TO CHAPTER V. 


you find both the one and the other. Which criticism he would never have 
pronounced so decisively, had the judges of that day been of sounder taste.” 
—Varchi Ercolano, p. 27. Ed. Com. 1744. The same author, however, after 
acquitting Pico of the charge of adulation, subjoins : “ There were not 
wanting materials whereon Pico might have founded just praise of Lorenzo, 
without depreciating Petrarch and Dante; for in truth, Lorenzo, with M. 
Agnolo Poliziano and Girolamo Benevieni, were the first who in their com¬ 
positions departed from the vulgar taste of the time; and if not imitating or 
not wishing to seem to imitate Petrarch and Dante, at least departed in a 
great measure from the low style which is so manifest even in the Morgante 
Maggiore of Luigi Pulci, and the Ciriffo Calvaneo of his brother Luca.” 

Note 70, (p. 104.)—“I do not understand how it can be deemed well, 
instead of enriching our language, and infusing therein the utmost possible 
spirit, grandeur, and clearness, to make it poor, thin, grovelling, and ob¬ 
scure ; to seek so to narrow its capabilities, that every one must confine 
himself to the imitation of Petrarch and Boccaccio, and put no faith in Poli- 
tiano, Lorenzo de’ Medici, Francesco Diaceto, and some others, who yet 
were Tuscans, and perhaps of no less learning and judgment than Petrarch 
and Boccaccio.”—Castiglione, II Cortegiano, i. 

Note 71, (p. 165.)—“ If his life had been longer extended, and if the 
time he did live had been more free from family and political cares, I have 
no hesitation in saying that his age would have had its Petrarch.”—Murat, 
della Perfetta Poesia, Ital. L 20. 


CHAPTER YI. 

Note 1, (p. 171.)—It is commonly understood that the idea of a syste¬ 
matic arrangement, for securing to states, within the same sphere of poli¬ 
tical action, the possession of their respective territories, and the continu¬ 
ance of existing rights, is of modern origin, having arisen among the Italian 
states in the fifteenth century.—Robertson’s Hist, of Charles V. vol. i. sec. 2. 
But Mr. Hume has attempted to show that this system, if not theoretically 
understood, was at least practically adopted by the ancient states of Greece 
and the neighbouring governments.—Essays, vol. i. part ii. Essay 7. In 
adjusting the extent to which these opinions may be adopted, there is no 
great difficulty. Wherever mankind have formed themselves into societies, 
(and history affords no instance of their being found in any other state,) 
the conduct of a tribe, or a nation, has been marked by a general will; and 
states, like individuals, have had their antipathies and predilections, their 
jealousies, and their fears. The powerful have endeavoured to oppress the 
weak, and the weak have sought refuge from the powerful in their mutual 
union. Notwithstanding the great degree of civilization that obtained among 
the Grecian states, their political conduct seems to have been directed upon 
no higher principle ; conquests were pursued as opportunity offered, and 



NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 


439 


precautions for safety were delayed till the hour of danger arrived. The 
preponderating mass of the Roman republic attracted into its vortex what¬ 
ever was opposed to its influence ; and the violent commotions of the middle 
ages, by which that immense body was again broken into new forms, and 
impelled in vague and eccentric directions, postponed to a late period the 
possibility of regulated action. The transactions in Italy, during the four¬ 
teenth and fifteenth centuries, bear, indeed, a strong resemblance to those 
which took place among the Grecian states ; but it was not till nearly the 
close of the latter century, that a system of general security and pacification 
was clearly developed, and precautions taken for insuring its continuance. 
Simple as this idea may now appear, yet it must be considered, that, before 
the adoption of it, the minds of men, and consequently the maxims of states, 
must have undergone an important change; views of aggrandizement were 
to be repressed; war was to be prosecuted, not for the purpose of conquest, 
but of security; and above all, an eye was to be found that could discern, 
and a mind that could comprehend so extended an object. 

Note 2, (p. 172.)—The other conspirators Avere Filippo Balducci, and 
Amoretto, the illegitimate son of Guido Baldovinette.—Ammir. xxv. 

Note 3, (p. 173.)—“Afterwards, when Lorenzo had got rid of the 
danger, he began by degrees to assume a greater exercise of power over the 
citizens, and to act the tyrant; he went about attended by ruffians, had spies 
and guards in every direction on the watch; and began to make up, from 
every quarter, in every possible way, the money he had expended in the war. 
He was a man of sombre aspect; of harsh voice, disagreeable in his 
manner and language, of a turbulent mind, and who derived solace, amidst 
his continual anxieties, from nothing but music.”—Raph. Volt. Com. Urb. 
p. 153. 

Note 4, (p. 175.)—Fabroni has preserved a letter from the duke of 
Urbino to Lorenzo de’ Medici, which sufficiently shows the confidence that 
was reposed in him by the allies, and the active part which he took in pre¬ 
paring for the contest. 

Note 5, (p. 175.)—“ The battle was a more fiercely disputed one than 
had taken place in Italy for fifty years ; upwards of a thousand men of the 
two parties died on the field.”—Mach. viii. 

Note 6, (p. 17C.)—“ The writers say it was suspected he died of poison, 
and I find in the private memorials of Malatesti, that the author of the 
villany was thought to have been count Girolamo, the pope’s nephew, either 
excited by envy, or by the hope of laying hands for himself upon the terri¬ 
tory of the departed, Ruberto leaving no legitimate sons behind him.”— 
Ammir. xxv. 

Note 7, (p. 176.)—“ Constantino Sforza, prince of Pesaro, who for a 
time had been the faithful ally of the Florentines, went over to the Vene¬ 
tians. A few days after, however, he died of tertian fever, brought on, as 
it was thought, by vexation at his breach of faith, and at the Venetians not 
having paid him the stipulated amount.”—Fontius in Annal. ap. Fabr. ii.235. 

Note 8, (p. 176.)—The duke of Urbino and Roberto Malatesta died on 
the same day; one at Bologna, the other at Rome; each of them, although 


440 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 


at the head of adverse armies, haviDg recommended to the other the protec¬ 
tion of his possessions and surviving family :—“ On the 12th of September, 
1482, we heard that the magnificent Roberto de Rimini had died at Rome, 
of dysentery. It has been suspected that he was poisoned. The duke of 
Urbino, also, died at Bologna, whither he had gone on his way to succour 
Ferrara. They both died on one day, and each had recommended to the 
other, the care of his territory, not knowing of the other’s death.”—Ex 
Diario Allegretti ap. Fabr. ii. 245. 

Note 9, (p. 177.)—Ugolino transmitted to Lorenzo, from time to time, 
a full account of his proceedings in several letters, which are published, by 
Fabroni, Vita Laur. ii. 227. From which it appeal’s, that he was not with¬ 
out hopes of accomplishing his important object. “You cannot imagine,” 
says he, “ with what fervour these doctors of the university read the 
writings I have published here. The pope is more invisible than ever, and 
if the emperor does not spoil the game, I am not without hope of doing 
something.” 

Note 10, (p. 177.)—Thus he addresses Lorenzo, in a letter dated xin. 
Kal. Febr. 1482, ap. Fabr. adnot. et mon. ii. 243 : “ The meeting at Ferrara, 
which you say you have promised to attend, I should have advised you not 
to go to, but to take better care of your person; for I do not know what 
people you may find there; and I should have suggested the sending an 
ambassador, in place of yourself, with all requisite apologies; but since you 
have promised to go, I must rely upon your own judgment. Good fortune 
and God be with you!—Louis.” 

Note 11, (p. 178.)—He died on the 12tli of August, 1484, being the 
fifth day after peace was proclaimed at Rome.—Murat, ix. 546, 549. “ Either 
because his natural term had arrived, or that vexation at the peace, to which 
he was so hostile, killed him.”—Machiav. viii. 

Note 12, (p. 178.)—“This pontiff has a heavy account to settle before 
the tribunal of God.”—Annal. ix. 538. 

Note 13, (p. 179.)—“ As soon as your matters with the Genoese are 
settled, Lorenzo shall find that never lived pontiff who more aggrandized his 
house than 1 will. And having thoroughly satisfied myself how great is 
his faith, integrity, and wisdom, I will take care to regulate my conduct by 
his advice and experience.”—Fabroni, ii. 263. 

Note 14, (p. 180.)—Macliiavelli, pleased in relating instances of that 
crooked policy in which he is supposed to have been himself an adept, in¬ 
forms us, that the Florentines, wanting a pretext for a rupture with the in¬ 
habitants of Pietra-Santa, directed a part of their baggage to pass near that 
place, for the purpose of inducing the garrison t.o make an attack upon it.— 
Hist. viii. And Fabroni, on what authority it is not easy to discover, ex¬ 
pressly attributes this artifice to Lorenzo de’ Medici, in Vita Laur. i. 127.— 
But Ammirato, whose veracity is undoubted, asserts that this incident took 
place without any premeditated design on the part of the Florentines, intro¬ 
ducing his narrative with a direct censure of the relation of Macliiavelli:— 

“ It was chance, and not any artifice, brought it about, contrary to what 
Macliiavelli seeks to represent,” &c.—1st. Fior. xxv. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 


441 


Note 15, (p. 182.)—His death was attributed to poison, given to him by 
Antonello Sanseverino, prince of Salerno.—Murat, ix. 542. The frequency 
of these imputations, though perhaps not always founded on fact, strongly 
marks the character of the age. 

Note 16, (p. 183.)—He says: “ The advice of the magnificent Lorenzo 
is most acceptable, knowing as we do his wisdom and great experience.” 

Note 17, (p. 186.)—On the 8th May they came to a battle ; if an affair 
deserves so to be called, wherein not one man was killed, nor even wounded.” 
—Ammir. 1st. Fior. xxv. 

Note 18, (p. 187.)—In reference to the subject, the following letter from 
Lorenzo to Lanfredini, his agent at Rome, may be quoted as amounting 
to a moral proof that the imputation involving Lorenzo in the execution, or 
rather, murder, of Boccolino at Milan, is entirely destitute of foundation. 
“ Boccolino has to-day asked me for payment of the money, and I believe I 
shall have to give him 1500 ducats on Monday. I observe what you tell me 
about the death of the nephew, and I am greatly vexed and ashamed thereat; 
for ’twill be hard to make people believe that as he was living when the capi¬ 
tulations were signed, he should have died a natural death in so very short a 
time. You must exercise your utmost diligence in ascertaining the exact 
truth of the matter and send me so clear an explanation of it as to enable 
me to exempt myself from any blame in the affair. Both Messer Jacopo 
and the legate promised me that he should be set at liberty very speedily. 
I consider the disposition of his holiness to be neither wicked nor mischiev¬ 
ous ; and eveu though it were, of which I have perceived no indications, 
he has no reason or right to exercise it upon me. Lose no time, I repeat, 
in clearing up the whole of this affair; I cherish my character for good faith 
more than my life, or whatever else, short of my reputation, may be dearer 
to me than life ; believe this on my assurance, and let it be clearly understood 
by others whenever you see occasion. If anything be done injurious to my 
honour, I shall take care to make known my displeasure; but, judging from 
experience, I cannot believe that anything of the kind has happened. I 
do not know whether Boccolino has any thought of remaining here, and 
purchasing some property, but if so, I shall be ready to assist him in doing 
so, if need be; indeed, he has been already, offered a provision, but as yet 
he has not accepted it.” Sismondi, with his usual leaning against the Medici 
family, most gratuitously and groundlessly suggests that Lorenzo was not a 
stranger to the execution of Boccolino : “ On his return to Milan,” says this 
author, “ he was arrested immediately after entering its gates, and hanged 
without any trial, or attention being paid to Lorenzo’s safe-conduct; perhaps, 
indeed, with the secret connivance of the latter.”—Hist, des Bepub.Ital. xi.285 

Note 19, (p. 189.)—“ Lorenzo obtained such reputation and authority 
with the other princes of Italy, that all the historians of that period, 
and the recollections of men still living, who took part in its affairs, 
concur in this, that, so long as he lived, he was always the balance 
point among the Italian potentates, whose territories he so supervised and 
whose proceedings he so regulated, as to keep them in due political propor¬ 
tions. That which has occurred since his death fully proves of what use 
he was when alive.”—Filip, de’ Nerli, Comment, de’ Fatti civile di Fir. iii. 
Ed. Yen. 1728. 


442 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 


Note 20, (p. 190.)—“Certo non sar& giammai degno di reggere popoli, 
chi non sa mai perdonare.”—Murat, ix. 556. 

Note 21, (p. 192.—Ferdinand tlius addressed himself to Antonio della 
Valle, one of the agents of Lorenzo at Naples : “ Lorenzo has experienced that 
I love him and his city with earnest truth; and I have had full occasion to 
find that he loves me and my sons, for, without him, we should have assur¬ 
edly lost this kingdom. The benefits he has bestowed upon us, neither we 
nor our descendants can ever forget.”—Pet. Lutetii Ep. ad Laur. Fab. ii. 
309. These obligations are also warmly acknowledged by Ferdinand, in a 
letter to Lorenzo himself. 

Note 22, (p. 192.)—“And more especially, it appears, that they had been 
careful to found a state altogether popular, resolving that no person should 
take a share in the government who was not enrolled under the name and en¬ 
signs of some trade, though he might not exercise it; for they deemed it 
advisable, if not to take the government entirely out of the hands of the 
nobles, at least, that in assuming such name and ensigns, the noble might 
lay aside part of the haughtiness derived from his lofty title.”—Ammir. 
1st. lib. iii. vol. i. p. 160. 

Note 23, (p. 192.)—The jealous temper of the Florentines in providing 
for the security of their liberties, is exquisitely satirized by their first poet: 

“ Or ti fa lieta, che tu hai ben onde, 

Tu ricca, tu con pace, tu con senno; 

S’ i’ dico ’1 ver, 1’ effetto nol nasconde. 

Atene, e Lacedemona, che' fenno 
L’ antiche leggi, e furon si civili, 

Fecero al viver bene un picciol senno 
Verso di te, che fai tanto sottili 

Prowedimenti, ch’ a mezzo N ovembre 
Non giunge quel, che tu d’Ottobre fili. 

Quante volte del tempo, che rimembre 
Legge, moneta, e uficio, e costume, 

Ha’ tu mutato, e rinnovato membre ? 

E se ben ti ricorda, e vedi lume, 

Vedrai te simigliante a quell infirma, 

Che, non pud trovar posa in sulle piume 
Ma con dar volta suo dolore scherma.”—Dante, Purg. cant. vi. 

Note 24, (p. 193.) 

“ Excudent alii spirantia mollkis sera, 

Credo equidem, vivos ducent de marmore vultus, 

Orabunt caussas melius, coelique meatus, 

Describent radio et surgentia sidera dicent: 

Tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento, 

(Hae tibi erunt artes) pacique imponere morem, 

Parcere subjectis, et debellare superbos.”—A£n. lib. vi. 

Note 25, (p. 193.)—“All free governments,” says Hume, very decisively, 
“ must consist of two councils, a lesser and greater; or, in other words, of 
a senate and people.” “ The people,” as Harrington observes, “ would want 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VI. 443 

wisdom without the senate; the senate, without the people, would want ho¬ 
nesty.”—Idea of a perfect Commonwealth. 

Note 26, (p. 194.)—Amerigo Vespucci, who has contended with Colum¬ 
bus for the honour of the discovery of America, was born at Florence, in the 
year 1451, of a respectable family, of which several individuals had enjoyed 
the chief offices of the republic. The name of Amerigo was at Florence a 
common name of baptism. For an account of the controversy that has taken 
place respecting the pretensions of these eminent navigators, I must refer 
to Dr. Robertson’s History of America, book ii. note 22, without, however, 
approving the severity of his animadversions on the respectable Canonico 
Bandini, who has endeavoured, from original and almost contemporary do¬ 
cuments, to support the claims of his countryman.—Band. Vita di Amerigo 
Vesp. Flor. 1745. However this may be, it is certain, that about the year 
1507, Vespucci resided at Seville, with the title of master pilot, and with 
authority to examine all other pilots; for which he had a salary assigned 
him; an employment, as Tiraboschi well observes, suitable to a skilful navi¬ 
gator, but far below the pretensions of a man who had first discovered the 
new continent. This employment, however, afforded Vespucci an opportu¬ 
nity of rendering his name immortal. As he designed the charts for navi¬ 
gation, he uniformly denominated that continent by the name of America, 
which being adopted by other mariners and navigators, soon became general. 
—Tiraboschi, vi. par. i. p. 192. The memory of Vespucci is therefore now 
secured by a memorial, 

u Quod non imber edax non aquilo impotens 
Possit diruere, ant innumerabilis 
Annorum series, et fuga temporum.” 

Note 27, (p. 195.)—“ It was a thing as admirable in itself, as remote 
from our manners, to see this citizen, who still earned on his commercial 
affairs, selling with one hand the merchandise of the Levant, and sustaining 
with the other the weight of the republic; receiving factors, and giving au¬ 
dience to ambassadors; resisting the pope, making war and peace; regarded 
as the oracle of princes, cultivating literature, exhibiting shows to the 
people, and entertaining all the learned Greeks of Constantinople. He 
equalled the great Cosmo in his benefits to society, and surpassed him in 
magnificence.”—Volt. Essai, ii. 284. 

Note 28, (p. 196.)—These letters are preserved in the Palazzo Vecchio, 
at Florence.—Filz. xlvii. 

Note 29, (p. 196.)—A letter from Louis XI. to Lorenzo, most earnestly 
entreating his assistance in promoting the interests of the king’s favourites 
in a proposed nomination of cardinals by Innocent VIII., is preserved in the 
Palazzo Vecchio.—Filz. lix. 

Note 30, (p. 196.)—Of these articles, Pietro da Bibbiena, the secretary 
of Lorenzo, gives an inventory to Clarice, his wife.-—Fabr. ii. 337. 


444 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


CHAPTER YH. 

Note 1, (p. 199.)—The Decamerone of Boccaccio was not communicated 
to Petrarca till many years after it was written, (Manni. Illust. del Boc¬ 
caccio, p. G29 ;) and Petrarca himself confesses, that tiie reception of his 
Italian writings was far more favourable than he expected. 

“ S’io avessi pensato che si care, 

Fossin le voci de’ sospir miei in rima, 

Fatte F avrei dal sospirar mio prima, 

In numero piu spesse, in stil piu. rare.”—Son. 253. 

Note 2, (p. 201.) —“After the death of Cicero and Virgil, those two dis¬ 
tinguished models of Latinity, the manner of writing Homan, both in verse 
and prose, got so tossed and changed about, became so deteriorated from 
hand to hand, that it was no longer the same thing. Just so it happened 
with the Tuscan language; for after the departure of Dante, Petrarch, and 
Boccaccio, that tongue underwent endless variations and mutations, both in 
its spoken and in its written form, and at last became so impaired as no 
longer to be recognisable.”—Varchi, L’Ercolano, i. 83. (Padova, 1744.) 

Note 3, (p. 201.)—“ To stand still on the summit of perfection is diffi 
cult; and, in the natural course of things, what cannot advance, recedes. 
As we set out at first with ardour to overtake those whom we observe before 
us, so when we once despair of passing them, or keeping pace with them, 
zeal flags, together with hope, ceases to pursue what it cannot obtain, and, 
relinquishing the object as already pre-occupied, seeks some other.”—Vel¬ 
leius Paterc. i. 17. 

Note 4, (p. 202.)—Chrysoloras died at Constance, when the council was 
held there, in 1415. A volume, consisting of eulogies upon him, lately 
existed in the monastery at Camaldoli. (Zeno Diss. Voss. i. 214.) Poggio 
and Aeneas Sylvius (Pius II.) each of them honoured him with an epitaph. 
In the latter, the merit of having been the reviver of both Greek and Latin 
literature is explicitly attributed to him. 

“ Ille ego, qui Latium priscas imitarier artes, 

Explosis docui sermonum ambagibus, et qui 
Eloquium magni Demosthenis et Ciceronis 
In lucem retuli, Chrysoloras nomine notus, 

Hie situs emoriens, peregrina sede, quiesco,” &c. 

Hody de Graec. illust. p. 24. 

Janus Pannonius, a scholar of Guarino Veronese, (for whose histoiy and 
unhappy fate, see Valerianus, de infelicitate Literatomm,) in an elegant 
Latin panegyric on his preceptor, also pays a tribute of respect to the Greek 
scholar:—• 

“ Vir fuit hie patrio Chrysoloras nomine dictus, 

Candida Mercurio quern Calliopoea crearat, 

Nutrierat Pallas: nec soils ille parentum 



NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


445 


Claras erat studiis, sed reram protlnus omnem 
Naturam, magna complexus mente tenebat.” 

Jani Pannonii Quinquecclesiensis Episc. Paneg. ad Guar. Ver. pre- 
ceptorem suum ap. Frobenium. Basil. 1518, p. 11. 

Note 5, (p. 203.)—Tbe library of S. Marco, which, as we have before 
related, was founded by Cosmo, with the books collected by Niccolo Niccoli, 
and augmented at his own expense, was, in the year 1454, almost buried in 
rains by an earthquake, that continued at intervals for nearly forty days, 
during which several persons lost their lives. Cosmo, however, not only 
restored the building to its former state, but raised the ceiling, so as to 
admit of a more extensive collection. At the same time, a new arrangement 
of the manuscripts took place, and the Greek and Oriental works were 
formed into a class distinct from the Latin.—Melius in Vita Amb. Trav. 
pp. 66, 73. 

Note 6, (p. 203.)—The manuscripts acquired by Piero de’ Medici are 
for the most part highly ornamented,with miniatures, gilding, and other de¬ 
corations, and are distinguished by the fleurs-de-lys. Those collected by 
Lorenzo are marked not only with the Medicean arms, but with a laurel 
branch in allusion to his name, and the motto “ Semper.” When we advert 
to the immense prices which were given for these works, and the labour 
afterwards employed on them, they may be considered as the most expensive 
articles of luxury. A taste for the exterior decoration of books has lately 
arisen in this country, in the gratification of which no small share of in¬ 
genuity has been displayed ; but if we are to judge of the present predilec¬ 
tion for learning by the degree of expense thus incurred, we must consider it 
as greatly inferior either to that of the Romans, during the times of the first 
emperors, or of the Italians in the 15th century. And yet it is, perhaps, 
difficult to discover, why a favourite book should not be as proper an object 
of elegant ornament as the head of a cane, the hilt of a sword, or the latchet 
of a shoe. 

Note 7, (p. 204.)—Of the vigilance of Politiano in these pursuits, we 
have the most explicit evidence, in a letter from him to Lorenzo, first pub¬ 
lished by Fabroni, which may justify the forcible remark of that author on 
the literary agents of Lorenzo. “ Truly you might call them hunting-dogs ; 
for so keen is their scent, so unremittingly do they search about in every 
direction, that whenever anything rare is to be found, somehow or other 
they find it.”—Fabroni, i. 153. 

Note 8, (p. 204.)—“It was in all unaffected earnestness he said, looking 
intently on us, ‘ I would fain have this same Death put off his visit to me 
until the day I had completed your library.’ ”—Pol. Ep. iv. 2. 

Note 9, (p. 205.)—At. the close of the Bucolics, in this edition, is the 
following inscription :— 

‘ad lectorem 

Florenti® vii. Idus Novembris, 

MCCCCLXXI. 

“ Bernardus Cenninus Aurifex omnium judicio proestantissimus et Domi- 
nicus ejus F. egregiae indolis adolescens: expressis ante calibe caracteribus. 


446 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


ac deinde fusis literis, volumen hoc primum impresserunt. Petrus Cennintis 
Bcrnardi ejusdem F. quanta potuit cura et diligentia emendavit., ut cemis. 
Floreutinis ingeniis nil ardui est.” And at the close of the volume is 
another inscription, with the date of October, 1472. 

Note 10, (p. 205.)—“You will pardon me, gentlest sir, if in this place I 
pass over in silence that most barbarous, and beyond all example, atrocious 
conspiracy, by which, in the temple of God, during the solemn ceremonies 
of the church, your uncle Giuliano was cruelly murdered, and Lorenzo him¬ 
self, from amidst the encircling daggers of his enemies, only escaped by 
what must have been, not human, but divine aid, and by that courageous 
presence of mind of his, which sufficed to daunt the boldest adversary.”— 
Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. i. 223. 

Note 11, (p. 206.)—This ode is not printed in the works of Politiano, 
and is very inaccurately given by Bandini. Spec. Lit. Flor. It is here re¬ 
published from the edition of Horace, by Landino, Ven. mcccclxxxiii. 

Note 12, (p. 208.)—In the edition of Cato, Varro, and Columbella, pub¬ 
lished at Paris, ex. off. Rob. Stephani, 1543, with the corrections of Pet. 
Victorius, that excellent critic thus adverts to the labours of Politiano : “ I 
did not always consult that copy; for I had before me those which Angelo 
Politiano studiously compared with the ancient manuscripts, and which I 
considered as attentively as I could. My own labour was thus greatly 
eased by that of a most erudite person, to whose enlightened mind the 
assiduous collation of these books was a work of love; for he felt that he 
could thus clear many famous authors from the errors which disfigured their 
writings. Whatever he found worthy of remark in the ancient copies, he 
carefully noted in the printed editions ; and had he been longer spared, 
so that he could have carried out the designs he had formed, literature 
would have derived still further benefits from his studies, and those who 
have come after him, in the prosecution of the task he so well commenced, 
would have been saved a world of pains.” 

Note 13, (p. 209.)—On this point, which has been so much contested, 

I find the opinion of Bandini, before cited in this work, (p.409,) is confirmed 
by that of Laur. Melius, Vita Amb. Traversarii, p. 87. 

Note 14, (p. 209.)—Band. Cat. ii. 564. In the preface to this author, 
the editor thus addresses Lorenzo : “ From early youth the splendid repu¬ 
tation of your name has so occupied my thoughts, that I have determined 
to send forth this work as a tribute in your honour, though for my own 
credit it might have been better had I remained silent.” 

Note 15, (p. 210.) —“ You are aware, I believe, that the emperor Justi¬ 
nian, after he hud fully cleared the civil law from its defects, and reduced it 
to order, took care that each city of any rank should have a copy of the 
genuine amended institutes, to be preserved for public use, and, among the 
rest, an especially beautiful and celebrated copy was given to Pi3a, where it 
has been hitherto preserved with religious care.”—Pol. Ep. x. 

Note 16, (p. 210.)—“ I had full leisure thoroughly to examine the whole 
work in detail, and to compare every passage I had doubts about at all with 
the common editions. For Lorenzo de’ Medici, that best and wisest of men. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


447 


intrusted the book to my sole custody, thinking that by my care and dili¬ 
gence, some highly useful results might be effected as regards this great 
work.”—lb. 

Note 17, (p. 210.)—Mr. Gibbon gives Politiano the appellation of an en¬ 
thusiast, for supposing this manuscript to be “ the authentic standard of 
Justinian himself.”—“ This paradox,” says he, “is refuted by the abbrevia¬ 
tions of the Florentine manuscript, and the Latin characters betray the hand 
of a Greek scribe.”—Hist, of the Decline and Fall of the Pioman Empire, 
book 44. Politiano had, however, paid attention to this circumstance, and 
was of opinion that it was copied by a Latin scribe, and not by a Greek. 
“Estenim,” says he, in an epistle to Lod. Bolognese, lib. xi., “ liber cha 
racteribus majusculis, sine ullis compendariis notis; nec Gracus, sed 
Latinvs —videlicet ille ipse quern inter ceteros publicavit Justinianus.” But 
although Politiano appears to have given the subject a cool and critical 
examination, and is therefore not to be stigmatized as an enthusiast, yet 
there is reason to believe that the judgment he formed as to the Florentine 
pandects was erroneous. Upon the whole, from the observations of many 
learned men, collected by Dr. Parr, himself the second Greek scholar of his 
day, and who fully sanctioned the result of those observations, it would 
appear that while the Florentine MS. in question w as actually one of those 
which Justinian himself distributed, it was the work of a Greek scribe. 

Note 18, (p. 211.)—First printed by Antonio Miscomini, at Florence, 
with the following singular colophon; “ Impressit ex archetypo Antonius 
Miscominus. Familiares quidam Politiani recognovere. Politianus ipse 
nec Horthographian se ait, nec omnino alienam pra?stare culpam. Floren- 
tise, anno Salutis mcccclxxxix. Decimo tertio kalendas Octobris.” In 4to. 
This book, like all those I have seen of the same printer, is most elegantly 
and correctly executed, and is a proof of the speedy proficiency made in 
typography at Florence. 

Note 19, (p. 211.)—“ Nor do I think that these results of my lighter 
studies, of my pastime as I may say, w r ill be found wholly unworthy of thee, 
O Lorenzo, to whom I now dedicate them. I dedicate them to thee, not 
merely as an expression of my gratitude for the advice and assistance I have 
derived from thee in putting them together, but that they may derive favour 
and authority from the celebrity of thy name.”—Pol. in preef. ad Miscell. 

Note 20, (p. 211.)—To Merula we are indebted for the first edition of 
the comedies of Plautus, printed at Venice, per Johannem de Colonia et 
Vindelinum de Spira, 1472. Fie also corrected and commented on the works 
of Juvenal, of Martial, of Quintilian, of Ausonius, the Script ores de re rus- 
tica, and other ancient authors; several of which have been published with 
his remarks. Merula was the disciple of Filelfo, and, like him, was fre¬ 
quently engaged in those acrimonious contests which perhaps promoted, 
whilst they disgraced, the cause of literature. One of these debates w as w r ith 
Galeotto Marzio, who, about the year 1408, wrote his treatise De Hamine, 
in the first book of which he describes the exterior, and in the second, the 
interior parts of man. This work Merula attacked with great bitterness, 
and with a considerable display of critical sagacity. The commentary of 
Merula was printed without date or place, and inscribed to Lorenzo and 


448 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


Giuliano de’ Medici; bnt as the author, in his dedication, refers to the 
establishment of the academy of Pisa as a recent transaction, it was probably 
published about the year 1472. In the copy before me, the critique on 
Galeotto is followed by a comment on an epistle of C upplio, inscribed to M. 
Ant. Maurocenus, and by some observations on Virgil, addressed to Lodo- 
vico Gonzago, prince of Mantua. Some account of the life and labours of 
Merula may be found in Tiraboschi, vi. part i. 291. Zeno Diss. Voss. ii. 83. 

Note 21, (p. 211.)—“1 think you will remember that often when you 
were present at my lectures at Venice, I openly said, that in you I foresaw 
the restorer of the Roman and still more ancient learning.”—Mer. Ep. int. 
Ep. Pol. xi. 5. 

Note 22, (p. 213.)—“Bent upon the promotion of letters, he established 
schools at Pisa for the study of Latin, at Florence for that of Greek; 
engaging, at his own great cost, men of high learning from all parts, and 
encouraging the students in every way; nor did he relax in his efforts until 
he had secured learning from again falling into the dark abyss whence he 
had drawn it.”—Caii Silvani Germanici Ep. ad Leonem X. Band. Cat. 
ii. 117. 

“ At Florence both Latin and Greek were taught, Lorenzo having, by his 
great liberality, attracted thither from all parts men the most profoundly 
skilled in either literature.”—Raph. Brandolini Ep. ad Leonem X. Band. 
vt sup. p. 371. Plut. xl\i. Cod. 2. 

Note 23, (p. 214.)—“ Quo sane tempore Florentine, veluti in celeber- 
rimo totius orbis theatro, eruditissimi viri, tanquam ex equo Trojano innu- 
merabiles proceres, sese in orbem terrarum effuderunt. Quamobrem non 
modo Italia, sed etiam Gallia, Hispania, Germania, et Britannia, hujusmodi 
beneficium Medicum families acceptum referunt.”—Petri Angelii Epist. ap. 
Band. Cat. ii. 397. Alluding to a well known and much admired passage in 
the second book of Cicero de Oratore: “ Ecce tibi exortus est Isocrates, 
magister istorum omnium, cujus e ludo, tanquam ex equo Trojano, meri 
principes exierunt.” 

Note 24, (p. 214.)—“ And as he was a man (at least we thought so at 
the time) most acute in argument, and our great authority in all things, he 
easily persuaded me and his other followers that (I feel ashamed to repeat 
it now) Tully certainly understood neither philosophy nor Greek literature.” 
—Pol. in Miscel. cap i. 

Note 25, (p. 214.)—Hodius de Grsec. illust. p. 201. This strongly 
resembles the words of Molo, the celebrated rhetorician of Rhodes. He did 
not understand Latin; and whilst Cicero was declaiming in Greek before 
him, Molo for a time listened in silence, and at last exclaimed, “ As for you, 
Cicero, 1 praise and admire you, but pity the fortune of Greece, to see arts 
and sciences, the only ornaments which were left to her, transplanted by 
you to Rome.”—Middleton’s Life of Cicero. 

Note 20, (p. 214.)—“When, after the death of several of the more 
learned men, study at Florence seemed in a great measure laid aside, there 
came to the city, Argyropylus of Byzantium, a man of excelling intellect and 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


449 


a profound philosopher, with purpose to instruct our youth in Greek litera¬ 
ture and in science ; and during the years wherein he delivered his lectures 
here, so full of high and various learning, the times of the ancient philoso¬ 
phers seemed revived amongst us.”—Acciajuol. ap. Hod. de Greeds, 202. 

Note 27, (p. 215.)—“ He was too fond of the table, and could eat and 
drink enormously, whereby he got a huge stomach; after partaking immo¬ 
derately of water melon, he was seized with a fever, and carried of in his 
seventieth year.”—Jovii Elog. xxvii. 

Note 28, (p. 215.)—Hodius de Grsec. illust. p. 198, where the author 
has given a translation of the Greek epigram of Politiano, expressing his 
earnest wishes for the return of Argyropylus to Florence. 

Note 29, (p. 215.)—“Demetrius Chalcondyles, a skilful grammarian, and 
unlike the Greeks in general, not chargeable with falsehood or deceit, a most- 
gentle and upright man, restored the Greek school at Florence, left vacant by 
Argyropylus and Politiano, a Greek scholar not having been meanwhile found 
to occupy the chair.”—Jov. Elog. xxix. This information, if not refuted, is 
rendered highly problematical by the Greek epigram written by Politiano to 
Chalcondyles, on his arrival at Florence, in Which he considers him as the 
successor of Gaza, and as supplying the maternal office of nourishing the 
unfledged offspring of literature, deserted by their former parent; a mode of 
expression not likely to be used by Politiano to a man who was to supersede 
him in his office of public instructor. A translation of this epigram is 
given by Hody, p. 211. 

Note 30, (p. 215.)—Boissard, Baillet, Varillas, &c. The dissensions 
between Politiano and Chalcondyles have also engaged much of the atten¬ 
tion of Menckenius, Ang. Pol. Vita, p. 65, and of Bayle, Diet. Hist., Art. 
Politien, who have doubted of the veracity of the narrative of Jovius, with¬ 
out adducing that evidence of its improbability which a more minute examin 
ation would have supplied. 

Note 31, (p. 216.)—In the year 1491, being only the year previous to 
the death of Lorenzo de’ Medici, Pomponius Lmtus writes to Politiano : 
“ Commend me to the Medici, the patrons of letters. Salute Demetrius on my 
part again and again.” To which Politiano replies : “ Our Medici intimately 
esteem you. Demetrius thanks you cordially for your remembrance. Fie 
sole, August, mccccxci.” —Pol. Ep. i. 17, 18. 

Note 32, (p. 216.)—Thus Lod. Odaxius ad Pol. “ Salute, in my name, 
Demetrius, that supereminently learned man, and Pietro, your pupil, a youth 
of most high promise.”—Pol. Ep. iii. 3. 

Note 33, (p. 216.) —“ For I remember Grocinus, a man, as you are 
aware, of great and various learning and ability, sedulously prosecuted this 
branch of literature for two whole years, under the instructions of the great 
Doctors Demetrius, Chalcondyles, and Angelo Politiano.”—Guil. Latimer, in 
Ep. ad Erasm. ap. Menck. in vita Polit. 

Note 34, (p. 216.)—“ Linacer, too, a man of acute understanding, 
attended the same lectures for as long or even longer a time.”—Ibid. 

G G 


450 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


Note 35, (p. 216.)—Jovii Elog. lxiii. This circumstance is particularly 
adverted to in Dr. Akenside’s Harveian oration. 

Note 36, (p. 217.) 

“ E lo Scala, figliuol d’ un mulinaro, 

Ovver d’ un tessitor di panni lini, 

Che colle sue virtu si fece chiaro, 

E fu Gonfalonier de’ Fiorentini, 

Cavalier a Spron d’ oro, e non avaro, 

Tanto e, voi m’ intendete cittadini, 

Non s’ ha questi a chiamar nohile e degno, 

Che acquisto roba, onor, virtute, e ingegno ?” 

L’Altissimo, in Bart. Scalae vita a Mannio, Flor. 1708. 

Note 37, (p. 217.)—“ I came to the republic bare of all good things ; a 
mere beggar, of the lowest birth, without money, rank, adherents, or kindred; 
with nothing, only faith. But Cosmo, the father of our country, raised me 
up, and received me as a servant of his family.”—Scalae Ep. inter Pol. Ep. 
xii. 16. 

Note 38, (p. 217.)—“They were published under the superintendence 
of Oligero Jacobeo and Cl. Magliabecchi, sumptibus Nicolai Angeli Tinassi, 
anno mdclxxvii.” —Manni, vita Bart. Scalae, p. 47. 

Note 39, (p. 218.)—“You know that he (Lorenzo) often gave me your 
official letters to correct; and that it was this wilich first occasioned your 
hatred and rancour towards me.”—Pol. Ep. xii. 18. 

Note 40, (p. 218.)—“ I called you a monstrum furfuraccum: monstrum , 
because you owe your existence to the vile commixture of monsters; and 
furfuraceum, because you were born in a gaol, and will die in one if you 
have your deserts.”—Ibid. 

Note 41, (p. 218.)—“The highly favourable opinion of Lorenzo re¬ 
specting me,” thus Scala writes to Politiano, “ is on record, w’hose good 
word is the highest honour a man can have.”—Lib. xii. Ep. 16. To which 
Politiano laconically replies, “ Your boast about Cosmo and about Lorenzo 
de’ Medici is a lie.”-^Ibid. Ep. 18. 

Note 42, (p. 219.)—In the early part of the quarrel, Scala has the fol¬ 
lowing passage, in a letter to Politiano:—“ You certainly, beyond all others, 
my Politiano, owe much to nature, for that she has endowed you with so 
great a mind; I say nothing as to bodily endowments, though these, some 
think, may be made subservient to happiness and the good things of this 
life, and materially assist native virtue. He must be altogether blind wbo 
sees not these things in you.” Whereupon Menckenius sets to work, ela¬ 
borating from this simple sentence an imputation of the most horrible nature 
against Politiano and his associates, expressing his utter amazement that 
Politiano takes no notice of the passage. In supposing, however, that he 
could see so much clearer into the concerns of Politiano than Politiano 
himself, Menckenius is mistaken; it certainly never came into the head of 
either of the disputants, that this passage contained any insinuation of the 
nature alluded to by Menckenius. Giuliano de’ Medici had been dead 
many years, nor had he in his lifetime given room for such on imputation ; 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


451 


and at all events there is no probability that Sc ala would have hazarded the 
most remote insinuation of tliis kind against a family on whose favour 
he existed, to say nothing of the inattention with which Politiano treats 
this passage, which he certainly considered only as a piece of ridicule on 
his wry neck and hooked nose, and as such thought it beneath his notice. 

Note 43, (p. 219.)—Giovanni Pontano, or according to the academical 
appellation which he adopted, Jovianus Pontanus, was a native of Cerreto,in 
Umbria, but when young and friendless took up his residence at Naples. 
His learning recommended him to Alfonso, and afterwards to Ferdinaudo; 
by whom he was intrusted with the highest offices of the state. Besides 
his undertaking many important embassies, Pontano was chief secretary to 
the king, and on one occasion his representative as viceroy of Naples. As 
a scholar, he was the only person of the age whose productions can contend 
for superiority with those of Politiano. His poems were published by Aldus, 
in two volumes, 1513, 1518; his prose works, in three volumes, 1518,1519. 
Among the latter is a treatise, De Ingratitndine, in which he assumes the 
merit of having been instrumental in concluding peace between Ferdinand 
and the pope, and gives a loose to his exultation in having rendered his king 
so important a service; but alas ! Pontano lived to give the fullest comment 
on his treatise in his own conduct. For although he enjoyed the favour of 
the family of Arragon for nearly half a century, yet when Charles VIII. of 
France, in the year 1495, seized upon the kingdom of Naples, and assumed 
the emblems of royalty, Pontano, in the name of the Neapolitans, made the 
public oration to him, and took care not to forget the defects of his royal 
patrons, with which he had the best opportunities of being acquainted.— 
Zeno, Diss.Voss. ii. 172. Guicciard. 1st. d’ Italia, ii. Pontano died in 1603, 
at the age of 77 years. 

Note 44, (p. 220.)—Voltaire has erroneously given Pico the name of 
Jean Francois, confounding him with his nephew, the son of his elder bro 
ther Galeotto. This Jean-Frangois, or Giovan-Francesco Pico, succeeded 
to his father in the sovereignty of Mirandula, and was one of the most dis¬ 
tinguished scholars of his time. By him there remains a life of his uncle, 
written in Latin, which, whilst it affords much information respecting this 
extraordinary man, displays a deplorable degree of superstition in the 
author. The mother of Giovanni Pico was of the family of Bojardo the 
poet. 

Note 45, (p. 220.)—“ This,” says Voltaire, very justly, “ is certainly 
altogether out of the ordinary course of nature. There is no language tfie 
acquisition of which does not require pretty well a twelvemonth’s study. 
Any one, therefore, who at so early an age is said to know twenty two, may 
reasonably be suspected of knowing them very superficially, or rather, of 
knowing only their elements, which is nothing to the purpose.”—Essai sur 
les Mceurs. 

Note 46, (p. 220.)—Voltaire, not satisfied with these 900 questions, has 
increased their number to 1400; and informs us that they may be found at 
the head of the works of Pico.—Essai, vt sup. It is to be w'islied that he 
had pointed out in what edition of the works of Pico he had discovered these 
1400 questions; for the existence of which he seems to have had the same 

G G 2 


452 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


authority as he had for supposing that the learning of those days consisted 
merely in an acquaintance with the sophisms of the schoolmen, or that the 
sciences were then held in contempt by princes and men of eminence. As¬ 
sertions unworthy of an author who professes to write sur les mceurs et 
Tesprit dc nations. 

Note 47, (p. 221.)—“ As you love me, think not I have assumed the 
character of a judge, but rather that of Momus, who, they say, found fault 
with Venus’s slipper, when he saw Venus herself was too perfect to be im¬ 
pugned. I have marked through a few lines, not because I disliked them¬ 
selves, but because they, as being only of the equestrian order, were not en¬ 
titled to remain in the senatorial and patrician poetry, among which T found 
them.”—Pol. Ep. i. 4. 

Note 48, (p. 222.)—Some of the Greek poems of Alessandra appear in 
the works of Politiano. Ed. Aid. 1498. And Politiano is supposed to have 
addressed to this lady several of his amorous verses. 

Note 49, (p. 222.)—The works of Marullus were published at Florence, 
under the title of Hymniet Epiyrammata. At the close we read, “Impressit 
Florentiae Societas Colubris vi. kal. Decembris, mcccclxxxxvii.” His epi¬ 
grams are inscribed to Lorenzo, the son of Pier-Francesco de’ Medici. The 
following lines to the father of his mistress possess no inconsiderable share 
of elegance:— 

“ Ad Bartholomeum Scalam. 

“ Cum musae tibi debeant latinae 
Tot juncto pede scripta, tot soluto, 

Tot sales latio lepore tinctos, 

Tot cultis documenta sub figuris, 

Tot volumina patriae dicata, 

Quae nulli taeeant diu minores, 

Tot praetoria jura, tot curules, 

Tot fasces proprio labore partos : 

Plus muito tamen, o beate amice est 
Quod Scalam Latio pater dedisti. 

Aucturam numerum novem sororum, 

Casto carmine castiore vita.” 

The three books of Hymns of Marullus are addressed to the Pagan 
deities, or the phenomena of nature, whence perhaps the remark of Erasmus ; 
“ What few things of Marullus I have read would be tolerable enough, if 
they were somewhat less pagan.” 

Note 50, (p. 222.)—Among the epigrams of Politiano are several of the 
most outrageous kind, against some person whom he attacks under the 
name of Mabilius; and in the poems of Marullus are some pieces, little in¬ 
ferior in abuse, of which Ecnomus is the subject. Under these marks it is 
supposed, and not without reason, that these rival scholars directed their 
shafts against each other. 

Note 51, (p. 222.)—The letters and orations of this lady were published 
at Pavia in 1030, by Jac. Pb. Tomasini, who has prefixed to them some ac¬ 
count of her life. 


453 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 

N 

Note 52, (p. 222.)—“ Oh maiden, ornament of Italy, in what language can 
I adequately express my gratitude, for that you have not thought me un¬ 
worthy to correspond with you! ’Tis well-nigh incredible, that a woman, a 
mere girl, should be capable of such things. May the great God aid you in 
the noble work you have undertaken! May the glowing sparks which your 
genius has already sent forth shine as a steady tlame, dispersing the dark¬ 
ness and ignorance of our times !”—Pol. Ep. int. Cass. Fid. Ep. 101. 

Note 53, (p. 223.) 

“ Mnemosyne audito Senensis carmine Ceccae, 

Quando inquit decima est nata puella milii ?” 

Note 54, (p. 224.)—A very full catalogue of the works of Leonardo is 
given by Laur. Mehus, and prefixed to his edition of the Letters of this 
celebrated scholar. (Flor. 1741.) This catalogue comprises no less than 
sixty-three different productions, many of which are translations from the 
Greek. 

Note 55, (p. 224.)—Several of his works have been published, the early 
editions of which are yet held in esteem. His translation of Plato was first 
printed at Florence, without date, and again at Venice, 1491. His version 
of Plotinus, printed by Miscomini, at the expense of Lorenzo de’ Medici, 
though not published till after his death, is a fine specimen of typography; 
at the close we read— 

“ Magnifico sumptu Laurentii Medicis patriae servatoris, impressit ex ar- 
chetypo Antonius Miscominus Florentiae, Anno mcccclxxxxii, Nonis Maii.” 

Note 56, (p. 224.)—Printed three times in the year 1493—viz. at Rome; 
at Bologna, by Plato de Benedictis; and at the last-mentioned place, by Baza- 
lerius de Bazaleriis. Of these editions, the second is the most esteemed.— 
Maittaire, Ann. Typ. i. 558. De Bure, Bibl. Inst. No. 4840. 

Note 57, (p. 224.)— “ The object which to the best of my ability I have 
aimed at (pray Heaven it be at all realized!), has been to render with fidelity 
the full meaning of the author, avoiding, at the 6ame time, all Graecisms 
of expression, such excepted as have been regularly adopted by us, so as to 
preserve, as best I could, the purity of the Latin tongue; to retain in the 
translation the same perspicuity, the same neatness, the same meaning with 
the author and his characteristic features, without outraging the genius of the 
language into which I have rendered his work. 1 '—Pol. in praef. (Aid. 1498.) 

Note 58, (p. 224.)—An epitome of the Iliad in Latin verse, under the 
fictitious name of Pindar the Theban, is amongst the MSS. of the Lauren* 
tian Lib., Plut. xxxviii. Cod. xii. 2, and has also been published in the Ed. 
of Homer by Spondanus Basil, 1583. Another translation of the Grecian 
bard is said to have been executed in the fifteenth century, by Niccolo Valla, 
who died at twenty-one years of age.—P. Cortes, de Horn. doct. p. 466. Va¬ 
lerian. de Literat. Infel. lib. ii.. A translation of the Iliad into Latin prose, 
by Lorenzo Valla, was published at Brescia, 1474, and Lorenzo was accused 
of having availed himself of a translation made a century before, by Leon¬ 
tius Pilatus, which translation has also been inscribed to Petrarca.—Hod. de 
Grsec. illust. p. 10. 

Note 59, (p. 224.)—“ Other rich men, well nigh all of them, lavish their 


454 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


money upon the ministers to their pleasures; you with yours cherish the 
priests of the muses. Proceed with the good work, my Lorenzo ; the high 
priest of the muses, Homer, under your auspices, has come to Italy. By 
your noble bounty you maintain that Homeric youth, Angelo Politiano, 
whom you found a beggar wandering over the face of the earth. Your ge¬ 
nerous care has enabled him, at his ease, to set forth the Greek Homer in 
Latin colours; which, and most wonderful is it in one so young, he has 
done in such perfection, that, were it not that we know to the contrary, we 
might well doubt whether the Latin Homer was not the original work,” <Scc. 
—Fic. Ep. i. 

Note 60, (p. 224.)—Amongst the Latin poems of Alessandro Braccio, 
the contemporary and friend of Politiano, and well known by his translation 
of the works of Appian, is the following epigram: 

“Ad Laurcntium Mediccm. 

“ Tempora nostra tibi multum debentia Laurens, 

Non minus hoc debent, nobile propter opus, 

Mseonium, duce te quod nuper et auspice, vatem, 

Convertit Latios Angelus in numeros, 

Cumque decore suo cum majestate legendum, 

Bat nobis qualem Graecia docta legit, 

Ut dubites Latins malit quam Grsecus Homerus 
Esse, magis patrius hunc nisi vincit amor.” 

Band. Cat. lib. Laur. iii. 780. 

Note 61, (p. 225.)—“For, from my early youth, I was so passionately 
addicted to the study of this most eminent poet, that, not content with 
reading him through over and over again, I essayed, a juvenile and perhaps 
very rash attempt, to turn him into Latin.—Pol. Orat. in Exp. Homeri in 
op. Aid. 1498. 

Note 62, (p. 225.)—The poems of Naldio are printed in the Selecta 
Poema Italorum, vi. 412; of these, the first is addressed, Ad Pet rum Me- 
dican in obitu magni Cosnii ejus genitoris, qui vere diem vixit optitints 
Parens Patrice cognominatus fuit. Naldio was possessed of no inconsider¬ 
able talents for Latin poetry. One of his poems is addressed to Annalena, 
a nun, probably the sister-in-law of Bernardo Pulci (see ante, p. 129), in 
which the poet laments the death of Albiera Albizzi, the wife of Sigismundo 
Sfcufa, on whose death Politiano has also left a beautiful Latin elegy. It 
is probable there were two successive authors of this name, whose works 
are inserted in the Carmina Illust., as it can scarcely be supposed that the 
same person who addressed himself to Piero on the death of his father in 
1464, and had before written a poem to Cosmo on the death of his son John, 
should be the author of the pieces in this collection, which are inscribed to 
Leo X., who did not enter on his pontificate till 1513. Politiano has left 
the following commendatory epigram on the writings of Naldio: 

“ Dum celebrat Medicem Naldus, dum laudat amicam, 

Et pariter gemino raptus amore can it, 

Tam lepidum unanimes illi ornavere libellum, 

Phoebus, Amor, Pallas, Gratia, Musa, Fides.” 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


455 


Note 63, (p. 225.)—The example of Landino, in affixing to his poetical 
labours the name of his mistress (see ante, p. 44), was followed by Verini, 
who gave the title of Flametta to his two books of Latin elegies, which he 
inscribed to Lorenzo de’ Medici, and which yet remain in the Laurentian 
Library. (Plut. xxxix. cod. 42.) Bandini supposes that Landino, as well as 
many other learned men of those times, had a real object of his passion, for 
which he gives a very satisfactory reason. “ I do not consider this a feigned 
name, knowing, as I do, that the learned men of that period, as sometimes 
happens now-a-days, had sundry fan friends, in whose honour they were wont 
to compose poems, similar in then character to the Amatoria of Ovid.”— 
Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. i. 120. 

Note 64, (p. 226.)—In the Laurentian Library (Plut. xxvi. cod. 21) is 
preserved a poem by Ugolino, to which he has given the name of Paradisus. 
On his imaginary excursion to the celestial regions, the poet meets with 
Cosmo de’ Medici, who converses with him at great length on the affairs of 
Florence, and particularly on the situation of his own family. 

Note 65, (p. 226.)—This event has been commemorated both in verse 
and prose, in Latin and Italian, by many contemporary authors. Verini is 
not the only instance of the kind on record. If we may believe Ammirato, 
the death of the cardinal of Lisbon, in 1459, was occasioned by a similar 
circumstance.—Amm. 1st. Flor. iii. 89. That such a remedy had been pre¬ 
scribed to Verini, is apparent from the following affecting passage in one of 
his letters: “ An insuperable illness has taken possession of me ; my limbs 
are frightful with squalid emaciation; I am tortured by night, I have no rest 
by day; and the worst is, that, amid all this agony, I am unrelieved 
by hope; although my physicians and friends tell me there is no danger, 
a very different assurance is conveyed by their looks, their gestures, their 
suppressed sighs, by all their silent signs of despair. But, above all, my 
own sensations warn me of the worst. Whatever happens, I trust I shall 
go through with it firmly. I have nothing wherewith to reproach myself, un¬ 
less, perhaps, that, as I am told, I might restore myself to health by a certain 
means; but this modesty, or, as it may to some appear, rustic foolishness, 
forbids me to have recourse to.” 

Note 66, (p. 226.)—“Homer feigns that Jove and the other gods were 
wont at times to quit Olympus and resort to Ethiopia, to feast and make 
merry; Augustus, too, the master of the world, would ever and anon sup 
without show or ceremony with his friends; but I need not recur to these 
old examples. Lorenzo de’ Medici, the chief of our city, sometimes came 
and dined with my father.”—Mic. Ver. Ep. 15, ad Sim. Canisianum. ap. 
Band. Cat. iii. 483. 

Note 67, (p. 226.)—“ The pleasure Lorenzo derived from reading his 
(Platus’) poetical lucubrations, and the value he set upon the writer, are 
shown in the letter he sent him, acknowledging the consolation he had de¬ 
rived from those verses, under his affliction at his brother’s murder; where 
he says: ‘ Tis an old saying, my Platinus, that, to one son-owing-, music 
sounds harshly; I, on the contrary, have found in my misery nothing so 
soothing as the music of your charming verses.’ ”—Saxius in Hist. Litterario 


456 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII, 


Typogr. Mediol. ap. Band, in Cat. Bib. Laur. ii. 193. These verses are pub¬ 
lished in the Select. Poem. Ital. vii. 256. 

Note 68, (p. 227.)—The poems of Cantalicio are published in the Car- 
mina Illust. Poet. Ital. iii. 123, and are inscribed to Lorenzo de’ Medici. 
Those of Folengi are inserted in the same work, iv. 419. Alessandro 
Braccio was equally eminent in politics and letters. He was for some time 
secretary of the Florentine republic, and died on an embassy to pope Alex¬ 
ander VI. His translation of Appian into Italian is yet highly esteemed, 
and forms part of the Collana, or series of Italian historical works. The 
Latin poems of Braccio, though very numerous, have not yet been published, 
but are preserved in the Laurentian Library.—Plut. lxxxxi. cod. 40,41. Many 
of them are inscribed to Lorenzo de’ Medici and other men of eminence, as 
Landin®, Ficino, Bartolomeo Scala. Ugolini Verini, &c. I have before ex 
tracted some lines of this author to Lorenzo de’ Medici. The following 
epigram addressed to Politiano is not inapplicable to our present subject:— 
Band. Cat. iii. 781. 

“ Ad Angelum Bassum Politianensem. 

“ Tanta tibi tenero quum surgat pectore virtus, 

Quanta vel annoso vix queat esse seni, 

Ac tua grandisono reboent quum, Basse, cothurno 
Carmina, magnanimo non nisi digna duce, 

Et tibi sit locuples oris facundia docti, 

Teque suis ditet Graecia litterulis, 

Te precor ad longos ut servet Juppiter annos, 

Incolumemque sinat vivere posse diu. 

Nam tua Moeonio multum certantia vati 
Carmina quis dubitet, Virgilioque fore? 

Atque decus clarum nostrse magnumque futurum 
Quis neget setatis te, memorande puer ? 

Sis igitur felix, nostri spes maxima saecli, 

Teque putes nobis charius esse nihil.” 

Aurelio Augurelli is more generally known. His poems have frequently 
been published. The first edition is that of Verona, 1491, in quarto; the 
most correct and elegant, that of Aldus, 1505. These poems rank in the 
first class of modern Latin poetry. “ Augurelli was born at Rimini abotit 
1441, and died at Treviso, 1524. Besides poetry, he cultivated the Greek 
language, history, belles-lettres, antiquities, and philosophy. He has been 
accused of having been addicted to alchemy, and he did, in point of fact, write 
a book entitled Chrysopoeia, in which he taught the art of making gold, but 
Tiraboschi denies that he was serious in the matter. When he presented 
the pope with a copy of the work, his holiness laughingly gave him in 
return an empty purse, to put his gold in when made. He also wrote a book 
called Geronticon , or on Old Age. A collection of poems, by various writers, 
all in honour of Lorenzo, entitled Lauretum, was published about 1515; a 
new edition of this work was sent forth in 1820, at Florence, under the 
care of the Canon Moreni.”—Micherini. 

> 

Note 69, (p. 227.)—Tiraboschi, adopting the sentiments of Giraldi, 
acknowledges that Politiano w r as possessed of a vivid genius, of extensive 
powers, and of uncommon and diversified erudition; but censures his Latin 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


457 


poetry, as deficient in elegance and choice of expression.—Tirab. vi. par. 2. 
p. 234. Fabroni, adverting to the Italian poetry of Politiano, insinuates, 
that the Latin muses were reserved and coy, to one who had obtained the 
favour of their sister at so early an age, by his verses on the Giostra of 
Giuliano de’ Medici.—Fabr. p. 157. To oppose to these opinions the autho¬ 
rity of many other eminent men who have mentioned the Latin writings of 
Politiano with almost unlimited praise, would only be to detail the compila 
tions of Baillet or Menckenius. But the works of Politiano are yet open to 
the inspection of the inquisitive scholar; and though certainly unequal in 
point of merit, perhaps, according to the time of life at which they were 
produced, will be found, upon the whole, to possess a vigour of sentiment, a 
copiousness of imagination, and a classical elegance of expression, which, 
if considered with reference to the age in which he lived, entitle them to 
the highest esteem. 

Note 70, (p. 227.)—Giacopo Sanazaro, or, by his academical appella¬ 
tion, Actius Sincerus Sanazarius, was a Neapolitan, born in the year 1458, 
and equally eminent by his Italian and Latin compositions. In the former, 
his reputation is chiefly founded on his Arcadia ; in the latter, on his poem 
in three books, Departu Virginis, which is allowed, however, to be greatly 
blemished by the introduction of the pagan deities to the mysteries of the 
Christian i*eligion. 

Note 71, (p. 227.)—I cannot mention these names without regretting 
the limits to which I am necessarily confined. The rivals of Virgil, of 
Ovid, and of Catullus, ought not, in a work that touches on the rise of 
letters, to be commemorated in a mere note. The Syphilis of Fra- 
castoro, sive de Morbo Gallico, though an unpromising subject, is, beyond 
comparison, the finest Latin poem that has appeared since the times of the 
ancients. The writings of Vida are more generally known, and would be 
entitled to higher applause, if they did not too frequently discover to the 
classical reader an imitation of the ancients that borders on servility. Nau- 
gerio was a noble Venetian, who died young, on an embassy from the re¬ 
public. In his last moments he destroyed all his writings then in his pos¬ 
session, as not being sufficiently correct for the public eye; but the few that 
had been previously distributed among his- friends were collected and pub¬ 
lished by them after his death, and breathe the true spirit of poetry. In 
Flaminio we have the simplicity and tenderness of Catullus, without his 
licentiousness. To those who are acquainted with his writings, it will not 
be thought so extravagant to assert, that many of them, in the species of 
composition to which they are confined, were never excelled. The question 
addressed by him to a friend, respecting the writings of Catullus, “When 
you read him, do you not feel your heart melting with tenderness ?” may 
with confidence be repeated to all those who are conversant with his works. 

Note 72, (p. 227.)—Pico of Mirandula was one of the first who entered 
the lists against this formidable adversary of real knowledge, in his treatise 
in twelve books, Adversus Astrologos, which is found in the general col¬ 
lection of his works—Ven. 1498. 

Note 73, (p. 227.)—This Gnomon, which has justly been denominated 
the noblest astronomical instrument in the world, was erected by Toscanelli, 


458 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VII. 


about the year 1460, for the purpose of determining the solstices, and 
thereby ascertaining the feasts of the Bornish church. It is fixed in the 
cupola of the church of S. Maria del Fiore, at the height of 277 Parisian 
feet. A small orifice transmits from that distance the rays of the sun to a 
marble flag, placed in the floor of the church. This instrument was, in the 
present century, corrected and improved at the instance of M. de la Conda- 
mine, who acknowledges it to be a striking proof of the capacity and ex¬ 
tended views of its author. 

Note 74, (p. 228.)—Politiano has left a very particular description of 
this curious piece of machinery.—Ep. iv. 8. A singular spectacle was also 
devised by Lorenzo de’ Medici for the amusement of the populace, a me¬ 
morial of which is preserved in a poem by Naldio, Carm. Illust. vi. 436, 
entitled, “ Elegia in septem Stellas errantes sub humana specie per urbem 
Florentinam curribus a Laurentio Medice Patriae Patre duci jussas, moi'e 
triumpliantium.” From this poem we learn that the planets were personified 
and distinguished by their proper attributes, and that they performed their 
evolutions to the sound of music, with verses explanatory of their motions 
and supposed qualities. 

“ Nec tantum signis quot erant ea sidera certis 
Monstrasti, Medices, qua specieque forent, 

„ Dulcibus at numeris suavi modulatus ab ore 

Singula quid faciant preecipis arte cani.” 

Note 75, (p. 228.)—The Geograjia of Berlinghieri was published with 
maps, at Florence, in the year 1480. 

Note 76, (p. 228.)—Niccolo Fulginato addressed to Lorenzo his treatise 
De Ideis, which yet remains in manuscript in the Laurentian Library.—• 
Plut. lxxxii. cod. 22. Band. Cat. iii. 201 ; and Leonardo Nogarola, a work 
entitled, De Immortalitate Animce. Plut. lxxxiii. cod. 22. Band. Cat. iii. 219. 

Note 77, (p. 228.)—Bernardus de Torniis, dedicating to Giovanni de 
Medici, when a cardinal, his treatise, de Cibis Quadragesimalibus, thus ad¬ 
dresses him:—“Lorenzo, your father, most reverend sir, bound me to him 
by so much kindness, by so many benefits, that I hold myself the servant of 
his children and his house while life remains to me. I first entered upon 
the science of medicine under his auspices, and it was no fault of his that I 
did not attain the pinnacle of my profession.”—Band. Cat. i. 659. In the 
Laurentian Library are several medical works addressed to Lorenzo, as 
Joh. Calora. Compend. Febrium.—Band. Cat. iii. 42. Job. Aretini de Medi- 
cinae et legum praestantia, &c.—lb. iii. 141. 

Note 78, (p. 228.)—This I mention on the authority of Mr. Tenhove. 

“ In reference to music,” says he, giving an account of Leo. Bat. Alberti, 

“ he yielded to Antonio Squarcialupo alone. I have before me a poem 
written by Lorenzo in honour of the latter ; for to what class of genius did 
not the Medici give honourable welcome ?”—Mem. Geneal. de la Maison de 
Medicis, x. 99. I regret that this poem of Lorenzo has escaped my re¬ 
searches. Valori relates, that Lorenzo being present when the character of 
this celebrated musician was the subject of censure, observed to his detrac¬ 
tors, “ If you knew how difficult it is to arrive at excellence in any science, 
you would speak of him with more respect.”—Valori, p. 45. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 


459 


CHAPTER VIII. 


Note 1, (p. 230.) 

“-Lususque Salesque, 

Sed lectas pelago, quo Venus orta sales,” 

Says Jacques Moisant, Sieur de Brieux. See Menagiana, i. 59, where 
the author has traced this sentiment from Plutarch to Politiano, and down¬ 
wards to Victorius, Heinsius, and de Brieux. “ However exquisite and 
beautiful this idea,” says he, “ hacked about as it has been, no one would 
now venture to repeat it.” 

Note 2, (p. 230.)—“ When he jested, none merrier; when he satirized, 
none more biting.”—Valori, p. 14. 

Note 3, (p. 230.)—Several of them are related by Valori, and many 
others may be found in the Facetie, Motti et Burle, di diversi Signori, &c. 
Baccolte per Lod. Domeuichi. Yen. 1558. One of his kinsmen, remark¬ 
able for his avarice, having boasted that he had at his villa a plentiful stream 
of fine water, Lorenzo replied, “ If so, you might alford to keep cleaner 
hands.” Bartolommeo Soccini, of Sienna, having observed, in allusion to 
the defect in Lorenzo’s sight, that the air of Florence was injurious to the 
eyes ; “ True,” said Lorenzo, “ and that of Sienna to the brain.” Being 
interrogated by Ugolino Martelli, why he rose so late in the morning, Lo¬ 
renzo, in return, inquired from Martelli, why he rose so soon, and finding 
that it was to employ himself in trifles, “ My morning dreams,” said Lorenzo, 
“ are better than thy morning’s business.” When Soccini eloped from Flo¬ 
rence to evade his engagements as professor of civil law there, and being 
taken and brought back, was committed to prison, he complained that a man 
of his eminence should undergo such a shameful punishment. “You should 
remember,” said Lorenzo, “ that the shame is not in the punishment, but in 
the crime.”—Val. Dom. p. 121, &c. 

Note 4, (p. 230.)—Anton-Francesco Grazzini, detto II Lasca. Novelle, 
Ed. Lond. 1756. La terza Cena, Nov. x. The argument of this novel is 
as follows: “ Lorenzo de’ Medici, the elder, has Maestro Manente conveyed 
by two men in disguise to his country house, after supper, the doctor being 
drunk, and keeps him there, ignorant where he is, for a long time in 
the dark, his meals being earned to him, at the proper intervals, by the 
two masked men. Meantime, by the agency of Monaco, the buffoon, all 
Manente’s friends are made to believe he has died of the plague, and has 
been buried off hand, a corpse, taken from the ground for that purpose, being 
in their sight carried to the grave as his body. Soon afterwards, Lorenzo 
has the doctor put out of doors by the same men in disguise, and he makes 
his way to the city. When he reaches home, his wife ‘drives him off, think¬ 
ing him a spirit, and he is hunted up and down the streets by a crowd. At 
last he is recognised by Burcliiello, who cites the wife to appeal-, first before 
the bishop, then before the Eight, and lastly before Lorenzo himself. Nepo 



460 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 


da Galatrona is ssanmoned, and tells tlie people that all this while Manente 
has been under enchantment; the doctor at last recovers wife and home.” 

Note 5, (p. 230.1—“ Nec lusisse pudet—sed non incidere ludum.”— 
Hor. Ep. lib. i. 

Note G, (p. 231.)—“ He has been charged with the common fault of 
high and sensitive souls, a too great tendency to love. I know, indeed, that 
he was prodigiously fond of women, and ’tis a wonder that this exhaustless 
source of foolish weaknesses proved none to him; but so it was. If he 
loved passionately, his passion was still under the guidauce of discretion; 
never did his gallantries give umbrage to the citizens, or influence in any 
way his public conduct. His hours of gaiety were so distinct from his 
graver life, that it seemed as though he was tw'o men in one.”—Tenhove, 
Mem. Geneal. de la Maison de’ Medicis, xi. 143. 

Note 7, (p. 231.)—In the poem of Brandolini, De laudibus Laur. Med,., 
the attention of Lorenzo to the dictates of morality and decorum, as w r ell in 
himself as others, is the particular subject of panegyric, and that by a com 
temporary writer. Had the conduct of Lorenzo been notoriously licentious, 
such praise would have been the severest satire. 

Note 8, (p.232.)—For this catalogue, from Heliodorus, bishop of Tricca, 
in Thessaly, to M. Du Bois, doctor in theology at Paris, the reader may 
consult the Anti-Baillet of M. Menage, written by him when upwards of 
seventy years of age, the most singular instance of industry, w it, vanity, and 
learning, that the annals of literature can produce. 

Note 9, (p. 233.)—“ He took more pleasure in the jokes and sallies 
of the wits, and in puerile sports, than seemed consistent with the dignity 
of so great a man. Nay, he was very often seen taking part in the youth¬ 
ful games of his children.”—Mach. 1st. viii. On this subject I must not 
omit the comment of the interesting and elegant Tenhove : “ Can there be 
a more touching picture than that of such a man laying aside the burthen 
of glory, and recreating himself for a while in the bosom of nature ? To 
uncorrupted minds, Lorenzo de’ Medici never appears greater or more inte¬ 
resting than when playing at cross and pile with the duke de Nemours or 
rolling on the ground with Leo X.”—Tenh. Mem. Geneal. xi. 142. 

Note 10, (p. 233.)—“ Si ferae partus suos diligunt, qua nos in liberos 
nostros indulgentia esse debemus ? Et si omnes, qui civitati consulunt, 
cari nobis sunt, certe in primis liberorum institutores, quorum industria 
sempiternum tempus spectat, quorumque prseceptis, consiliis, et virtute, re- 
tinebimus familiae et reipublicae dignitatem.”—Laur. Med. ad Polit. ap. 
Fabr. i. 1GG. 

Note 11, (p. 23G.)—“ You know how beloved by the citizens is our 
Pietro, a man not less eminent for his own glory than for that of his family; 
combining the talents of his father, the virtues and great kindliness of his 
uncle, the probity of his grandfather, the prudence and piety of his great¬ 
grandfather; in short, the heart and head of all his noble ancestors.”—Pol. 
Ep. xii. G. 


NOTES TO CHATTER VIII. 


461 


Note 12, (p. 230.)—“ I remember when your father taught you, yet a 
child, some of his facetious productions, which you then lisped out to a 
circle of friends, setting them forth with elegant action, surprising in one so 
very young.”—Pol. Ep. ad Pet. Med. x. 12. 

Note 13, (p. 236.)—Landino, in liis dedication of the works of Virgil to 
Piero de’ Medici, thus adverts to the attention of Lorenzo to the education 
of liis children, and particularly of Piero: “ There were many things 1 ad¬ 
mired in him (Lorenzo), but this more especially, that in the education of 
his children he earnestly fulfilled the part, not of foolish indulgence, but of 
a wise and good father. In teaching and informing you, he spared no pains. 
When, though he himself was ready to advise and instruct you from day to 
day, he found it essential that you should have a preceptor ever at your side, 
from among the many learned men whom lie had assembled together, he se¬ 
lected Angelo Politiano, a man versed in deep and various learning, a great 
poet, a distinguished orator, an assiduous investigator of ancient lore, and 
to him, as your guide in virtue and in sound learning, entrusted your tender 
age.”—Band. Spec. Lit. Flor. i. 222, in not. 

Note 14, (p. 237.)—These particulars are circumstantially related in the 
Bicordi of Lorenzo, who seems to have interested himself in the early pro¬ 
motion of his son with uncommon earnestness. 

Note 15, (p. 239.) 

“-Medicum quid tecta superba, 

Carregi, et Tribii: Fesulana aut condita rupe 
Commemorem ? jures Luculli tecta superba: 

Quseque sine exemplo Cajana palatia Laurens 

-fEdificat, quorum scandet fastigia, tanquam 

Per planum iret eques, partesque equitabit in ornues.” 

Ug. Verini de illust. Urb. ii. 

Note 16, (p. 239.)—This aqueduct is frequently celebrated in the poems 

of Politiano. 

In fontem Lavrentii Medicis A mb ram. 

“ Ut lasciva suo furtim daret oscula Lauro, 

Ipsa sibi occultas reppeiit Ambra vias.” 

And again: 

In eumdem. 

« Traxit amatrices hoec usque ad limina Nymplias, 

Dum jactat Laurum ssepius Ambra suum.” 

Note 17, (p. 240.)—Politiano addressed his poem to Lorenzo Torna- 
buoni, the cousin of Lorenzo de’ Medici, of whom a very favourable cha 
racter may be found in the letters of Politiano. (xii.6.) “ Debetur licec silva 
tibi, vel argumento, vel titulo, nam et Homeri studiosus es, quasique noster 
consectaneus, etpropinquus Laurenti Medicis, summi preecellentisqueviri, qui 
scilicet Ambram ipsam Cajanam, praedium (ut ita dixerim) omniferum, quasi 
pro laxamento sibi delegit civilium laborum. Tibi ergo poemation hoc qua- 
lecunque est, nuncupamus, &c.”—Pridie nonas Nov. mcccclxxxv. 

Note 18, (p. 242.)—These particulars are adverted to in the following 
lines of Francesco Camerlini: 



462 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 


“ Allusio in Viliam Caregium Laurentii Medices: 

“ Caregium gratae charites habitare feruntur, 

Gratus ager, chari gratior umbra loci. 

Gosmus honos, patriaeque pater construxerat cedes, 
Disposuitque emptos ordine primus agros. 

Degener haud tanto natus Petrus inde parenti, 

Curavit partes amplificare suas. 

Vixque tibi, Laurens, in tauta mole reliquit 
Quod peragas, nisi quod maxima semper agis. 

Tu dignos Faunis lucos, fontesque Napaeis 
Struxisti, et deceant quae modo rura Deos.” 

Band. Cat. Bib. Laur. iii. 545. 

Note 19, (p. 242.)—This was perhaps one of the earliest collections of 
plants in Europe, which deserves the name of a botanical garden; the 
authority of Sabbati, who dates the commencement of that at Rome in the 
pontificate of Nicholas V., about the year 1450, being rejected by our emi¬ 
nent botanist, Dr. Smith, who gives the priority to that of Padua, in 1533. 
—Sabb. Hort. Rom. i. 1. Dr. Smith’s Introduct. Discourse to the Tran¬ 
sact. of the Linn. Soc. p. 8. Of the garden of Lorenzo a very particular 
account is given by Alessandro Braccio, in a Latin poem addressed to Ber¬ 
nardo Bembo, and preserved in the Laurentian Library, Plut. lxxxxi. sup. 
cod. 41. Band. Cat. iii. 787. 

Note 20, (p. 242.)—Petrus Crinitus (or Piero de’ Ricci) thus addresses 
Marullus: 

“ Nuper Faesuleis (ut soleo) jugis, 

Mentem Lesbiaco carmine molliter 
Solari libuit: mox teneram chelyn, 

Myrto sub virido deposui, et gradum, 

Placuit ad urbem flectere, 

Qua noster Medices pieridum Parens • 

Marulle, hospitium dulce tibi exhibet, 

Ac te perpetuis muneribus fovens, 

Plioebum non patitur tela resumere. 

Laurens Camoenarum decus.” 

Crin. op. Lugd. 1554. p. 553. 

Note 21, (p. 243.)—“ Delectabatur maxime equorum cursu. Quare 
equos plurimos habuit in delitiis, in quibus ille fuit, quern de colore morel- 
lum appellabant, tantae pernicitatis, ut ex omnibus certaminibus victoriam 
semper reportaverit. De hoc equo ipse a Politiano audivi, quod mirum 
legentibus videatur, non tamen novum, eum, quoties vel oegrotaret, vel de- 
fussus esset,, nisi a Laurentio oblatum cibum omnem fastidire solitum, et 
quotiescumque ille accederet, motu corporis, et liinnitu, quamvis humi pros¬ 
tratum, animi loetitiam fuisse testatum, ut non jam mirum sit tantopere 
hominibus gratum, quern etiam ferse dilexerint.”—Valori, p. 49. 

Note 22, v p. 245.)—“This letter,” says Fabroni, “may be regarded as 
the song of the swan of this most wise man, for shortly after it he died.”— 
Fabroni, ii. 813. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 


463 


Note 23, (p. 249.) —“The marriage took place in the great saloon of 
the castle, in the presence of the king and all the court; a grand supper and 
entertainment followed. The king paid marked attention to Signor Vir- 
ginio.”—Bern. Oricellarii Ep. ap. Fabr. ii. 316. 

Note 24, (p. 249.) —Extant inFilz. 1. “Articles of marriage between 
Alfonsina de Ursinis, daughter of the late Roberto de Ursinis, count of 
Tagliacozzo and Albi, and Piero de’Medici; present Virginio de Ursinis. 
The dowry was 12,000 Neapolitan ducats.”—Fabroni, vt sup. 

Note 25, (p. 250.)—The talents and acquirements of Rucellai justly- 
entitled him to the honour of so near an alliance with the family of the 
Medici. His public life has, indeed, incurred the censure of the Florentine 
historians of the succeeding century, who wrote under the pressure of a 
despotic government; but it is not difficult to perceive that his crime was 
an ardent love of liberty, which he preferred to the claims of kindred, and 
the expectations of personal aggrandizement.—Ammir. Opusc. ii. Elog. ii. 
161. Comment, di Nerli, p. 64. His Latin historical works, De Bello 
Italico , and De Bello Pisano, have merited the approbation of the discrimi¬ 
nating Erasmus. “ I became acquainted at Venice,” says he, “ with Ber¬ 
nardo Ocricularium (Oricellarium), whose history, were you to read it, you 
would say was a second Sallust, or at any rate written in the Sallustian age.” 
—Apotheg. viii. The former of these works was first published at London 
by Brindley, in 1724, and again by William Boyer, with the treatise, De 
Bello Pisano, in 1733. Bernardo was also a poet, and appears in the Canti 
Carnascialeschi, as the author of the Trionfo della Calunnia. —Cant. Carnas. 
p. 125. But the poetical reputation of Bernardo is eclipsed by that of his 
son, Giovanni Rucellai, author of the tragedy of Bosmunda, and of that 
beautiful didactic poem, Lc Api, which will remain a lasting monument 
that the Italian language requires not the shackles of rhyme to render it 
harmonious. “ Man of taste,” says Tenhove, “ in your solitary walks, take 
his poem sometimes with you.” 

“ Et odi quel che sopra un verde prato, 

Cinto d’ abeti e d* onorati allori, 

Che bagna or un muscoso e chiaro fonte, 

Canta de 1’ api del suo florid’ orto.” 

Note 26, (p. 250.)—These nuptials were celebrated at Rome in the year 
1488. Maddalena, who was very young, was accompanied by Matteo 
Franco, the facetious correspondent of Pulci, (p. 131,) the vivacity of whose 
character did not prevent Lorenzo from selecting him for this important 
trust, in the execution of which he conciliated in a high degree the favour 
of the pope, and his courtiers.—Pol. Ep. x. 12. 

Note 27, (p. 250.)—Besides his three sons and four daughters before 
enumerated, Lorenzo had other children, all of whom died in their infancy, 
as appears by a letter from him to Politiano; who, having occasion to acquaint 
him with the indisposition of some part of his family, and being fearful of 
alarming him, addressed his letter to Michellozzi, the secretary of Lorenzo. 
In his answer, Lorenzo reproves, with some degree of seriousness, the ill- 
timed distrust of Politiano, and with true stoical dignity, declares that it gave 
him more uneasiness than the intelligence that accompanied it. “ Can you 


464 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 


then conceive,” says he, “ that my temper is so infirm as to be disturbed by 
such an event ? If my disposition had been by nature weak, and liable to 
be impelled by every gust, yet experience has taught me how to brave the 
storm. I have not only known what it is to bear the sickness, but even the 
death of some of my children. The untimely loss of my father when I 
was in mv twenty-first year, left me so much exposed to the attacks of 
fortune, that life became a burthen to me. You ought, therefore, to have 
known, that if nature denied me firmness, experience has supplied the 
defect.”—Laur. Ep. in. Ep. Pol. x. 5. 

Note 28, (p. 253.)—In 1489, according to Tiraboschi, vi. par. 2, p. 377; 
but Savonarola himself, in his Trattato delle liivelatione della reformatione 
della Chiesa, Yen. 1536, (if indeed the work be his,) assigns an earlier 
period. In this work the fanatic assumes the credit of having foretold the 
death of Innocent VIII., of Lorenzo de’ Medici, the irruption of the French 
into Italy, &c. 

Note 29, (p. 254.)—This treatise was first published in octavo, at Flo¬ 
rence, by Ser Francisco Bonacursi. Anno Salutis mcccclxxxxi. Sexto 
Idus Februarii. 

Note 30, (p. 254.)—This book is estimable not only for its contents, but 
as being one of the finest specimens of typography of the fifteenth century. 
Instead of a title, we read, “ Quae hoc volumine habentur varia diversaque 
et longa ex dispersione collecta quo brevi sub titulo subjiciantur ac nomine 
recuperationes fesulanas lector agnoscito.” And at the close, “ Recupera- 
tiones fesulanas has elegantissimas, opus quidem aureum et penitus divinum 
quam castigatissime Impressit omni solertia Plato de benedictis Bononiensis 
in alma civitate Bononioe. Anno Salutis mcccclxxxxiii. decimo tertio 
kalendas Augustas.” Folio. 

Note 31, (p. 255.) 

“ Lo spirito talora a se ridutto, 

E dal mar tempestoso e travagliato 
Fuggito in porto tranquillo e pacato, 

Pensando ha dubbio e vuolne trar costrutto. 

S’ egli e ver, che da Dio proceda tutto, 

E senza lui nulla e, cioc il pecato; 

Per sua grazia se ci e concesso e dato 
Seminar qui per corre eterno frutto; 

Tal grazia in quel sol fa operazione 
Ch’ a riceverla e volto e ben disposto, 

Dunque che cosa e quella ne dispone ? 

Qual prima sia, vorrei mi fosse esposto, 

0 tal grazia, o la buona inclinazione: 

Rispondi or tu al dubbio, cli’ e proposto.” 

Note 32, (p. 255.)—Piero da Bibbiena, the secretary of Lorenzo, writes 
thus to the Florentine ambassador at Rome, (Prid. Kal. Sextil. 1488.) “ At 
14 o’clock, (2. p.m.,) died Madonna Clarice. If you conceive Lorenzo 
should be blamed for not being present at the death of his wife, excuse him. 
I.eoni finds it necessary for him to go to the baths of Della Villa, and be¬ 
sides, it was not thought she would die so soon,”—Fabroni, ii. 384. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII. 


465 


Note 83, (p. 256.)—Some of these remedies are of a singular nature. 
Pietro Bono Avogradi, in a letter dated the eleventh of February, 1488, 
advises Lorenzo, as a sure method of preventing a return of the dolore di 
zonturc, or arthritic pains, with which he was afflicted, to make use of a 
stone called an heliotrope, which being set in gold, and worn on the finger 
so as to touch the skin, would produce the desired effect. “ This,” says he, 
“ is a certain preservative against both gout and rheumatism; I have tried 
it myself, and found that its properties are divine and miraculous.” With 
the same letter he transmits to Lorenzo his prognostics for the year 1488. 

Note 34, (p. 257.)—This resolute woman answered them, that, if they 
killed her sons, she could still bear others; “ e vi ha chb dice,” adds the 
author, “ aver’ ella anche alzata la gonna per chiarirli, che dicea la verita.” 
—Muratori, ix. 556. 

Note 35, (p. 257.)—“It was an unworthy deed, of which Count Girolamo 
Riario fell the victim; many have said that Lorenzo had a share in it, out 
of revenge for injuries formerly done him by Girolamo.”—Fabr. i. 175. 
There is, however, great reason to suspect that the modern biographer of 
Lorenzo has inadvertently given weight and credit to an accusation, which, 
if established, would degrade his character to that of a treacherous assassin. 
In vindication of him against this charge, I must therefore observe, that of 
the many accusers to whom Fabroni adverts, I have not met with one of the 
early historians who has even glanced at Lorenzo as having been associated 
with the conspirators, or a party in the perpetration of the deed. Neither 
Machiavelli nor Ammirato, although they relate the particulars of the trans¬ 
action, have implicated in it the name of Lorenzo. Muratori, whose annals 
are compiled from contemporary and authentic documents, and who may 
therefore be considered as an original writer, is equally silent on this head. 
The ancient chronicle of Donato Bosso, printed only four years after the 
event, gives a yet more particular account, but alludes not to any interposi¬ 
tion on the part of Lorenzo; and even Raffaello Maffei, his acknowledged 
adversary, though he adverts to the death of Riario, attributes it only to the 
interference of his own subjects. It is indeed a strong indication of the 
dignity of the character of Lorenzo, that a charge so natural, and so con¬ 
sistent with the spirit of the times, should not have been alleged against 
him; and as he has been exculpated in the eyes of his contemporaries, it is 
surely not for posterity to criminate him. 

Note 36, (p. 258.)—A letter from Lodovico and Cecco d’ Orsi, two of 
the conspirators, to Lorenzo de’ Medici, written only a few days after the 
event, indisputably shows, that although they supposed Losenzo would be 
gratified by the death of his adversary, he had no previous knowledge of 
such an attempt. The letter also to Lorenzo from his envoy, which gives 
a minute account of the whole transaction, proves that although the pope 
had incited the conspirators to the enterprise, by expressing his abhorrence 
of the character of Riario, yet no other person was previously acquainted 
with their purpose. 

Note 37, (p. 258.)—In the attack of this place, the Florentines lost their 
eminent citizen, Cecca, the engineer, whose skill had facilitated the success 
of their enterprise. In the Exhortatio of Philippus Reditus, addressed to 

H H 


466 


NOTES TO CHAPTER VIII.. 


Piero de’ Medici, in Magnanimi sui parentis imitalionem, the MS. of which 
is preserved in the Laurentian Library, this incident is particularly related; 
and as the passage has not hitherto been published, having been omitted, 
with many others, iu the edition of Lami (Delic. Erudit. vol. xii.), printed 
from a copy in the Eiccardi Library, I shall here insert it: “ The fortress 
of Piancaldoli was restored to us. On the 4th of the calends of May, on 
hearing of the death of Girolamo lliario, tyrant of Imola and Forli, our 
town of Piancaldoli, which, by an act of gross wickedness, had been wrested 
from us by him, was recovered by our men, under the advice of your gallant 
father. In the siege of which place, Francesco, surnamed Cecca, our chief 
engineer, a man whose skill in besieging or defending towns is famous 
amongst us, being struck by an arrow on the head, died gloriously in his 
country’s cause.” The death of Cecca is related with some variation by 
Vasari, Vita del Cecca. “ He, when the Florentines had an army before 
Piancaldoli, by the exercise of his mining skill enabled the soldiers to enter 
the town without striking a blow. After this, accompanying the same 
army to defend another castle, as ill luck would have it, he was killed, while 
taking the height of the wall; for, having raised his head above the rampart 
to lower his measuring string, a priest in the enemy’s camp, who feared 
Cecca’s genius more than the physical power of the whole army besides, 
aimed a shot at him from a cross-bow, and, hitting him on the head, the 
poor fellow fell dead.” 

Note 38, (p. 258.)—There is a striking coincidence between this event 
and the narrative of Paullus Diaconus, upon which Giovanni Euccellai has 
founded his tragedy of Hosmunda. Alboin, king of the Huns, having con¬ 
quered and slain in battle Comundus, king of the Geppidi, compels his 
daughter Rosmunda to accept of him in marriage, with a view of uniting 
their dominions under his sole authority; but not satisfied with the acces¬ 
sion of power, he gratifies a brutal spirit of revenge, by compelling her, at a 
public feast, to drink from the skull of her slaughtered father, which he had 
formed into a cup. This insult the princess avenges, by seducing to her 
purpose two of the king’s intimate friends, who, in order to entitle them¬ 
selves to her favour, assassinate him in the hour of intoxication. Euccellai 
has, however, preserved his heroine from the crimes of prostitution and as¬ 
sassination, and has introduced a disinterested lover in the person of Alrna- 
childe, who executes vengeance on the king from generous and patriotic 
motives. In justice to the author, it must also be observed, that the horrid 
incident upon*which the tragedy is founded, is narrated only, and not repre¬ 
sented before the audience. 


CHAPTER IX. 

Note 1, (p. 2C2.) —“ We see painting for full two hundred years en¬ 
tirely destitute of art or refinement; the writings of the same period arc 
rude, slovenly, p^or. After Petrarch, literature raised its head; after Giotto, 
the hand of the painter grew firm and masterly. In either art we now 



NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


467 


see perfection.”—.En. Silvii (Pii ii.) Epist. 119, ap. Baldinuc. Notiz. 
Dec. 1. Such was the opinion of this pontiff, who had great learning and 
some taste. He was only mistaken in supposing that he had seen the per¬ 
fection of either art. 

Note 2, (p. 262.)—These pieces have lately been engraved and published 
in the Etruria Pittrice, a work which appears periodically at Florence, and 
contains specimens of the manner of the Tuscan artists from the earliest 
times, executed so as to give some idea of the original pictures. To this 
work, which would have been much more valuable if greater attention had 
been paid to the engravings, I shall, in sketching the progress of the art, 
have frequent occasion to refer. 

Note 3, (p. 262.)—Engraved in the Etruria Pittrice, No. iii. Under 
this picture is inscribed, in Gothic characters, the following verse: 

“ Me Guido de Senis diebus depinxit amenis 
Quem Christus lenis nullis velit agere penis. 

A. D. MCCXXI.” 

Note 4, (p. 262.)—Engraved in the Etruria Pittrice, No. viii. The Vir¬ 
gin is seated with the infant on her knee, in a rich chair, which is supported 
by six angels, represented as adults, though less than the child. The head 
of the Virgin is somewhat inclined, the countenance melancholy, not without 
some pretensions to grace; the rest of the picture is in the true style of 
Gothic formality. > * 

Note 5, (p. 263.) 

“ Credette Cimabue nella pintura, 

Tener lo campo; ed ora ha Giotto il grido, 

S'l che la fama di colui oscura.”—Dante, Purg. cant. xi. 

Note 6, (p. 263.) —Manni, in his Illustr. del Boccaccio, p. 414, deduces 
the name of Giotto from Angiolotto, but M. Tenhove, with more probability, 
derives it from Ambrogio. Ambrogio, Ambrogiotto, Giotto: “ What fo¬ 
reigner,” says this lively author, “ at first glance detects under the fantastic 
guise of Bista, Betto, Bambo, Bindo, Bacci, Tani, Cece, Gioma, Nigi, Meo, 
Nanni, Vanni, Mazo, Lippo, Lippozzo, Pipo, Guccio, Mico, Caca, Toto, &c., 
the most ordinary, and, in themselves, well-known Christian names ! The 
other Italians have always made a jest of this Florentine usage, which, in 
point of fact, is no less ridiculous than if Mr. Hume, in his fine history of 
England, were to tell us of Billy the Conqueror, of Tom Bechet, of Jackey 
Noland, of the mighty kings Ned I. and III., of bloody Molly, of great queen 
Bessy, and her dear pet, Bob Devercux, whom she sent to the scaffold; and 
so on,” &c.—Mem. Gen. &c., i. 37. 

Note 7, (p.263.)— “ The thing becoming known, gave rise to the saying, 
still in use, when you see a man of unusual dimensions: ‘ He’s rounder 

than Giotto’s O.’”—Vasari, Vita di Giotto. 

Note 8, (p. 263.) —“ Giotto was a genius of such surpassing excellence, 
that, there is no object in nature, that universal mother, which he did 
not represent by aid of his so exquisite pencil, with such truth, that the 
representation seemed not a representation, but the thing itself.”— Decam. 
Gior. vi. Noy. 5. 


H H 2 


468 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


Note 9, (p. 268.)—Benvenuto da Imola, one of the commentators of 
Dante, relates, that whilst Giotto resided at Padua, Dante paid him a visit, 
and was received by him with great attention. Observing, however, that the 
children of Giotto bore a great resemblance to their father, whose features 
and appearance were not very prepossessing, he inquired how it came to pass 
that his pictures and his children were so very unlike to each other, the 
former being so beautiful, the latter so coarse. “ Quia pingo de die, sed 
fingo de nocte,” said the painter.—Manni, Illust. del. Bocc. p. 417. 

Note 10, (p. 263.) 

“ Ille ego sum per quem Pictura extincta revixit, 

Cui quam recta manus tarn fuit et facilis. 

Naturae deerat nostrae quod defuit arti; 

Plus licuit nulli pingere nec melius. 

Miraris turrim egregiam sacro oere sonantem ? 

Hcec quoque de modulo crevit ad astra meo. 

Deuique sum Jottus, quid opus fuit ilia referre ? 

Hoc nomen longi carminis instar erit.” 

Note 11, (p. 263.)— Proemio di Giorgio Vasari to the second part of 
his work, written, like all his other prefaces, with great judgment, candour, 
and historical knowledge of his art. Tractant fabrilia fabri —The early 
painters are fortunate in possessing an historian, who without envy, spleen, 
or arrogance, and with as little prejudice or partiality as the imperfection of 
human nature will allow, has distributed to each of his characters his due 
portion of applause. If he has on any occasion shown too apparent a bias 
in favour of an individual, it leans towards Michelagnolo Buonarroti, in 
whose friendship he gloried, and whose works he diligently studied ; but an 
excess of admiration for this great man will scarcely be imputed to him as a 
fault. As a painter and an architect, Vasari holds a respectable rank. In 
the former department, his productions are extremely numerous. One of 
his principal labours is his historical suite of pictures of the Medici family, 
with their portraits, painted for the great duke Cosmo I., in the Palazzo 
Veccliio, at Florence, of which Vasari himself has given a particular account, 
published by Filippo Giunti, in 1588, and entitled, Ragionamenti del Sig. 
Cav. Giorgio Vasari sopra le invenzioni da lui dipinte in Firenze , $*c. 
Reprinted in Arezzo, 1762. In this series of pictures are represented the 
principal incidents in the life of Lorenzo. This work has been engraved, 
but not in such a manner as to do justice to the painter. 

Note 12, (p. 265.)—“ It is to be observed, that before him we find 
nothing at all good in the way of foreshortening; and it may therefore be 
fairly said of this able man, that he effected a great step in art.”—Etruria 
Pittrice, No. xiv. 

Note 13, (p. 265.)—“And he was the first who paid particular attention 
to perspective, introducing the method of giving his figures graduated pro¬ 
portions according to their position on the canvas ; sin arrangement which 
the masters previous to him had paid but slight attention to, and only hit 
upon by chance.”—Baldiuuc. Dec. ii. del. par i. sec. iv. 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


469 


Note 14, (p. 265.)—In his picture of the inebrity of Noah, in the church 
of S. Maria Novella, is a figure of the patriarch stretched on the ground, with 
his feet towards the spectator; yet, even in this difficult attitude, the painter 
has succeeded in giving an explicit idea of his subject.—Etrur. Pittr. No.xiv. 

Note 15, (p. 265.)—“His wife said of him, that all night long Paolo 
used to stay up in his studio, finding out the proportions of distance; and 
every now and then, when she called to him to come to bed, he would reply, 
—‘ Oh, what a delightful perspective!’ ”—Vasari, Vita di Paolo. 

Note 16, (p. 265.) 

In Philippum Fratrem Pictorem. 

“ Conditus hie ego sum picturse fama Philippus; 

Nulli ignota meoe est gratia mira manus. 

Artifices potui digitis animare colores, 

Sperataque animos fallere voce diu. 

Ipsa meis stupuit natura expressa figuris, 

Meque suis fassa est artibus esse parem. 

Marmoreo tumulo Medices Laurentius hie me 
Condidit: ante humili pulvere tectus eram.” 

From the appellation of Frater , given to Lippi by Politiano, Menckenius 
conjectures, that he was his brother. “ For who other than Politiano it can 
be, whose brother Filippo is said to be, I cannot guess.”—Menck. in Vita 
Pol. p. 31. Filippo had entered into holy orders, whence he was called Fra 
Filippo ; a circumstance which Menckenius might easily have discovered, 
though he professes not to have been able to obtain any information respect¬ 
ing it. “ For the writers say nothing on this point, though there are several 
who mention that he was a man who preeminently excelled in the illustrious 
ai t of painting.”—Ibid. p. 637. 

Note 17, (p. 266.)—“He had a greater knowledge of the human figure 
than any of his modern predecessors; he had even flayed and operated 
upon a number of bodies to attain a thorough acquaintance with anatomy; 
and he was the first who exhibited the form and action of the muscles.”— 
Vasari, Vita di Pollajuolo. 

Note 18, (p.266.)—“ He drew portraits, too, with great truth to nature; 
and when, in the said chapel, he painted the story of the Queen of Sheba 
visiting Solomon to hear his wise conversation, he inserted portraits of the 
magnificent Lorenzo de’ Medici, father of pope Leo X., and Lorenzo dalla 
Volpaja, the eminent constructor of time-pieces and astrologer; he who 
made for Lorenzo de’ Medici the beautiful clock that duke Cosmo has now in 
the palace, which exhibits all the revolutions of the planets, in constant 
motion; a wonderful piece of mechanism, and the first that was ever con¬ 
structed of the kind.”-^—Vasari, Vita di Baldov. See ante, p. 228. 

Note 19, (p. 266.)—“ There was in his time, at Florence, one Domenico da 
Venezia, a painter of good repute, into whose friendship he (Andrea) cunningly 
insinuated himself, for the purpose of extracting from him the secret of oil 
painting, which was, at that period, not practised by any Tuscan artist, nor 
indeed known by any one in Tuscany, except by this Venetian; and after 


470 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


awhile he effected his object.”—Baldin. Dec. iii. sec. v. The invention of 
painting in oil, though introduced so late iuto Italy, is probably more ancient 
than has generally been supposed. It is commonly attributed to the Flemish 
artists, Hubert and John Van Eyck, who flourished about the year 1400; 
hut professor Lessing, in a small treatise “ sur Vanciennete de la Peinture 
a VHuile," printed at Brunswick in 1774, has endeavoured to show that 
this art is of much greater antiquity. His suggestions have since been con¬ 
firmed by the researches of M. de Mechel, of Basle, who, in arranging the 
immense collection of pictures of the imperial gallery of Vienna, has disco¬ 
vered several pieces painted in oil, as early as the thirteenth and fourteenth 
centuries. Of these the earliest is a picture by Thomas de Mutina, a Bohe¬ 
mian gentleman; the others are by Theodoric, of Prague, and Nic. Wurmser, 
of Strasbourg, both artists at the court of the emperor Charles IV.—Mechel, 
Catal. des Tabl. de Vienne, &c. in pref. 

Note 20, (p. 266.)—His celebrated picture of S. Filippo and the Serpent, 
painted in the chapel of the Strozzi, at Florence, and engraved in the 
Etruria Pittrice, No xxvii., is a sufficient proof of the truth of this remark. 
Filippo Lippi was the son of the former painter of the same name, usually 
called Fra Filippo. Lorenzo employed him to ornament his palace at Pog- 
gio-Cajano, where he painted a Sacrifice in fresco, but the work was left 
unfinished. 

Note 21, (p. 266.)—“He never painted a picture in which he did not 
studiously introduce reminiscences of old Borne, such as her vases, sandals, 
trophies, banners, helmets, sacred ornaments, head-dresses, mantles, swords, 
and so on, for which we owe him lasting gratitude.”—Vasari, Vita di Filip. 

Note 22, (p. 266.)—“ By his just principles of drawing, more especially 
of the naked figure, by the graceful character of his invention, and the admir¬ 
able grouping of his figures, he opened to artists the way to that perfection 
in the art, which others who came after him might succeed in attaining.”— 
Vasari, Vita di Luca Signorelli. It must, however, be observed, that Luca 
lived till 1521, before which time an important reformation had taken place 
in the arts. 

Note 23, (p. 267.)—I am aware that much is to be said on the opposite 
side of the question, but I mean not to discuss a subject upon which almost 
every writer on the history of the arts has either directly or incidentally exer¬ 
cised his ingenuity. Among others, I may refer the reader to the Proemi of 
Vasari, the Lezzione of Benedetto Varchi, della maggioranza delV arti, the 
works of Baldinucci, Richardson, and Mengs, and to the posthumous works 
of Dr. Adam Smith, in which the reader will find many acute observations 
on this subject. 

Note 24, (p. 268.)—“ It must be confessed that painting, as yet, made 
no very great show, though life had been given to it by these masters; ft 
was still terribly deficient in drawing, colour, softness, foreshortening, move¬ 
ment, attitude, relief, and the other refinements of art which are necessary 
to make it really resemble nature.”—Baldin. Dec. iii. sec. v. 

Note 25, (p. 268.)—Objects of horror and disgust, the cold detail of 
deliberate barbarity, can never be proper subjects of art, because they ex- 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


471 


elude the efforts of genius. Even the powers of Shakspeare are annihilated 
in the butcheries of Titus Andronicus. Yet the reputation of some of the 
most celebrated Italian painters has been principally founded on this kind 
of representation. “ Here,” says M. Tenhove, “ is the stoning of St. Ste¬ 
phen : methinks his brains are about to be scattered over me; shuddering, 
1 pass on, but only to encounter St. Bartholomew, all flayed and bleeding; 
I can count liis muscles, his every sinew. In that corner is Sebastian, stuck 
all over with arrows; there the ghastly head of John the Baptist on a salver; 
a companion to the gridiron of St. Laurence, hangs the caldron of St. John. 
'Tis a series of horrors.”—Mem. Gen. x. May it not well be doubted 
whether spectacles of this kind, so frequent in places devoted to religious 
purposes, may not have had a tendency rather to keep alive a spirit of fero¬ 
city and resentment, than to inculcate those mild and benevolent principles 
in which the essence of religion consists ? 

Note 26, (p. 209.)—“Venice, and some of the towns of Romagna, or the 
ancient Exarchate of Ravenna, still present some traces of these Greek 
daubs, impressed with manifest characteristics of profound barbarism. The 
picture we see in the Museo Sacro, in the Vatican, representing the funeral 
of St. Ephraim, is pointed out as the deplorable chef d’oeuvre of these dege¬ 
nerate descendants of Zeuxis.”—Tenli. ib. vii. 

Note 27, (p. 269.)—“ The free man, doing what he liimself wills, does 
his very best, more or less well, according to his capacity; but the slave 
does, at the very utmost, what he is bid to do; the power to do more that 
may be within him, being injured by the violence which is constantly offered 
to his will. The habit of this gradually oppresses Iris genius, and at length 
he becomes so degenerate as no longer to desire that which he has so long 
despaired of.”—Opere di Mengs, i. 228. 

Note 28, (p. 269.)—“ Mummius was so ignorant, that when, after the 
taking of Corinth, the perfect works of art it contained were about to be 
removed to Italy, he intimated to those who had it in charge to transport 
them, that if any of the paintings or statues were lost, they must replace them 
with new ones.”—Vel. Paterc. i. 13. 

Note 29, (p. 270.)—The very minute acc'ount given by the Roman ora¬ 
tor, in his fourth accusation against Verres, of the pieces of Grecian sculp¬ 
ture which he obtained from Sicily, has enabled the Abbe Fraguier to draw 
up a dissertation which he has entitled the “ Gallery of Verres.”—Mem. de 
Litt. ix. 260. Winckel. Storia delle arti del Disegno, x. 3. Ed. Milan, 1779, 
in not. Amongst those particularly enumerated by Cicero, is a marble 
statue of Cupid, by Praxiteles; a Hercules in bronze, by Myron; two Cane- 
phoree, or female figures, representing Athenian virgins, bearing on their 
heads implements of sacrifice, the work of Polycletes; a celebrated statue 
of Diana, which, after having been carried off from the citizens of Segesta 
by the Carthaginians, wCvS restored to them by Scipio Africanus; another of 
Mercury, which had been given them by the same liberal benefactor; the 
statues of Ceres, of Aesculapius, of Bacchus, and lastly, that of Jupiter him¬ 
self, of which the sacrilegious amateur scrupled not to plunder his temple 
.at Syracuse.—Cic. iriVerrem, iv. 

Note 30, (p. 270.)—“ What I am going to add may seem of minor im- 


472 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


portance, but it is a source of great vexatiou to me. Of all the well-nigh 
colossal statues in marble and brass ^as to silver and gold, I should not 
so much wonder at their disappearance), which were anciently erected 
here in honour of illustrious men, besides a number of sculptures placet! 
about in public view as civic ornaments, and for the promotion of a taste in 
art, there only remain, as far as I can find, five in marble (four in the 
baths of Constantine, two standing by the side of horses, the work of Phi • 
dias and Praxiteles, and two recumbent, and a fifth in the Forum Martis, 
said to be a statue of Mars), and an equestrian statue in brass, gilt, in the 
Lateran church, said to be a statue of Septimus Severus.”—Pog. de varietate 
Fortunes, p. 20. The equestrian statue to which Poggio adverts, as that of 
Sep. Severus, is now recognised as the statue of Marcus Aurelius. 

Note 31, (p. 2/0.)—“Who are more ignorant of Roman history than 
the present citizens of Rome? I say it with regret: in no place is Rome 
less known than at Rome.”—Epist. Fam. vi. 2. 

Note 32, (p. 270.)—The famous Cola di Rienzi, who called himself 
Tribune of Rome, and attempted in the fourteenth century to establish the 
ancient republic, was, as well as his friend and panegyrist Petrarca, a great 
admirer of the remains of antiquity. It is not, indeed, improbable, as Tira- 
bosclii conjectures, that the indulgence of this taste first incited him to his 
romantic project. The character of Rienzi is given by a contemporary 
author in the following terms, which may serve as a curious specimen of 
the Italian language: “ Fo da soa joventutine nutricato de latte de elo- 
quentia, bono Grammatico, megliore Rettorico, Autorista bravo. Deh corno 
e quanto era veloce leitore! Moito usava Tito Livio, Seneca, e Tullio, e 
Balerio Massimo: moito li dilettava le magnificentie de Julio Cesare rac- 
contare. Tutto lo die se speculava negl’ intagli de marmo, li quali jaccio 
intorno a Roma. Non era aitri che esse che sapesse lejere li antichi pataffij. 
Tutte scritture antiche volgarrizzava; queste Sure de marmo just ament 2 in 
terpretava.”—Tirab. v. 314. Mem. pour la Yie de Petr. ii. 335. 

Note 33, (p. 270.)—“Here, 0 Caesar,” said he, “are those whom you 
succeed to, they whom you should study to imitate; by whose example you 
should regulate your own conduct. There is no other person but yourself 
to whom I would have given them.” — Epist. Fam. x. 

Note 34, (p. 270.)—“He (Lorenzo) was wealthy in land, in gold, and 
splendid robes; in furniture, and household goods of every description, 
sculptures, paintings, carved ornaments, chased plate, jewels, and books.”— 
Ant. Tudertani Orat. in Ep. Amb. Trav. 

Note 35, (p. 271.)—“He took especial delight in sculptures and paint¬ 
ings, and ancient decorations. He had of these a greater number, and of 
a more exquisite workmanship, than almost any person of his time. People 
came to see them, not so much as to a private collection, as to a public ex ■ 
hibition.”—Poggii, Op. 276. * 

Note 30, (p. 271.)—“Eflectus sum admodum capitosus. Id quale sit, 
scire cupis ? Flabeo cubiculum refertum capitibus marmoreis, inter quae 
unum est elegans, integrum: alia truncis naribus, sed quae vel bonum arti- 
ficem delectent. His et nonnullis signis que procuro, oruare volo Acade- 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 473 

iwiam meam Valdaminara, quo in loco quiescere est animus,” &c.—Poggii, 
Epist. ad Nic. Nicol. 

Note 37, (p. 272.)—“ It was lie (Donato) who chiefly awakened in 
Cosmo the desire to introduce into Florence the remains of ancient art, 
which the latter collected together in the Medici palace, and which Donato 
put in order with his own hand.”—Vasari, Vita di Donato. 

Note 38, (p. 273.)—In the diligent researches made at the instance of 
Lorenzo for the discovery of ancient manuscripts, his agents frequently 
met with curious specimens of art. The inventory of the books purchased 
by Giovanni Lascar, from one Nicolo di Jacopo da Siena, concludes with 
particularizing a marble statue. This contract and inventory are yet pre¬ 
served in MS. in the archives of the Palazzo Vecchio, at Florence.—Filz. 
lxxxi. No. 20. 

Note 39, (p. 274.)—Vasari adverts also to this establishment in his 
Ragionamcnti. “ Lorenzo constructed the garden which now stands above 
the Piazza di S. Marco, and filled it with ancient marble statues, and a 
number of excellent paintings, for the benefit of such youth as should attend 
there for the purpose of studying sculpture, painting, and architecture. It 
was committed to the charge of Bertoldo, the sculptor, a disciple of Dona¬ 
tello. All, certainly the greater number, of these young men turned out 
well. Among them was our Michael Angelo Buonarroti, the glory, the 
grandeur, the very life of sculpture, painting, and architecture; all of which, 
heaven, as it seemed, designed should arise in splendour under the auspices 
of that illustrious man; miraculous are the works which he bequeathed to 
his country and to the world.”—Vasari, Ragionamenti, p. 75. 

Note 40, (p. 274.)—Mengs, on several occasions, attributes the superior 
excellence of Michael Angelo to the same favourable circumstance. “ Michael 
Angelo, at sight of the antique statues collected by the Medici, opened his 
eyes, and perceived that the ancients had a certain art in the imitation of 
nature, by which they rendered the imitation more intelligible and more 
beautiful than the originaland again, after giving an historical account 
of the progress of the arts, he adds : “ A ray of the same light which illu¬ 
mined ancient Greece burst forth when Michael Angelo, who already by his 
commanding genius excelled Ghirlandajo, first saw the works of the ancient 
Greeks in the collection of the magnificent Lorenzo de’ Medici.”—Op. di 
Mengs, ii. 99, 109. 

Note 41, (p. 274.)—“ Thereupon Lorenzo, from the deep love he bore to 
sculpture as well as painting, lamenting that there were no sculptors in his 
time at all comparable to the eminent painters who then flourished, deter¬ 
mined to create a school of sculpture, and to this purpose he told Domenico 
Ghirlandajo to send any of his young men who might feel disposed to de¬ 
vote themselves to this branch of art, to the Garden; where their education 
should be so cared for as to give them full means of doing honour to them¬ 
selves, to their city, and to Lorenzo himself. Whereupon Domenico pointed 
out to him Michael Angelo and Francesco Granacci, as two of his young men 
of whom he was disposed to augur most highly in this respect.”—Vasari, Vita 
di Michelagnolo. 


474 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


Note 42, (p. 274.)—This early specimen of the genius of Michael An¬ 
gelo is yet preserved in the Medicean gallery at Florence, in the keeper’s 
room, and is equal, says Bottari, to Grecian workmanship; it has been en¬ 
graved and published by Gori, in Condivi’s life of Michael Angelo; but, as 
Bottari observes, “ very indifferently, and with great prejudice to the original.” 
—Bottari, not. ut sup. 

Note 43, (p. 275.)—We learn from the narrative of Condivi, who relates 
these circumstances with insufferable minuteness, that when Lodovico, the 
father of Michael Angelo, encouraged by the kindness of Lorenzo, requested 
an office in the Dogaua or custom-house, in the place of Marco Pucci, Lo¬ 
renzo, who intended to provide him with a much better establishment, re¬ 
plied, laying his hand on his shoulder, “ Tu sarai sempre povero.” He 
gave him, however, the office for which he applied, which was worth eight 
scudi per month, “ poco piu o meno,* says the accurate historian.—Con¬ 
divi, ut sup. 

Note 44, (p. 275.)—“Xorenzo assigned Michael Angelo handsome 
apartments in his palace, providing liim with everything he required, and 
treating him in all respects as a son. For instance, at Lorenzo’s table, there 
each day sat down persons of the highest rank and importance ; it was the 
custom there, that those who first came took their seats near the Magnificent, 
according to their rank, and did not move for others of higher rank who 
might come in afterwards; and thus it often happened that Michael Angelo 
sat above the sons of Lorenzo, and other eminent persons who frequented 
the house.”—Condivi, ut sup. 

Note 45, (p. 276.)—“ The thing was so excellently done, that I recol¬ 
lect hearing him say, when he afterwards saw the work, that he felt he had 
wronged nature in not following out the art of sculpture, judging from this 
production how thoroughly he would have succeeded in it.”—Condivi, Yita 
di M. A. 

Note 46, (p. 276.)—“A great deal of snow having fallen in Florence, 
Piero de’ Medici, who had succeeded to his father’s position, but not to his 
abilities, formed a childish fancy to have a statue of snow erected in the 
middle of the court-yard; and sending for Michael Angelo, got him to exe¬ 
cute the work.”—Condivi, p. 8. This statue was a just emblem of the for¬ 
tunes of its founder. 

Note 47, (p. 276.)—“ Michael Angelo, with all his vast genius, did not 
owe his high fame entirely to himself; nor would he of himself have found 
his way out of the dry, servile style, which up to that time predominated in 
Italy; but for his intense study and close observation of the ancient statues, 
he would perhaps have been no more than the equal of a Donatello or a 
Ghiberti.”—Opere di Mengs, ii. 189. 

Note 48, (p. 276.)—The poems of Michael Angelo were published by 
his great-nephew, Michael Angelo Buonarroti il Giovane, at Florence, in 
1623, and are ranked with the Testi di Lingua of Italian literature. They 
were again reprinted at Florence, in 1726, with the Lezzioni of Benedetto 
Varchi, and Mario Guiducci, on some of his sonnets. Tenhove has justly 
appreciated their merits. “ The sonnets and Canzoni of Michael Angelo 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


475 


are not overladen with ambitious ornaments; they partake of the austere 
simplicity of his genius; and with this characteristic, odd a new laurel to 
the head which conceived them.”—Mem. Gen. xix. 317. 

Note 49, (p. 277.)—“I have seen Michael Angelo; he is appalling!"— 
Falcon, ap. Tenh. The pieces which occasioned this exclamation were two 
of the statues intended to compose a part of the monument of Jhlius II. 

Note 50, (p.278.)—“Raphael himself has left us in his works the 
manifest traces of his studies ; and but for the lessons of Fra Bartolommeo 
and the sight of the works of Michael Angelo and the ancients, we should 
not have enjoyed to anything like the actual extent, the marvellous produc 
tions of the painter of Urbino.”—Op. di Mengs, ii. 189. 

Note 51, (p. 278.)—Vasari, Vita di Michelagnolo. Gianfrancesco Graz- 
zini, called II Lasca, also celebrates his countryman in the true Florentine 
idiom: 

“ Giotto fu il primo, ch’ alia dipintura, 

Gia lungo tempo morta, desse vita. 

E Donatello messe la scultura 

Nel 8uo dritto sentier, ch’era smarrita: 

Cost 1’ architettura 

Storpiata, e guasta, alle man’ de’ Tedeschi, 

Anzi quasi basita, 

Da Pippo Brunelleschi, 

Solenne Architettor, fu messa in vita; 

Onde Gloria infinita 
Merritar questi tre spirti divini, 

Nati in Firenze e nostri cittadini. 

E di queste tre arti, i Fiorentini 
Han sempre poi tenuto il vanto e ’1 pregio 
Dopo questo, 1’ egregio 
Michelagnol divin, dal cielo eletto, 

Pittor, scultore, architettor perfetto, 

Che dove i primi tre maestri eccellenti 
Gittaro i fondamenti, 

Alle tre nobil’ arti ha posto il tetto. 

Onde meritamente, 

Chimato e dalla gente 

Vero maestro, e padre del disegno,” &c. 

Note 52, (p. 278.)—In the dialogue of Lodovico Dolce on painting, 
entitled L’Aretino —Aretino, who is supposed to speak the sentiments of the 
author, observes—“ Who will venture to affirm it to be proper, that in the 
church of St. Peter, prince of the apostles, in Rome, whither all the world 
resorts, in the chapel of the pontiff, who, as Bembo justly says, on earth 
takes the place of God, there should be painted so many indecent naked 
figures; ’tis, with all submission, be it spoken, unworthy of that sacred place.” 
Fabrini, the other colloquialist, justifies Michael Angelo by alleging the 
example of Raphael, who is said to have designed the lascivious prints en¬ 
graved by Marcantonio Raimondi, under which the same Aretin wrote hit 


476 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


infamous verses; but it is easy to see that such a justification is an aggra¬ 
vation of the charge.—Dolce, Dialog. (Flor. 1735.) p. 236. 

Note 53, (p. 279.)—Salvator Rosa, in his satire, entitled La Pittura, 
relating instances of the arrogance and pride of his predecessors, introduces 
the well-known story of the cidtic Biagio, who, having censured the famous 
picture of the Last Judgment, was, in return, represented by Michelagnolo 
in a group of the damned. According to Salvator, Biagio thus addressed 
the painter: 

“ Michel Agnolo mio, non parlo in gioco, 

Questo che dipingete 6 un gran giudizio, 

Ma del guidizio voi n’ avete poco. 

Io non vi tasso intorno al artifizio, 

Ma parlo del costume, in cui mi pare 
Che il vostro gran saper si cangi in vizio 
Sapevi pur che il figlio di Noe, 

Perch& scoperse le vergogne al padre, 

Tiro 1’ ira di Dio sovra di se ; 

E voi, senza temer Christo e la Madre 
Fate, che mostiin le vergogne parte, 

Infin de’ Santi qui 1’ intiere squadre.” 

And that it might not be imagined that Salvator did not himself approve 
the sentiments of the critic, he adds, 

“ In udire il pittor queste proposte, 

Divenuto di rabbia rosso, e nero, 

Non pote proferir le sue risposte; 

Ne potendo di lui l’orgoglio altero 
Sfogare il suo furor per altre bande, 

Dipinse nell’ inferno il Cavaliero.” 

Satir. di Salv. Rosa. Ed. Lond. 1791. 

Note 54, (p. 279.)—“ E' gran cos a ad ogni modo, che tutti coloro, i 
quali furono nella scuola del Giardino de’ Medici, e favoiiti dal Mag. 
Lorenzo vecchio, furono tutti eccellentissimi; la qual cosa d’altronde non pud 
essere avvenuta, se non dal molto, anzi infinito giudizio di quel nobilissimo 
signore, vero Mecenate degli uomini virtuosi; il quale come sapeva conos- 
cere gl’ ingegni, e spirti elevati, cosi poteva e sapeva riconoscergli e pre- 
miargli.”—Vasari, Vita del Rustici. 

Note 55, (p. 279.)—“ Giovanfrancesco Rustici, citizen of Florence, 
having, when a youth, exhibited very great aptitude for designing and 
moulding clay figures, he was placed by the magnificent Lorenzo, who knew 
his abilities and good disposition, with Andrea del Verocchio, to study 
sculpture.”—Ibid. 

Note 56, (p. 279.)—“ The Medici family having returned to Florence, 
Il Rustico introduced himself to cardinal Giovanni, as one who owed every¬ 
thing to his father, Lorenzo. He was received with the greatest kindness." 
—Ibid. 

Note 57, (p. 279.)—“Fi’ancesco Granacci was one of those whom the 
magnificent Lorenzo de’ Medici put in his garden to study; and having a 
turn for graceful invention in the arrangement of public entertainments, 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 477 

carnivals, and so forth, he was always employed by Lorenzo on such occa¬ 
sions.”—Vasari, Vita di Fr. Granac. 

Note 58, (p. 279.)—“His name having spread abroad, in consequence 
of these and other works, the king of Portugal requested the elder Lorenzo, 
in whose garden he had studied, to send Andrea to him; who, accepting the 
invitation, executed for his majesty a number of fine works in sculpture 
and architecture, among others, a magnificent palace.”—Vasari, Vita di Con- 
tucci. 

Note 59, (p. 281.)—“Illos vel maxime reprehendere solebat quicumque 
in diem temere aedificarent, eos dicens caro admodum emere poenitenticm .” 
—Valori, 63. 

Note 60, (p. 281.)—“ Many princes consulted Lorenzo in the erection of 
their palaces; among others, Filippo Strozzi, in the construction of his, 
which in extent, in the arrangement of its parts, in beauty and magnificence, 
excels, by common consent, all others, private or royal. It was raised in 
the very centre of the city, and is thought to have cost nearly a hundred 
thousand gold pieces. In planning this magnificent mansion, Filippo con¬ 
sulted Lorenzo, who was ever ready to give his assistance in this way to all 
who sought it, whether Florentines or others.”—Valori, p. 63. For a par¬ 
ticular account of this splendid residence, see Vasari, Vita di Simone detto 
il Cronaca. 

Note 61, (p. 281.)—Giuliano had before been employed by Lorenzo in 
fortifying the town of Castellana, when that place was attacked by the duke 
of Calabria, in which he rendered essential services to his patron. The 
Florentines were at that time very defective in the use of then* artillery, 
which they scarcely ventured to approach, and which frequently occasioned 
fatal accidents to those who directed it; but the ingenuity of the young 
architect remedied this defect; in consequence of which, the army of the 

duke was so severely cannonaded as to be obliged to raise the siege_ 

Vasari, ut supra. 

Note 62, (p. 282.)—Giuliano remonstrated with Lorenzo on this altera¬ 
tion.—“ By your calling me San Gallo,” said he, “I shall lose my name, and 
instead of being respectable by the antiquity.of my family, I shall have to 
found it anew.”—“ Surely,” said Lorenzo, “ it is more honourable to be 
the founder of a new family by your own talents, than to rest your reputa¬ 
tion on the merits of others.”—Vasari, ut supra. 

Note 63, (p. 283. — The lithostrata , or tesselated pavements of the 
Romans, being worked in a regular and mechanical manner, were called 
opus musivum, opera quae ad amussim facta sunt: hence the Italian Musaico, 
from which is derived our appellation of Mosaic; but, like most of our 
other terms of art, through the channel of the French, Mosaique. 

When, instead of ornamenting their floors, the Romans began to decorate 
the walls of their apartments, the work was still characterized by the same 
term, as appears from the following passage, communicated to me by Dr. 
p arr; —“The term Musiva (according to Salmatius) was more peculiarly 
applicable to this kind of work when used in decorating walls and ceilings, 
lithostrata and tessdlata being the name of the work, when executed on 
the floor; but as the process in both cases was the same, we, in common 


478 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


with other writers, have not hesitated to apply the same term to both, 
Afusiva, Musea, or Afusia. Spartianus, in his life of Pescennius Niger, 
eays, that there was in the gardens of Commodus, in a portico, a Musive 
work, representing the mysteries of Isis. Trebellius Pollio, in his life of 
the younger Tetricus, says, * There is still standing on Mons Coelius a house, 
formerly belonging to the Tetrici,in which there is a picture of Aurelian in¬ 
vesting the tw r o Tetrici with the senatorial dignity, and receiving from them 
the imperial sceptre, all executed in Musive work, &c.’ ”—Pitisci, Lexicon 
Antiq. Roman, ii. 242. 

Note 64, (p. 283.)—There is, however, reason to believe that the prac¬ 
tice of Mosaic, although it had degenerated, had never been wholly inter¬ 
mitted. The church of S. Paolo fuori delle Mure, at Rome, is full of 
mosaics of the lower empire. There are also many in buildings of the 
Exarchate at Ravenna. The church of St. Mark, at Venice, built about the 
year 1100, has also many specimens, probably the work of Greek artists 
from Constantinople. The tombs of our kings, Edward the Confessor, and 
Plenry III. in Westminster Abbey, the work, as Mr. Walpole has almost 
demonstrated, of Pietro Cavalini, certainly of a Petrus Romanus civis, bring 
us down to Giotto’s time with scarcely an interval. For these remarks on 
the above passage I am indebted to Sir H. Englefield. 

Note Go, (p. 283.)—Grafiione, with that familiarity which the artists 
appear to have used towards Lorenzo, replied, “ Ah, Lorenzo, money makes 
not masters, but masters money.” 

Note 66, (p. 283.)—By whose death the further progress of this work 
was interrupted may be doubted. The words of Vasari are : “ So that Ghe- 
rai’do, his genius becoming more disciplined, would, had not death interposed, 
in association with Domenico, have done marvellous things, as we may well 
judge from the commencement of the chapel, which remained unfinished.” 
But, by a subsequent passage in the life of Ghirlandajo, it seems it was the 
death of Lorenzo that prevented the completion of the work, “ as, in con¬ 
sequence of the death of the aforesaid magnificent Lorenzo, the chapel of 
St. Zanobi, in Florence, was left incomplete, which Domenico, in associa¬ 
tion with Gherardo, the miniature painter, had begun to work in mosaic.” 

Note 67, (p. 284.)—The credit of having given rise to this elegant and 
useful art has been contended for by different countries, and their various 
pretensions have been weighed and considered by many authors. It is, how¬ 
ever, generally agreed, that it begun with the goldsmith, and was afterwards 
adopted by the painters. The union of these two professions has thus pro¬ 
duced a third, which has risen to considerable importance. The Germans, 
who have disputed with the Italians the honour of the invention with the 
greatest degree of plausibility, have not, in point of fact, controverted the 
narrative given by the Italians of the rise of the art, nor brought forward 
any account of their own, but have simply endeavoured to show that it w r as 
practised in Germany at an earlier period. Mr. Ileineken asserts, that the 
earliest prints engraved in Italy that bear a date are the maps to the edition 
of Ptolemy, printed at Rome, in 1478 ; the earliest picturesque representa¬ 
tions, those prefixed to some of the cantos of Dante in 1482; whilst he ad¬ 
duces instances of German execution that bear the date of 1466, by com- 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


479 - 


paring the manner of which with other pieces, apparently of earlier work¬ 
manship, he conjectures that the art had its rise in Germany about the year 
1440.—Idee Generale, p. 232. Non nostrum tantas componere lites. I 
shall only observe, that little dependence is to be placed on conjectures from 
prints without a date, particularly those of German workmanship, as the 
artists of that country continued to produce them in the most rude and 
Gothic style, both as to design and execution, long after the beginning of 
the sixteenth century, when Albert Durer, and Luca van Leyden had set 
them a better example. On the other hand, impar tiality obliges me to re¬ 
mark, that Tiraboschi, who strenuously claims for his countrymen the merit 
of the discovery, has not discussed this subject with his usual accuracy. 
First, he is mistaken in asserting that Baldinucci fixes the commencement 
of the art in the beginning of the fifteenth century.—Storia della Lett. Ital. 
ii. 2, 399. Baldinucci only says in general, that the art had its beginning 
in the fifteenth century. Secondly, on the authority of a document produced 
by Manni, he supposes that Tomaso Finiguerra, the inventor of the art, died 
prior to the year 1424; but both Vasari and Baldinucci inform us, that the 
Finiguerra in question was contemporary with Pollajuolo, who was only born 
in 1426. It is singular that this judicious author did not reflect how slight 
that evidence must be which rests merely on similarity of name, particularly 
in Florence, where for the sake of distinction, it was often necessary to 
resort to the patronymics for several generations.—Vasari, vite de’ Pittori, 
passim. Baldinucci comminciamento e progresso dell' arte dell’ intagliare 
in Rame. Fir. 1686. Heineken, Idee generale d’une Collection complette 
d’Estampes, &c. 

Note 68, (p. 285.)—The collection of antiques formed by Lorenzo is 
thus celebrated by a contemporary author:— 

“ C eel a turn argento, vel fulvo quidquid in auro est 
CEdibus hoc, Laurens, vidimus esse tuis, 

Praxitelis, Phoenicia, Aristonis, atque Myronis 
Fingere tam doct® quod poture manus 
Cunachus, aut Mentor, Pythias, vel uterque Polycles 
Lysippus quidquid, Callimacliusque dedit. 

Quffi collegisti miro virtutis amore 

Maguanimum reddunt nomen ubique tuum. 

Artificum monuments foves, referuntur in auro 
Argento, tabulis, et lapide ora Deum.” 

F. Kamerlini, ap. Band. Cat. Bibl. Laur. iii. 545. 

Note 69, (p. 285.)—These letters appear on a cameo in onyx of different 
colours, representing the entry of Noah and his family into the ark, of which 
an engraving is given byGori, in his edition of the life of Michael Angelo by 
Condivi. Among the gems or cameos of this description, of which I have 
met with impressions, or gessi, are those of Diomed with the palladium, a 
large oval cameo, in which the letters Laur. Med. are engraved on the side 
of the rock or stone on which he sits—a centaur, with the letters engraved 
on the exergue—Dadulus fixing on the wings of Icarus ; the inscription is 
on the pedestal upon which Icarus stands, extending his wings over the 
upper part of the piece ; and lastly, the celebrated gem, representing Apollo 


480 


NOTES TO CHAPTER IX. 


and Marsyas, of which I shall transcribe a more particular account from the 
excellent work of Mr. Tenkove. “ The antique intaglio which Lorenzo 
used as a seal, now in the possession of the grand duke of Tuscany, is a 
perfect gem. The admiration which it has excited is sufficiently manifested 
by the number of copies which have been taken from it in ancient and 
modern times. Apollo, in a noble attitude, is holding his lyre, and regard¬ 
ing with disdain Marsyas, who, bound to a tree and his hands tied behind 
him, awaits the just punishment of his temerity. The young Scythian who 
is to execute the sentence kneels before Apollo, apparently imploring his 
clemency. The quiver and arrows of the god are suspended from one of the 
branches of the tree; on the foreground are the instruments of which the 
satyr has made such unfortunate use. This same stone, mounted as a ring, 
once decorated the hand of the parricide Nero ; the monster used it to seal 
his sanguinary mandates. It is known that he had the folly to imagine 
himself the first musician of his time, and in selecting this subject, he 
doubtless intended to get rid of all competition, by deterring those who might 
otherwise have felt disposed to enter the lists with him. Perhaps he was 
looking at his left hand, and assuming Apollo for his model, when he 
had the singer Menedemus, of whom he was jealous, flayed, as it were, with 
whipping in his presence, whose yells of agony seemed to the emperor so 
melodious, that he warmly applauded. Lorenzo’s feeling with regard to the 
gem was doubtless of a very different character; he selected the stone simply 
on account of its marvellous beauty of execution.” 

Note 70, (p. 285.) —“ There is clear evidence, that one of the earliest 
appreciators and most intelligent collectors 4f. the precious remains of anti¬ 
quity, and of jewels cut by eminent Greek masters, medals, and similar 
rarities, was the magnificent Lorenzo, recognised and celebrated in this par¬ 
ticular character by the learned Ezec. Spanemio, in his dissertation, De 
prcestan. et usu Numism. antiquor. From so enlightened a patron, we need 
not wonder at Michael Angelo’s having acquired the incomparable gem, set 
as a ring, which afterwards passed into the hands of the most Christian king; 
ai d in all probability he derived from the same source many other rare spe¬ 
cimens of ancient Greek art.”—Gori. Notiz. Storic. sopra la Vita di Michel- 
agnolo di Condivi, p. 101. 


CHAPTER X. 

Note 1, (p. 289.)—Polit. Ep. iv. 2. But Guicciardini informs us that 
Lorenzo was well aware of the real character of his son, “ and he had often 
lamented to his more intimate friends the petulance, imprudence, and 
arrogance of his son, which he said would bring about the ruin of his 
house.”—Guic. Hist. i. 

Note 2, (p. 290.)—Of this, several instances are given by his historian 
Valori, p. 58, &c. 

Note 3, (p. 290.)—The circumstances preceding and attending the death 
of Lorenzo are minutely related by Politiano, in a letter to Jacopo Antiquario, 



NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


481 


lib. iv. Ep. 2, upon the authority of which I have principally relied. Fa- 
broni has incorporated this letter in the body of his work, as both the narra¬ 
tive and the evidence of the facts it relates ; but as Politiano has mingled 
with much authentic information many instances of that superstition which 
infested the age, and has, perhaps, shown too unlimited a partiality to the 
family of his patrons, I have thought it incumbent on me to separate, ac¬ 
cording to the best of my judgment, the documents of history from the 
dreams of the nursery, and the representations of truth from the encomiums 
of the friend. 

Note 4, (p. 292.)—In the life of Savonarola, written in Latin, at con¬ 
siderable length, by Giovanfrancesco Pico, prince of Mirandula, nephew of 
the celebrated Pico, whom we have had occasion so frequently to mention, 
an account is given of this interview, which differs in its most essential 
particulars from that which is above related. If we may credit this narra¬ 
tive, Lorenzo, when at the point of death, sent to request the attendance ot 
Savonarola, to whom he was desirous of making his confession. Savona¬ 
rola accordingly came, but, before he would consent to receive him as a 
penitent, required that he should declare his adherence to the true faith; to 
which Lorenzo assented. He then insisted on a promise from Lorenzo, 
that if he had unjustly obtained the property of others, he would return it. 
Lorenzo, after a short hesitation, replied, “ Doubtless, father, I shall do 
this, or, if it be not in my power, I shall enjoin it as a duty upon my heirs.” 
Thirdly, Savonarola required that he should restore the republic to liberty, 
and establish it in its former state of independence; to which, Lorenzo not 
choosing to make any reply, the priest lift him without giving him his 
absolution.—Savonar. Vita, inter vit. select, viror. ap. Bates. Lond. 1704. 
A story that exhibits evident symptoms of that party-spirit which did not 
arise in Florence until after the death of Lorenzo, and which, being con¬ 
tradictory to the account left by Politiano, written before the motives for 
misrepresentation existed, is rendered deserving of notice only by the ne¬ 
cessity of its refutation. 

Note 5, (p. 293.)—“ Let us be chary,” says M. Tenhove, “ of the sacred 
title of great man, so often and so ridiculously lavished upon the most in¬ 
significant persons; but let us not refuse it to' Lorenzo de’ Medici. I pity 
the cold and ill-constituted mind, which does not appreciate his rare merit. 
We may safely congratulate ourselves upon admiring such a man.”—Mem. 
Gen. xi. 146. 

Note 6, (p. 295.)—Whether Leoni died a voluntary death has been 
doubted. The enemies of the Medici, who upon the death of Lorenzo 
began to meditate the ruin of his family, have accused Piero, his son, with 
the perpetration of the deed, and this opinion is openly avowed by Giacopo 
Sanazaro, in an Italian poem, in terza rima, in which he has imitated 
Dante with great success. But I must observe, that this poem bears in¬ 
ternal evidence of its having been written after the Medici were driven from 
Florence, when their enemies were labouring by every possible means to 
render them odious. On the other hand, besides the testimony of Politiano 
that Leoni accelerated his own death, we have tl at of Petrus Crinitus, 
(Piero Ricci,) a contemporary author, who, in his treatise De honesta Dis 

I I 


482 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


ciplina, has a chapter “ Concerning men who have thrown themselves into 
wells,” in which he speaks of Leoni as having drowned himself in a well in 
the suburbs of Florence. The circumstance is also related by Valerianus, 
De infel. literatorum, lib. i. It appears, however, from an account of the 
death of Lorenzo, published by Fabroni, from a MS. diary of an anonymous 
Florentine author, yet preserved in the Magliabeclii library, Cod. xvii. 
Class. 25, that Leoni entertained apprehensions for his safety from the 
attendants of Lorenzo, who, without just cause, suspected that he had oc¬ 
casioned his death by poison. 

(Note 7, p. 296.)—Ficinus in fine Plotini. Flor. 1492. Ammir. iii. 186. 
Even Machiavelli, an author seldom accused of superstition, seems on this 
occasion to concede his incredulity to the general opinion. “ No man ever 
died, not merely in the city of Florence, but in any part of Italy, with such 
a reputation for prudence, or whose loss occasioned so much sorrow to his 
country; and as from his death deplorable consequences were to result, 
Heaven gave forth manifest signs of the coming evils.”—1st. viii. This 
author concludes his celebrated history, as Guicciardini begins, with the 
highest eulogium on the character of Lorenzo. 

Note 8, (p. 296.)—“This man lived long enough to make good his 
•own title to immortality, but not long enough for Italy. It is fervently to 
he hoped that, now he is taken from us, we may not find persons come 
forward and attempt those aggressions which they would not have dared to 
essay during Lorenzo’s life.” In which Ferdinand was supposed to allude 
to Lod. Sforza.—Fabroni, Yita Laur. i. 212. 

Note 9, (p. 296.)—These letters, forming a collection in two volumes, 
are yet preserved in MS. in the Palazzo Vecchio, at Florence, Filz. xxv. 
No. xv. 

Note 10, (p. 298.)—A striking instance of the influence which Lorenzo 
had obtained over the mind of Innocent VIII., appeal’s from one of his 
unpublished letters preserved in the Palazzio Vecchio, at Florence. (Filz. 
lix. No. xiv.) dated the 16th day of June, 1488, from which we collect, that 
the pope had transmitted to him the list of an intended promotion of cardi¬ 
nals, which Lorenzo returns, informing him that he approves of the nomi¬ 
nation of such of them whose names he has marked with a pen, and ex¬ 
horting him to carry his intentions with respect to them into execution, 
concluding his letter with reminding the pope “that he might gratify 
him too, if he would only bear it in mind to do so.” In fact, the assump¬ 
tion of Giovanni de’ Medici to the purple took place early in the following 
year; and as Innocent VIII. only made one promotion of cardinals during 
his pontificate, it appears that Lorenzo had sufficient address to procure 
the name of his son, who was then only thirteen years of age, to be in¬ 
cluded in the list. 

Note 11, (p. 300.)—The French were themselves astonished at the prodi¬ 
gality of Piero, and the facility with which he delivered into their hands 
places of so much importance. “ They who negotiated with Piero,” says 
P. de Commines, “ have mentioned to me and many others, laughing at and 
ridiculing him, that they were amazed to see the facility with which he 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


483 


granted concessions of sueli importance, that they had not expected to have 
them yielded at all.”—Mem. de Commines, vii. 198. The day after Piero 
had entered into his unfortunate treaty, Lodovico Sforza arrived at the 
French camp, when Piero, who was not at open enmity with him, excused 
himself for not having met him on the road, because Lodovico had missed 
his way. “ It is true enough,” said Lodovico, “ that one of us has lost his 
way, but perhaps it may prove to be yourself.”—Guic. i. 

Note 12, (p. 300.)—Condivi relates an extraordinary story respecting 
Piero de’ Medici, communicated to him by Michael Angelo, who had, it 
seems, formed an intimacy with one Cardiere, an improvvisatore, that fre¬ 
quented the house of Lorenzo, and amused his evenings with singing to the 
lute. Soon after the death of Lorenzo, Cardiere informed Michael Angelo 
that Lorenzo had appeared to him, habited only in a black and ragged mantle 
thrown over his naked limbs, and had ordered him to acquaint Piero de’ 
Medici, that he would in a short time be banished from Florence. Cardiere, 
who seems judiciously to have feared the resentment of the living more than 
that of the dead, declined the office ; but soon afterwards Lorenzo entering 
his chamber at midnight, awoke him, and reproaching him with his inat¬ 
tention, gave him a violent blow on the cheek. Having communicated this 
second visit to his friend, who advised him no longer to delay his errand, 
he set out for Careggi, where Piero then resided, but meeting him with his at¬ 
tendants about midway between that place and Florence, he there delivered his 
message, to the great, amusement of Piero and his followers; one of whom, 
Bernardo Divizio, afterwards cardinal da Bibbiena, sarcastically asked him, 

“ Whether, if Lorenzo had been desirous of giving information to his son, it 
was likely he would have preferred such a messenger to a personal commu¬ 
nication ?” The biographer adds, with great solemnity, “ The vision of Car¬ 
diere, whether a delusion of the devil, or a warning from heaven, or merely 
the effect of a strong imagination, whatever it was, became verified.” The 
spectre is now before me—I see the terrified musician start from his slum¬ 
bers ; his left hand grasps his beloved lyre, whilst, with his right thrown over 
his head, he attempts to shroud himself from the looks of Lorenzo, who, with 
a countenance more in sorrow than in anger, points out to him his destined 
mission. To realize this scene so as to give'it interest and effect, required 
the glowing imagination and the animated pencil of a Fuseli. 

Note 13, (p. 301.)—The destruction of this invaluable collection is pa¬ 
thetically related by Bernardo Buccellai. “ The student and lover of ancient 
learning and art must especially deplore, amid the sudden ruin of this 
famous house, the dispersion of the Medici library and collection, part of 
which was thievishly carried off by the French troops, part by some of our 
own citizens. For while the Medici family flourished, it was ever their care, 
at a heavy annual cost, to procure from every quarter all available monuments 
of Greek and Latin learning and art, books, statues, engraved stones, jewels, 
the finest productions of nature and art.”—“ All those treasures, the fruit of 
many years’ research, of an enormous expenditure of money, which had been 
productive of so much delight to all who saw them, which had been es¬ 
teemed the most attractive feature of Florence, became all at once a prey to 
the spoiler, to the insatiable grasping of the French, and the sordid trea¬ 
chery of our own people.”—De hello Ital. p. 52, &c. This event is also 

i i 2 


484 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


commemorated by P. de Commines, who, with true Gothic simplicity, re¬ 
lates the number, weight, and saleable value of the articles of which the 
palace of the Medici was plundered. The antique vases he denominates, 
“ handsome agate pots, and heaps of fine cameos, as finely carved as any I 
ever saw; and full three thousand gold and silver medals, weighing at least 
forty pounds. I believe there was never before so fine a collection of medals 
in Italy. The loss to the city that day was a hundred thousand crowns and 
more.”—Mem. vii. c. 9. 

Note 14, (p. 301.)—The life and learned labours of Ermolao have af¬ 
forded a subject of much discussion to Vossius, Bayle, and others, and have 
been considered with particular accuracy by Apostolo Zeno, Dissert. Voss, 
ii. 348 et seq. His first work was a treatise, Dc Ccelibatu, which he wrote 
at eighteen years of age. His Castigationes Pliniana entitle him to rank 
with the most successful restorers of learning. Politiano denominates him, 
“ Hermolaus Barbaras barbariae hostis acerrimus.”—Miscel. cap. xc. Being 
on an embassy to Rome in the year 1491, Innocent VIII. conferred on him 
the high dignity of patriarch of Aquileja, which he accepted, without re¬ 
garding the degree of the Venetian government, which directed that none of 
their minister's at the court of Borne should receive any ecclesiastical pre¬ 
ferment without the consent of the council. His father, who held the 
second office in the state, is said to have died of chagrin, because he could 
not prevail upon his countrymen to approve the preferment of his son. But 
Ermolao availed himself of his dismission from public business to return 
with greater earnestness to his studies, and in two year’s wrote more than 
he had done for twenty years preceding. In his last sickness at Rome, Pico 
of Mirandula sent him a remedy for the cure of the plague, composed of the 
oil of scorpions, the tongues of asps, Sec. “ Ut nihil fieri posset contra 
pestilerrtem morbum commodius aut presentius.”—Crin. de honest, discip. 
r. 7. But this grand panacea arrived too late. “ Egli non 6 da tacersi,” 
says Apostolo Zeno, “ un gran fregio di questo valente uomo, ed e, che 
visse, e mori vergine.” Which information is confirmed by the authority of 
Piero Dolfini, who, in a letter to Ugolino Verini, asserts, “quod absque ulla 
carnis contagione vixerit.”—Diss. Voss. ii. 385. A very particular account 
of the manners and person of Ermolao is given in a letter from Piero de’ 
Medici to his father Lorenzo, then absent at the baths of Vignone, from 
which it appears that he had paid a visit to Florence, and was received there 
with great honour as the friend of Lorenzo. 

Note 15, (p. 301.)—“They say, that having conceived an insane passion 
for one of his pupils, an elegant youth, he fell into a mortal sickness, by 
reason that his love was not returned. Seizing his lyre under the inspira¬ 
tion of that fierce flame, he poured forth verses in celebration of his passion. 
It was the song of the swan; for by degrees the exciting paroxysm proved 
too much for him: voice, and hand, and, at length, the vital breath, failed 
him ; and thus, in the prime of life, at the period when his judgment and 
mental powers were arriving at maturity, he was taken from us, to the 
serious detriment of literature, and amid the general grief of his contempo¬ 
raries.”—Jovii. Elog. cap. xxxviii. 

Note IG, (p. 304.)—VariUas, Anecdotes de Florence, iv. 190. “ A 

criminal passion he entertained for one of his pupils not being reciprocated, 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X, 


485 


threw him into a burning fever. In one of its paroxysms, having composed 
a song in honour of the beloved object, he rose from bed, took his lute, and 
began to sing the verses he had composed to an air so tender, so pathetic, 
that it redoubled his grief, and he died while completing the second couplet, 
the same day that Charles VIII. passed the Alps on his way to the conquest 
of Naples.” This author seems equally misinformed as to the manner and 
the time of the death of Politiano. 

Note 17, (p. 304.)—“ Politiano, that fine genius, who spoke Latin so 
well, was called Angelo, but he was far from possessing the purity of one of 
the angelic choir. The abominable passion which he entertained for a 
youth, a Greek by birth, at once occasioned his death, and has for ever dis¬ 
honoured his memory. For in a paroxysm of fever, he suddenly got up one 
night, while his attendant was asleep, and tailing his lute in his hand, 
went to play and sing under the young Greek’s window. He was fetched 
home half dead, and being put to bed, expired shortly afterwards.”—Ab. 
Faydit, Remarques sur Virgile et sur Homere, &c. Menck. in vita Pol. p. 472. 

Note 18, (p. 304.)—“ It is commonly reported,” says Vossius, De Hist. 
Lat. lib. iii. c. 8, “ that Politiano died from knocking liis head against the 
wall in a fury of amorous impatience of the most disgraceful character.”— 
Ap. Menck. 470. 

Note 19, (p. 304.)—Bullart. Acad, des Hommes illustres, i. 278. “Poli¬ 
tiano died from a fall down stairs, as he was singing to his lute an elegy he 
had composed on the occasion of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s death.” 

Note 20, (p. 305.)—“ We now know the true facts of Politiano’s death, 
which cardinal Bembo has disguised in the epitaph he wrote for him. As 
he was singing on the staircase some verses he had formerly composed in 
celebration of a mistress of his, when he came to a very tender passage, his 
lute fell from his hand, and he tumbled head foremost down stairs, and 
broke his neck.”—Pier, de S. Romuald, Abrege du Tresor Chronol. iii. 202. 
ap. Menck. 476. These imputations on the moral character of Politiano 
have also been frequently adverted to by other authors: thus J. C. Scaliger— 
“ Obscaeno moreris sed Politiane, furore.” 

And in yet grosser terms by Andrea Dati: 

“ Et ne te teneam diutius, quot 
Paedicat pueros Politianus.”—Menagiana, iv. 122. 

Note 21, (p. 305.) 

POLITIANUS. 

IN . HOC . TUMULO . JACET, 

AN GELDS. UNCM. 

QUI.CAPUT.ET.LINGUAS 
RES . NOVA . TRE8. HABUIT. 

OBIIT . AN . MCCCCLXXXXIV. 

SEP .XXIV. JETATIS . 

XL. 

Note 22, (p. 307.) —To this government Machiavelli alludes in his second 
Decennale: 


486 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


“E dopo qualche disparer trovaste, 

Nuov’ ordine al governo, e furon tante, 

Clie il vostro stato popolar fondaste.” 

Note 23, (p. 308.)—Some of these compositions are preserved in the 
general collection of his poems. The following lines, which seem peculiarly 
adapted for such an occasion, may serve as a specimen: 

“ Non fu mai ’1 piu bel solazzo, 

Piu giocondo ne maggiore, 

Che per zelo, e per amore 
Di Jesu, diventar pazzo. 

Ognun gridi com’ io grido, 

Sempre pazzo, pazzo, pazzo.”—Op. di Beniv. p. 143. 

Note 24, (p. 308.)—“ Sometimes, when he was preaching, in the very 
midst of his sermon, drums w ould he beaten and all sorts of noise made, to 
prevent his continuing. Often as he was coming from San Marco to San 
Liparata, over the Via del Cocomero, the children of the opposite party would 
jeer at and insult him; and then the children of his party would come up to 
defend him, whereupon, as was the custom in all such cases with the Flo¬ 
rentine children, both sides would begin fighting with stones; and in the 
excitement grave citizens were not unfrequently seen to participate in this 
juvenile warfare. On one occasion, for instance, M. Luca Corsini, though 
a doctor of high repute, set to w r ork with the Frate’s boys, flinging stones at 
the boys of the other party; and on another occasion Giovanbattista Bi- 
dolfi, one of the most reputable and staid citizens of his time, laying aside 
the sober gravity and decorum befitting his position and age, made himself 
conspicuous in the same w r ay; for the Frate being interrupted in his sermon 
at San Liparata, the worthy man rushed out of his house, which stood hard 
by, like a madman, with a bill on his shoulder, shouting Viva Cristo, the 
Frate’s boys taking up the cry. This sort of thing occurred very often.”— 
Nerli, ut. sup. 

Note 25, (p. 309.)—-This fanatical party proceeded so far as even to 
strike a coin on the occasion, a specimen of which in silver is preserved in 
the collection of the late Earl of Orford, to whose kind communications, 
since the first edition of this w ork, I have been greatly indebted. On one 
side is the Florentine device, or fleur de lys, with the motto, “ Seuatus 
populusque Florentinuson the other, a cross, with the motto, “ Jesus 
Christus Bex noster.” 

Note 26, (p. 312.)—They consist of twenty-one sonnets, wdiich are 
found at the close of a manuscript volume of the poems of his father Lo¬ 
renzo, Plut. xli. cod. xxxviii. No. 3. Besides which Valerianus informs us, 
that he translated from Plutarch, a treatise on conjugal love, (Valer. de Lit. 
infel. lib. ii.;) but this performance has probably perished, there being no 
copy of it now to be found in the Laurentian Library. 

Note 27, (p. 31G.)—Notwithstanding his precautions, Leo could not, on 
all occasions, preserve his surviving relations from the insults and injuries 
of his successors. Patil III., Alessandro Farnese, had in his youth been 
particularly favoured by Lorenzo de’ Medici, who, in a letter which yet 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


48 T 


remains from him to Lanfredini, his envoy at Rome, thus expresses himself 
- respecting him: “ I commend him (Alessandro) to you as though he were 
my own son; you cannot please me better than by introducing him to his 
holiness, and promoting his views in that quarter to your utmost,” &c., 
Yet, when the same Alessandro had arrived at the pontificate, he so far for¬ 
got or disregarded his early obligations, as forcibly to dispossess Lucrezia, 
the daughter of his benefactor, then in a very advanced age, of her residence 
in Rome, to make way for one of his nephews. This incident is related by 
Varchi with proper indignation.—Storia Fiorentina, xvi. 666. 

Note 28, (p. 317.)—The causes and progress of the reformation are 
traced by Dr. Robertson, in his History of Charles V., book ii., in a manner 
that would almost render any further elucidation unnecessary, even if it 
were more intimately connected with my subject. This celebrated historian 
has taken occasion to refute an assertion made by Guicciardini, and, after 
him, by Fr. Paolo, that Leo X. bestowed the profits arising from the sale of 
indulgences in Saxony, upon his sister Maddalena, the wife of Francesca 
Cibo.—Guicciar. lib. xiii. Sarpi, Storia del Concil. Trident, cap. i. Robert¬ 
son, Hist. Charles V., book ii., in note. 

Note 29, (p. 319.)—“ In the same year, the library once belonging to 
Pietro de’ Medici was purchased by our convent at the price of 3000 ducats. 
It has been mentioned, that, in the time of our troubles, these books were 
taken to the palace by order of the government. They were brought to our 
convent of St. Mark in the month of October.”—Maricani Annal. part i. ap . 
Mehus. Ambr. Travers. Vita, p. 72, in prsef. 

Note 30, (p. 319.)—“ He made presents to the cardinals of the books 
formerly belonging to Piero de’ Medici, which had been brought back to the 
library of St. Mark, in the idea of thus saving himself from excommunica¬ 
tion and other ecclesiastical processes—so great was the influence of his 
arts over Florence at this time.”—MS. di Piero Parenti. cit. da Tiraboschi, 
vi. i. 106. 

Note 31, (p. 321.)—“In Venetia nelle case d’Aldo Romano,ed’Andrea 
d’ Asola suo suocero, nelT anno mdxxviii. del mese d’Aprile,” in fol. This 
work has frequently been reprinted under the more concise title of II Cor- 
tegiano, by which it is also cited in the Biblioteca Italiana of Fontanini; 
but Apostolo Zeno, pleased with every opportunity of reproving the author 
whom he has undertaken to comment upon, shrewdly observes, in his notes 
on that work, “ It is one thing to call the book simply II Cortegiano , as 
Fontanini has done, and another to say II libro del Cortegiano, as Cas- 
tiglione intended, and as he wrote it: the former title indicates the work to 
be a description of courtiers as they are; whereas the other accurately im¬ 
plies a description of courtiers as they ought to be.”—Zeno, in not. alia Bib. 
Ital. di Fontan. ii. 353. 

Note 32, (p. 321.)—Plut. xlvi. Cod. xxv. No. 3. Another copy of his 
poems remains in MS. in the Strozzi Library, at Florence. 

Note 33, (p. 321.)—Crescimb. Comment, iii. 338; w'here the author con¬ 
founds Giuliano, the son of Lorenzo de’ Medici, with Giuliano, his brother, 
who lost his life in the conspiracy of thePazzi; and even cites the authority 


488 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


of Politiano, “ that his Italian verses were majestic, and full of noble 
thoughts,” as referring to the writings of the younger Giuliano, although 
such opinion was expressed by Politiano respecting the works of Giuliano, 
the brother of Lorenzo, before Giuliano, his son, was born. 

Note 34, (p. 321.)—Ariosto has addressed a beautiful canzone to Fili- 
berta of Savoy, the widow of Giuliano, commencing, “ Anima eletta, che nel 
mondo folle,” in which the shade of the departed husband apostrophizes his 
surviving wife. The following lines, referring to Lorenzo the Magnificent, 
may serve to show the high veneration in which the poet held his memory: 
t “ Questo sopra ogni lume in te risplende, 

Se ben quel tempo che si ratto corse, 

Tenesti di Nemorse 

Meco scettro ducal di la da’ monti: 

Se ben tua bella mano freno torse, 

A1 paese gentil che Appenin fende, 

E 1’ alpe e il mar difende: 

N6 tanto val, che a questo pregio monti, 

Che ’1 sacro onor de 1’ erudite fronti, 

Quel Tosco e ’n terra e ’n cielo arnato Lauro, 

Socer ti fu, le cui mediche fronde 
Spesso a le piaghe, donde 
Italia mori poi, furo ristauro • 

Che fece a! Indo e al Mauro, 

Sentir 1’ odor de suoi rami soavi; 

Onde pendean le chiavi 

Che tenean chiuso il tempio de la guerre, 

Che poi fu aperto, e non e piit chi 7 serre.” 

Note 35, (p. 322.)—The first edition is that of Rome, apud Antonium 
Bladum 1538, without the name of the author, who, at the foot of his dedi¬ 
cation to a lady, whom he designates only by the appellation of Illustrissima 
Signora, assumes the title of II Cavaliero Errante. The second edition is 
entitled, Il Secondo di Vergilio in lingua volgare colto da Hippolito de' 
Medici cardinale. At the close we read, “ In citta di Castello per Antonio 
Mazochi Cremonese, et Nicolo de Guccii da Corna, ad instantiadi M. Giovan 
Gallo Dottor de leggi da Castello nel giorno 20 de Luglio, 1539.” Several 
subsequent editions have appeared, as well separately, as united with the 
other books of the ASneid, translated by different persons. 

Note 36, (p. 323.)—“ If, as the poets have feigned, Hecuba, of old, ere 
she sent Paris forth into the world, was disturbed by hideous dreams, what 
fearful phantoms must have agitated the nights of Madeleine de la Tour, 
when about to give birth to Catherine de’ Medici!”—Tenli. Mem. Gen. 
xx. 5. 

Note 37, (p.323.)—Ammir. 1st. Fior. ii. xxix. 335. This disorder, which 
was first known in Italy about the year 1495, was not in its commencement 
supposed to be the result of sexual intercourse, but was attributed to the 
impure state of the air, to the simple touch or breath of a disordered person, 
or even to the use of an infected knife. Hence for a considerable time no 
discredit attached to the patient; and the authors of that period attribute, 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


489 


without hesitation, the death of many eminent persons, as well ecclesiastical 
as secular, to this complaint. In the Laurentian Library (Plut. lxxiii. cod. 
88) is a MS., entitled, Saphati Physici de morbo Oallico liber , dedicated by 
the author, Giuliano Tanio, of Prato, to Leo X., in which he thus adverts 
to a learned professor who was probably one of the first victims of this 
disease : “ In the year 1495, in the height of summer, while reading lec¬ 
tures in the Florentine Academy at Prato, Pisa being in a state of rebellion 
at that time, we saw the learned Doctor Philippo Decio seized with this 
disease.” From the same author we learn that the disorder was supposed 
to have originated in a long continuance of hot and moist weather, which 
occurred in the same year. These authorities are greatly strengthened by 
that of the illustrious Fracastoro, who was not only the best Latin poet, 
but the most eminent physician of his age, and who, in his Syphilis, ac¬ 
counts for the disorder from similar causes. After adverting to the opinion 
that it had been brought into Europe from the western world, then lately 
discovered, he adds, 

“ At vero, si rite fidem observata merentur 
Non ita censendum : nec certe credere par est 
Esse peregrinam nobis, transque aequora vectam 
Contagem : quoniam in primis ostendere multos 
Possumus, attactu qui nullius, hanc tamen ipsam 
Sponte sua sensere luem, primique tulere. 

Praeterea, et tantum terrainm tempore parvo, 

Contages non una simul potuisset obire.” 

It is remarkable, also, that throughout the whole poem he has not con¬ 
sidered this disease as the peculiar result of licentious intercourse. Even 
the shepherd, Syphilus, introduced as an instance of its effects, is repre¬ 
sented as having derived it from the resentment, not of Venus, but of Phoebus, 
excited by the adoration paid by the shepherds to Alcithous, and the neglect 
of his own altars ; or, in other words, to the too fervid state of the atmo¬ 
sphere. Had the disorder in its origin been accompanied by the idea of 
disgrace or criminality which attends it in modern times, the author of this 
poem would scarcely have denominated it— ' 

“ Infanda lues, quam nostra videtis 
Corpora depasci, quam nulli aut denique pauci 
Vitamus.” 

The poem of Fracastoro was first published in the year 1530; but an 
Italian poem on the same subject, by Niccolo Campana, of Siena, was 
printed at that place in 1519, and again at Venice in 1537, entitled, Lamenio 
di quel Tribulato di Strascino Campana Senese sopra el male incognito el 
quale tratta de la patientia et impatientia. The style of this poem is ex¬ 
tremely gioss and ludicrous ; and the author, in the supposed excess of his 
sufferings, indulges himself in the most extravagant and profane ideas, 
as to the nature and origin of the complaint. At one time he supposes it 
to be the same disorder as that which God permitted Satan to inflict upon 
Job: 

“ Allor Sathan con tal mal pien di vitio, 

Diedo a Jobbe amarissimo supplitio.” 


490 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


Again, lie asserts it to be the complaint of Simon the leper: 

“ Quando Cristo guari Simon lebbroso, 

Era di questo mal pessimo iniquo.” 

But on no occasion does he ascribe the rise of the disorder to the cause 
which, from the nature of his poem, might have been expected. I shall only 
observe, that the use of the grand mineral specific is expressly pointed out, 
in both these poems, as the only certain remedy. 

Note 38, (p. 323.)—Such at least I conjecture to be the purport of hia 
poem, which commences— 

“Nella stagion che ’1 bel tempo rimena, 

Di mia man posi un ramuscel di Lauro.” 

Rime del Ariosto, p. 25, ap. Giolito, 1557. 

Note 39, (p. 325.)—“Both brothers were immensely rich, having 
upwards of 150,000 crowns ready money, and a great deal of real property, 
such as the Casa Grande at Florence, and the palaces at Fiesole, Trebbio, 
Caffagiolo, and Castello.”—Aid. Manucc. vita di Cosmo, ii. 27., 

Note 40, (p. 325.)—Varchi, Storia Fior. ii. 25. Ed. Leyden. The mother 
of Giovanni was Caterina Sforza, the widow of Girolamo Riario, who, after 
the death of her husband, had married the elder Giovanni de’ Medici.—See 
ante, p. 256. 

Note 41, (p. 325.)—Crescimbeni informs us, that this comedy was 
written by Lorenzino in versi vulgari, and printed at Bologna in 1548; and 
that it is also found in prose, printed at Lucca in the same year, and re¬ 
printed at Florence in 1595.—Della volgar Poesia, v. 141. Crescimbeni is, 
however, mistaken; the edition of Bologna 1548 is now before me, and is 
wholly written in prose. That of Florence, 1595, is enumerated by the 
academicians Della Crusa, as one of the Testi di Lingua. 

Note 42, (p. 326.)—It has been suggested to me by the very respectable 
authority of Sir H. Englefield, that the heads of these statues and bas- 
relievos were more probably stolen by Lorenzino, for the sake of their beauty. 
It is well known that the sculpture for the arch of Constantine was collected 
from other buildings, mostly from the forum of Trajan ; and it is said that 
the heads thus purloined are yet extant in the museum at Florence. 

Note 43, (p. 326.)—The authority of the senator Nerli leaves no room 
for doubt on this head. “ His death could not have happened at a more 
unfortunate crisis for the one party, or more timely for the pope, whom 
it relieved, in this his hour of urgent danger, from all the anxiety he had 
felt on account of Giovanni, in reference to Alessandro and Ippolito, whom 
he desired to invest with the power, state, and property of the house of 
Medici.”—Nerli, Comment, vii. 145. 

Note 44, (p. 326.) — Alessandro is generally styled by the Italian 
authors thejirst duke of Florence, but in this they are not strictly accurate. 
His title of duke was derived from Citta, or Civita di Penna, and had been 
'’assumed by him several years before he obtained the direction of the Flo¬ 
rentine state. It must also be observed, that Alessandro did not, as Robert¬ 
son conceives, “enjoy the same absolute dominion as his family have 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


491 


retained to the present times, (Hist. Charles V. book v.) he being only 
declared chief or prince of the republic, and his authority being in some 
measure counteracted or restrained by two councils chosen from the citizens, 
for life, one of which consisted of forty-eight, and the other of two hundred 
members.—Varchi, Storia Fior. 497. Nerli. Com. xi. 257, 264. These 
distinctions are deserving of notice, as they serve to show the gradual pro¬ 
gress by which a free country is deprived of its liberties. 

Note 45, (p. 327.)—The person who administered the poison was said 
to be Giovan-Andrea di Borgo San Sepolcro, the steward or bailiff of Ippo- 
lito, who was supposed to have effected this treachery at the instance of 
Alessandro: and this suspicion received confirmation by his having escaped 
punishment, although he confessed the crime, and by his having afterwards 
been received at the court of Alessandro at Florence.—Varchi, Stor. Fior. 566. 


Note 46, (p. 327.)—Notwithstanding the dissolute character of Alessandro, 
it appears that he was possessed of strong natural sagacity, and, on some, 
occasions, administered justice not only with impartiality, but with ability. 
On this head, Ammirato relates an anecdote which is worth repeating: A rich 
old citizen of Bergamo had lent to one of his countrymen, at Florence, 400 
crowns, which he advanced without any person being present, and -without 
requiring a written acknowledgment. When the stipulated time had elapsed, 
the creditor required his money—but the borrower, well apprised that no proof 
could be brought against him, positively denied that he had ever received it. 
After many fruitless attempts to recover it, the lender was advised to resort 
to the duke, -who would find some method of doing him justice. Alessandro 
accordingly ordered both the parties before him, and after hearing the asser¬ 
tions of the one and the positive denial of the other, he turned to the creditor, 
saying, “ Is it possible then, friend, that you can have lent your money 
when no one was present?”—“There was no one, indeed,” replied the 
creditor; “ I counted out the money to him on a post.”—“ Go, bring the 
post, then, this instant,” said the duke, “ and I will make it confess the 
truth.” The creditor, though astonished on receiving such an order, 
hastened to obey, having first received a secret caution from the duke not to 
be very speedy in his return. In the meantime, the duke employed himself in 
transacting the affairs of his other suitors, till at length turning again towards 
the borrower, “ This man,” says he, “ stays a long time with his post.”— 
«It is so heavy, sir,” replied the other, “ that he could not yet have brought 
it.” A"ain Alessandro left him, and returning some time afterwards, care¬ 
lessly exclaimed, “ What kind of men are they that lend their money with¬ 
out evidence—was there no one present but the post?”—“No, indeed, sir,” 
replied the knave. “ The post is a good witness, then,” said the duke, “and 
shall make thee pay the man his money.”—Ammir. Stor. Fior. iii. xxxi. 434. 

Note 47, (p. 328.)—The particulars of this transaction are related at 
great length by Varchi, who had his information from Lorenzino himself, 
after the perpetration of the deed.—Storia Fior. xv. 


Note 48 (p 329.)—On this occasion a medal was struck, bearing on one 
side the head of Lorenzino, and on the other the cap of liberty between two 
<w<rers • beino- the same device as that which had before been adopted by, 
or applied to, fhe younger Brutus.-Patin. Famil. Bom. 142. This medal 
is in the collection of the late earl of Orford. 


492 


NOTES TO CHAPTER X. 


Note 49, (p. 332.) —Besides an illegitimate son, named Giulio, Alessandro 
left two illegitimate daughters, Porcia and Juliet. The son entered into 
the church, and became grand prior of the order of S. Stefano. Porcia took 
the veil, and founded the convent of S. Clement, at Florence. Juliet married 
Francesco Cantelmo, son of the duke di Popoli, a Neapolitan nobleman.— 
Tenlr. Mem. Gen. xxii. 62. 

Note 50, (p. 333.) —The life of Filippo Strozzi was written by his bro¬ 
ther Lorenzo, with great candour and impartiality, and is published at the 
close of the Florentine history of Benedetto Varchi.—Ed. Leyd. sine an. 
After the death of Filippo, a paper in his own handwriting was found in 
his bosom 


MEMORIALS OF THE MAGNIFICENT LORENZO, 

SON OF PIERO, SON OF COSMO DE’ MEDICI. 

(From a manuscript in his own handwriting in the Libreria 
Magliabecchiana.) 

“ A brief narrative of the course of my life, and of some other things of 
importance worthy to be borne in memory for the information and guidance 
of those who shall come after me, and of my sons more especially. Begun 
this 15th March, 1472. 

“ I find by the books of my father Piero, that I was born on the 1st of 
June, 1448. My father, by Maria Lucrezia, daughter of Francesco Torna- 
buoni, had seven children, four boys aud three girls, of whom four survive, 
Giuliano, aged —, myself, aged 24, Bianca, married to Guglielmo de’ Pazzi, 
and Nannina, married to Bernardo Ruccellai. 

“ Giovanni de’ Averardo, or di Bicci dei Medici, my great-grandfather, 
died, as I find, on the night of the 20th Feb. 1428, without having made a 
will; lie left property to the value of 178,000 florins, as appears by a me¬ 
morandum in the handwriting of Cosmo, in his private red-leather book, 
chapter vn.: the said Giovanni was 68 when he died. 

“ He left two sons; Cosmo, my grandfather, then 40, and Lorenzo, 30. 

“ To Lorenzo, in 1430, was born Piero Francesco, who still lives. 

“To Cosmo were born Piero, my father, and Giovanni. 

“ September, 1433, my grandfather Cosmo was besieged in the palace, 
and in great danger of his life. 

“ On the 9th of that month, he was exiled to Padua, and ordered to remain 
there, with his brother Lorenzo, by a decree of the senate. 

“ 16th December, 1433, another decree enabled him to go at pleasure to 
any part of the Venetian territory not nearer Florence than Padua. 

“ 29th Sept. 1434, the council recalled him, to the general satisfaction 
of the community, and, I may say, of all Italy. He continued at Florence 
for the remainder of his life, filling the office of chief magistrate. 

“ Lorenzo de’ Medici, brother of Cosmo, died at Careggi, on the night of 
the 20th Sept. 1440, aged about 46; he had made no will; his son Piero 
Francesco was his sole heir ; he left property to the value of 235,000 florins, 
as appears from the above mentioned journal of Cosmo, chap, xiii.; of this 



NOTES. 


493 


property Cosmo took charge, in trust for Piero Francesco, until he should 
become of age, and on behalf of his own sons, Piero and Giovanni. The 
book referred to gives an account of the particulars. 

“ December, 1451, Piero Francesco coming of age, a division was made 
of the property, the arbitrators being Marcello degli Strozzi, Alamanno 
Salviati, Carlo Marsuppini, Bernardo de’ Medici, Amerigo Cavalanti, and 
Giovanni Serristori; the larger half, and a preference in each case, was given 
him. M. Antonio Pugi, notary, superintended the distribution. At the same 
time we took him into business with us as equal partner, he, however, 
contributing more than a third of our trading capital, in consideration of the 
expenses we had gone to in carrying it on hitherto. 

“ My uncle Giovanni died 1st November, 1463, at our house in Florence, 
without a will, he having no legitimate children, and having always lived with 
his father. Nevertheless, we carried into execution his last wishes. By Ginevra 
degli Alessandri he left a son named Cosmo, who died Nov. 1461, aged nine. 

“Cosmo, my grandfather, a man of the most profound intelligence, died at 
Careggi. 1st August, 1464, aged 76, or thereabouts, worn out with old age 
and the gout. His death was a subject of deep grief, not only to- his family, 
but to all Florence, to all Italy, for he was a man universally honoured and 
esteemed for his great talents and virtues. At his death, he occupied, as a 
Florentine citizen, in all respects a higher position than had ever before 
been attained in the republic. He was buried in San Lorenzo. He left no 
will, and directed that his funeral should be quite plain. All the lords of 
Italy sent to express their condolence, and king Louis of France sent word 
that his banner should follow the body; but my father Piero, wishing to 
respect Cosmo’s injunction that the funeral should be plain, declined the 
offer. By public decree, my grandfather received the title of Pater Patrice; 
I have by me the patent wherein this privilege is set forth. After his death, 
a great many seditious disturbances took place in the city ; and my father 
and ourselves were more especially made the objects of attack, so that the 
Kves and property of ourselves and our friends were for a time in great 
danger. At length things took a turn, and 1466, M. Agnolo Acciajuoli, M. 
Dietesaivi, and Niccolo Soderini, with others, 'were banished, and the state 
placed on an improved footing. 

“ Anno 1465, in acknowledgment of the friendship between our family 
and the house of France, king Louis decorated our arms with three golden 
fleurs-de-lys on a field azure, which we now bear; I have the king’s letters 
patent by me, with his seal attached; the grant was approved and confirmed 
by eight votes of the Priori. 

“ July 1467, duke Galeazzo of Milan, who was in the field against Bar¬ 
tolommeo da Bergamo, at war with our state, came to Florence, and took up 
his abode in our house. He preferred doing so, though the Signory had 
prepared apartments for him in Santa Maria Novella. 

“ February or March, 1467, my father purchased Serezzana, and Sereza- 
nello, and Castel Nuovo, from M. Lodovico and M. Tommasino da Campo 
Fregosi, though they were situated in the thick of the war. The money was 
paid at Siena, by Francesco Sassetti, our agent, partner in the bank there. 

“ I, Lorenzo, took to wife Donna Clarice, daughter of Signor Jacopo Or- 
sini, or rather, she was betrothed to me, in December 1468, and the marriage 
took place in our house 4tli June, 1469. Up to the present time I have 


494 


NOTES. 


living by her two children, a girl named Lucrezia, and a boy, Piero; she 
is in the family way again. May God preserve her to me many years, and 
keep all danger far from her! There were two other boys born prematurely, 
at about five or six months ; they lived long enough to be baptized. 

“July 1469; at the request of the most illustrious duke Galeazzo of 
Milan, I went to Milan, and stood godfather, as proxy for my father, to his 
firstborn son, christened Giovanni Galeazzo. I had a most honourable re¬ 
ception, being treated with more distinction than any other person there, 
though many were far more exalted than I. In acknowledgment of the com¬ 
pliment paid our family, I presented to the duchess a gold necklace with a 
large diamond clasp, which had cost 8000 ducats. The result has been that 
the duke has got me to stand godfather to all his other children. 

“ Not to fall short of other people, I gave a tournament in the Piazza of 
Santa Croce; it was a sumptuous entertainment, costing, as I find by my 
notes, about 10,000 florins. Though I was at that time short of my full 
years and strength, the first prize was awarded me, a helmet inlaid with 
silver, with a Mars for its crest. 

“My father, Piero, departed this life 2nd Dec. 1469, aged-. He had 

suffered much from the gout. He left no will, but on an inventory being 
taken, it was found that his property amounted in value to 237,989 florins, 
of which the particulars are set forth in a book, bound in green calf, which 
I have by me. He was buried in San Lorenzo, where we erected a handsome 
monument to receive his bones and those of his brother Giovanni. May 
God have mercy upon their souls ! He was much lamented by the whole 
city, for lie was an honest man, and of thorough goodness of heart; the 
princes of Italy, the highest among them, sent us their condolence, and 
offered us their protection if necessary. 

“ The second day after my father’s death, though I was very young at the 
time, not more than 21, the chiefs of the state came to our house, and 
after expressing their commiseration at our loss, requested me to undertake 
the charge of the state, as my grandfather and father had done; which 
request, from a weighty sense of my youth, and of the great responsibility 
and danger of the employment, I acceded to very reluctantly, and only for 
the sake of being in a position likely to keep secure our friends and our¬ 
selves ; for at Florence there is no living without the support of a govern¬ 
ment. I have ever since filled the office with credit, not enabled thereto 
by any superior qualities of my own, but by the favour of God and the 
influence I derived from the popularity of my predecessors. 

“ I find from a quarto account-book I have, from 1434 to 1471, that from 
1434 to the present time we have expended an incredible sum of money, 
not less than 663,755 florins, in public works, charity, and contributions to 
the taxes. I do not regret the expenditure, though many may think we 
might have better kept a part of the amount in our own purses, for I think 
the money well laid out in promotion of great public objects. 

“ September 1471, I was elected ambassador to Home, on the occasion of 
the coronation of Pope Sixtus IV.—I was received with great respect, and 
brought back with me two antique busts, the one of Augustus, the other of 
Agrippa, that the pope gave me; the cup of carved chalcedony, and a number 
of cameos and medals, I bought there.” 


INDEX 


PAGE 

Acciajuoli, the family of, conspire 

against Piero de’ Medici ... 38 

Agnolo, his letter to P. de’ Medici 40 
Donato, inscribes his works to P. 

de’ Medici . 44 

his embassy to Rome.. ... 109 

his death .114 

Piero, banished from Florence... 39 
Accolti, Benedetto, history of the 
wars of the Christians and the 

Turks . 44 

Bernardo, his tragedy of Virginia 160 
Agnana, a farm of Lor. de’ Medici 243 
ALBEKTi,LeoBattista,hisP4j7oc?oa,’ios 43 

his discoveries . ib. 

introduced by Landino in his Dis- 

putationes Catnaldulenses . 51 

Albizi, Rinaldo de’, opposes Cosmo 

de’ Medici . 7 

banished . 10 

Alexander VI., his election ... 298 
Altercazione, an Italian poem, by 

Lorenzo de’ Medici ... 85, 149 

Ambra .134, 148 

Ambra, a Latin poem of Politiano... 240 
Ancient authors sought after ... 12 

Ancients and moderns compared... 141 
Architecture encouraged by Lor. 

de’ Medici .280 

Argykopylus, Joh., instructs Lor. 

in the Aristotelian philosophy 35 
teaches Greek at Florence ... 213 

his death .i .215 

Arts, their progress .261 

state of them in the middle ages 262 

revival in Italy. ib. 

their imperfection .268 

causes of their improvement ... 269 
Augurelli, Aurelio, a Latin poet 226 
Aurispa, Giovanni, his researches 

after classic authors . 14 


PAGE 

Bagnone, Stefano, an accomplice 

in the Pazzi conspiracy. 96 

Baldini, Baccio, an early engraver 

on copper .284 

Baldovinetti, excelled in painting 

portraits.266 

Baldovini, his Lamento di Cecco da 

Varlunga . ... 158 

Bandini, Bernardo, an accomplice 

in the conspiracy of the Pazzi 9 7 

his death .102 

Francesco, president of the Pla¬ 
tonic Festival. 88 

Barbaro, Ermolao .301 

Beca da Dicomano, rustic poem of 

Luigi Pulci .158 

Beccatelli, Antonio, his Hertna- 

phroditus, and other poems ... 24 

Bembo, Bernardo.113 

Pietro, his sonnets .146 

verses to the memory of Politiano 304 
Bentivoglio, Giovanni, assists Lo¬ 
renzo .106 

attacks Manfredi, of Faenza ... 259 
Beoni, a satirical poem of Lorenzo 

de’ Medici .155 

Berlingiiieri, Francesco, La Geo- 

grafia .228 

Bessarion, Cardinal, account of 
him, and of his dispute with 

George of Trebisond . 25 

Bianchi and Neri . 3 

Blondo, Flavio, his character of 

Cosmo de’ Medici. II 

Boccaccio, Giov., his Decamerone 126 

Latin writings .200 

Bologna, battle of. 41 

Bosso, Matteo, his character and 

works .254 

Braccio, Alessandro, a Latin poet 226 
Brunelleschi, Filippo. 30, 43 





496 


INDEX 


PAGE | 

Brunt, Leonardo, called Leonardo 
Aretino, his character and 

writings. 10 

promotes learning .201 

Buonarroti,M ichelagnolo, his high 

opinion of Masaccio . SO 

his opinion of Ghiberti . 31 

studies in the gardens of S. Marco 274 

resides with Lorenzo.275 

advantages over his predecessors 276 

his sculptures . ib. 

great improvement of taste in¬ 
troduced by him .277 

unjustly censured .278 

Michelagnolo the younger, liis 
rustic comedy, entitled La 

Tancia .158 

Bukchiello, his writings .129 

Caffagiolo, description of .243 

Calabria, duke of, defeats the 

Florentines .115 

defeated by Roberto Malatesta... 175 
Calandrino, Tommaso, Nicholas 

V., account of.. 20 

Calphurnius, his writings dis¬ 
covered in England . 14 

Cantalicio, a modern Latin poet 226 

Canti Carnascialeschi .155, 162 

Canzoni a hallo .162 

Careggi, description of.242 

Casa, his sonnets.147 

Castagna, Andrea da, paints the 
portraits of the Pazzi con¬ 
spirators .109 

introduces the practice of paint¬ 
ing in oil.266 

Castello attacked by Sixtus IV. ... 82 

Cennini, Bernardo, the first Flo¬ 
rentine printer .205 

Ciialcondyles, Demetrius, teaches 
the Greek language at Florence 215 
story of his quarrel with Poli- 

tiano refuted. ib. 

Ciiristiern of Denmark, his visit 

to Florence .. 83 

Ciirysoloras, Emanuel, the mo¬ 
dern father of classical learn¬ 
ing .10, 201 

Cibo, Giambattista, v. Innocent VIII. 
Cibo, Francesco, marries Madda- 

lena de’ Medici .160 

Cicero, several of his writings dis¬ 
covered by Poggio. 13 I 


PAGE 

Ciriffo Calvaneo, heroic poem of 

Luca Pulci .130 

Clarice, wife of Lorenzo ... 59, 230 

quarrels with Politiano .233 

her death .255 

Classical learning, progress of, in 

Italy .198, 213 

Classic authors discovered . 13 

early editions of.205 

Collectiones Cosmiame . 24 

Colonna, Otto, Martin V., elected 

j)Ope. 5 

Columella, his works discovered 13 

Constantinople, capture of . 21 

Contucci, And., an eminent painter 279 
Corniuoli, Giovanni della, a cele¬ 
brated engraver on gems ... 285 
Corydon, a poem by Lor. de’ Medici 136 
Cossa, Balthazar, John XXIII. ... 5 

Council of Florence in 1438. 16 

Cremona, congress of .177 

Crescimbeni, his character of the 

poetry of Lorenzo.165 

Cydonus, Demet., a learned Greek 202 

Dante, his Commeddia .126 

character of his sonnets .145 

character of his Latin writings... 199 
Domenico de’ Camei, an engraver 

on gems.285 

Donatello, favoured by Cosmo 

de’ Medici . 31 

his works in sculpture .267 

Donati, Lucrezia, mistress of Lor. 58 

Drama, Italian, its rise.159 

musical, its origin .160 

Driadeo d'Amore, pastoral romance 

of Luca Pulci. 130 

Engraving on copper, invention of 284 

on gems, revival of . ib. 

Este, Borso de’, marquis of Ferrara 66 
Ercole de’, assists a conspiracy 

against the Medici. 38 

duke of Ferrara, assists Lorenzo 113 
is succoured by Lorenzo .174 

Federigo of Arragon, his interview 

with Lorenzo at Pisa . 36 

Lorenzo addresses his poems to 

him.. 132 

- count of tJrbino assists Flo¬ 
rence against Venice . 41 

assists Ferrara against the pope 175 




INDEX, 


PAGE 

Ferdinand king of Naples, his 

letter to Lorenzo . 40 

his abilities as a statesman ... 63 

declines the proposed marriage 
between his daughter and the 

dauphin of France. 81 

leagues with the pope against the 

Florentines .105 

is visited by Lorenzo at Naples 119 
concludes a peace with him ... 122 

threatened by the pope, .1S1 

defended by Lorenzo.182 

reconciled to the pope .1S6 

his cruelty and perfidy .190 

Ferrara, its government . 66 

Ferrara, duke of, attacked by 

the Venetians and the pope ... 174 

defended by Lorenzo. ib. 

Ficino, Marsilio, educated in the 

Platonic philosophy . 18 

his translation of Plato . 22 

instructs Lorenzo . 35 

abstract of the doctrines of Plato 85 
introduced by Lorenzo in his 
Altercazione . ib. 


Fidelis, Cassandra, her extraordi¬ 
nary accomplishments ... ... 222 

Fiesole, its situation . 2 

destroyed . ib. 

Fieeefo, Francesco • •• •• • 11 

researches after ancient manu¬ 
scripts . 14 

his character . 15 

dissensions with Poggio . 27 

Florence, its origin. 1 

its characteristics . ib. 

government.2, 6 

benefits of that government ... 3 

council of . 16 

academy of, established by Cosmo 17 
its advancement in science . ... 51 

its state at the death of Piero 

dc’ Medici . 62, 65 

peculiar advantages of its poli¬ 
tical situation. 65 

commencement of its maritime 
trade . 69 


its literary eminence. 90 

review of its government.192 

regul ations introduced by Lorenzo 193 

its prosperity .194 

extinction of the republic.333 

Florentine secretaries eminent scho- 


497 

PAGE 

Folengi, Nicodemo, a Latin poet 226 

Franco, Matteo, his sonnets.131 

his literary disputes with the Pulci 132 

Frescobaxdi, conspiracy of..172 

Fuorusciti of Florence, their dis¬ 
turbances. 3 

Gaza, Theodore, his treatise against 

the Platonic philosophy. 26 

Genazano,M ariano, a distinguished 

preacher.252 

Gentile d’Urbino, bishop of Ar¬ 
ezzo, instructs Lorenzo. 34 

ode addressed to him by Politiano 106 
summons a convention at Flo¬ 
rence against Sixtus IV. ... ill 
George of Trebisond, Iris dispute 

with cardinal Bessaricn. 25 

Ghiberti, Lorenzo, his works in 

sculpture. 31,267 

Giambullari, Bernardo, completes 

II Ciriffo Calvaneo .130 

Giostra of Lorenzo and Giuliano ... 45 

Gi.otto, character of his paintings 263 
Granacci, Francesco, a fellow- 

student of Michael Angelo ... 274 

Ins talents.279 

Grazzini, his collection of Canti 

Carnascialeschi .162 

Greek academy instituted at Flo¬ 
rence .213 

language introduced into Italy 10 
Greeks, various learned, take refuge 

in Florence . 21 

Grocin, William, a student at Flo¬ 
rence.216 

Grosso, Niccolo, called II Caparra, 

his works in iron .280 

Guarino Veronese, an eminent 

scholar . 11, 28 

researches after ancient authors 14 
Guclphs and Ghibelines. 3 

Hawking, poem on, by Lorenzo ... 148 
Hermaphroditic*, a licentious work 

of Beccatelli . 21 

Heroic epistles of Luca Pulci ... 130 

Improvvisatori poets, remarks upon 158 
Inanimate objects, use of in poetry 139 
Innocent VIII., his election ... 179 
Lorenzo gains his confidence ... ib. 

prepares to attack Naples.182 

opposed by Lorenzo. ib. 

K K 







498 


INDEX, 


PAGE 

Innocent YIII. is reconciled to the 

king.186 

threatens him with fresh hostilities 190 

pacified by Lorenzo .191 

his death .298 

Isabella of Arragon, her nuptials 
with Galeazzo Sforza, duke of 

Milan .250 

anecdote respecting her .251 

Italian language, its degradation... 128 
revivors of it in the 15th century 130 

Italy, its political state, 65 .171 

general tranquillity of .192 

invaded by the French .298 

Landino, Christ., instructs Lorenzo 35 

his character ... 44 

Disputationes Camaldulenses ... 51 

his commentary on Dante.200 

his edition of Horace.206 

his poetry .225 

Laudi of Lorenzo de’ Medici.151 

League, Italian, against the Turks 68 
Leghorn, dominion of, purchased by 

the Florentines . 69 

Leo X., v. Giovanni de’ Medici. 

age of.316 

Library of S. George at Venice, 

founded by Cosmo de’ Medici 9 

Laurentian, established . 19 

of S. Marco at Florence, founded 

by Niccolo Niccoli. 19 

its progress.203 

plundered by the French.300 

restored .318 

of the Vatican, founded by Nicho¬ 
las V. 20 

Linacer, Thomas, studies the 

Greek tongue at Florence ... 216 

Lirri, Filippo, the elder, favoured 

by Cosmo de’ Medici . 31 

monument erected to him by Lo¬ 
renzo .265 

Filippo, the younger, liis paintings 266 
Literature, its persecution by Paul 

II. 75 

Literary quarrels of the 15th century 2 5 

Livy, researches after his writings 14 

a copy of, sent by Lorenzo to 

Alfonso of Naples. 16 

Louis XI., of France, negotiates for 
the marriage of the dauphin 
with a daughter of the king of 
Naples . 80 


PAGE 

Louis XI., of France, advises Lo¬ 
renzo not to attend the con¬ 
gress of Cremona .177 

Lucretius, discovery of his works 13 

Maddalena, daughter of Lo¬ 
renzo, marries Francesco Cibo 250 
Maffei, Antonio, an accomplice in 

the Pazzi conspiracy . 96 

Raffaello, kindness of Lorenzo to 

him.109 

Mahomet II. captures Constanti¬ 
nople . 21 

captures the island of Negropont 67 

captures Otranto .123 

his death .173 

Malatesta, Roberto, commands 

the Florentine troops .114 

engages in the service of the pope 175 

his death .176 

Malavolti, Fiderigo, his cour¬ 
teous treatment of Cosmo de’ 

Medici . 8 

Manetti, Giannozzo .201 

studies perspective .265 

Manfredi, Galeotto, his death ... 259 
Mantegna, Andrea, his engravings 2S4 
Marsuppini, Carlo, studies Greek 

under Chrysoloras. 10 

Masaccio, favoured by Cosmo de’ 

Medici . 30 

Maximts, Carolus de’, his poem on 
the restoration of the academy 

at Pisa .226 

Medici family, antiquity of. 4 

nature of their influence in Flo¬ 
rence . 6 

sources of their wealth . 68 

their commercial concerns. 69 

other sources of their revenue ... 70 

expelled from Florence .300 

their adherents decapitated ... 308 

restored to Florence.314 

Medici, Alessandro de’, natural son 

of Lorenzo, duke of Urbino ... 323 
assumes the sovereignty of Flo¬ 
rence .326 

assassinated by Lorenzino de’ 

Medici .328 

Bianca, daughter of Cosmo ... 23 

Carlo, de’, son of Cosmo . 23 

Cosmo de’, Pater Patrice . 5 

assists John XXIII. ih. 

banished . 8 




INDEX, 


499 


PAGE 

Medici, Cosmo de’, allowed to re¬ 


side at Venice . 9 

founds the library of S. George 

at Venice. ib. 

recalled from banishment. 10 

encourages men of learning ... 11 

collects ancient works . 18 

founds the Laurentian library ... 19 

applies himself to study . 22 

his celebrity . 24 

his death and character . 29 

his encouragement of art. ib. 

his repartees . 31 

his immense resources . 32 


his collection of antiques.272 

Cosmo de’, first grand duke ... 333 
Giovanni de’, an ancestor of Lo¬ 
renzo, reinforces the fortress of 

Scarperia. 4 

Giovanni de’, surnamed de’ Bicci, 
father of Cosmo, Pater Patrice ib. 

his last advice to his sons. 5 

Giovanni de’, son of Cosmo ... 23 

Giovanni de’, Leo X., second son 

of Lorenzo, bom .232 

his character .237 

raised to the dignity of cardinal 244 
letter to him from Lorenzo on his 

promotion .245 

letter from him to his brother 
Piero, on the death of their 

father .297 

his conduct in his exile . 313 

his election to the pontificate ... 315 

promotes his relations . ib. 

restores his dominions to peace 316 
Giovanni de’, son of Pierfrancesco 
assumes the name of Popo- 

lani.324 

Giovanni de’, captain of the 

Bande nere .325 

Giuliano de’, brother of Lorenzo, 

bom. 23 

his Giostra, and poem on that 


subject by Politiano . 45 

his character . 67 

assassinated by the Pazzi. 98 

his obsequies .103 

personal accomplishments. ib. 


Giuliano de’, duke of Nemours, 
third son of Lorenzo, born ... 232 

his character .320 

his death .321 

Giulio de’ (Clement VII.), bom 104 


PAGE 

Medici, Giulio de’, follows the for¬ 
tunes of the cardinal Giovanni 311 
obtains the pontificate, and erects 
a building for the Laurentian 

library .319 

Ippolito de’, natural son of Giu¬ 
liano duke of Nemours.322 

his death .. _.330 

Lorenzo de’, brother of Cosmo... 5, 8 
collects remains of antiquity ... 270 
Lorenzo id Magnifico, born... 23 
his early accomplishments ... 33 

his person and character. 34 

education ... .. ib. 

studies under Landino and Ar- 

gyropylus . 35 

his interview with Federigo of 

Arragon at Pisa . 36 

visits Rome... ... ib. 

saves his father’s life. 38 

defeats the conspiracy of Luca 

Pitti. 39 

letter to him from Ferdinand 

king of Naples . 40 

his magnanimity . ib. 

his Giostra, and poem of Luca 

Pulci on that subject . 45 

his first love ... 54 

his description of his mistress... 55 

sonnets in her praise. 56 

marries Clarice Prsini . 59 

his journey to Milan. 60 

his letter to his wife. ib. 

intrusted with the direction of 

the Florentine state . 66 

appointed syndic of the republic 68 
his magnificent entertainment of 

the duke of Milan. 72 

devotes his leisure to literature ib. 

his embassy to Sixtus IV. 76 

makes additions to his classical 

collection.. ... ib. 

suppresses the revolt at Vol- 

terra .. 77 

establishes the academy at Pisa 79 
negotiates for a marriage between 
the dauphin and a daughter of 

the king of N aples. 80 

his poem, entitled Altercazione... 86 
wounded in the conspiracy of 

the Pazzi. 98 

conduct after the conspiracy ... 100 
prepares to resist the pope and 
the king of Naples.106 





500 


INDEX 


PAGE I 


Medici, Lorenzo de’, Ilia kindness 
to the relations of the con¬ 
spirators .109 

danger of his situation .112 

sends his family to Pistoia. ib. 

negotiates for peace.113 

resolves to visit the king of Naples 116 
his letter to the magistrates of 

Florence.117 

embarks at Pisa.119 

interview with the king . ib. 

concludes a treaty with him ... 121 

his reception at Florence.122 

concludes a peace with the pope 123 

his studies.125 

his criticisms on Dante &c. ... 127 

his early writings .132 

inquiry into his poetical character 133 

his talents for description.134 

poetic comparison .135 

personification . 139 

of the passions and affections ... 140 
liis talents for the Prosopopeia ... 141 
various species of poetry culti¬ 
vated by him.144 

sonnets and lyric pieces . ib. 


Selve d’Amove . 

Ambra, a fable . 

poem on hawking 

moral pieces. 

sacred poems ... • ... 

I Beoni, a satire. 

La Nencia da Barberino 

dramatic works. 

Canti Carnascialeschi ... 


.147 

.148 

. ib. 

.149 

.151 

.155 

.158 

.159 

... 155, 162 


Canzoni a hallo .... .162 

Rappresentazione .159 

character of his poetry by Pico 
of Mirandula and others ... 164 

celebrated by Politiano .166 

he endeavours to secure the peace 

of Italy.170 

conspiracy against him by Fres- 

cobaldi .172 

defends the duke of Ferrara 
against the pope and Vene¬ 
tians .175 

obtains the confidence of Inno¬ 
cent VIII.179 

joins the army before Pietra- 

Santa ... 180 

defends the king of Naples 

against Innocent VIII.182 

reconciles the pope and the king 186 


PAGE 

Medici, Lorenzo de’, suppresses 

the insurrection at Osimo ... 186 

captures Sarzana .183 

protects the smaller states of Italy ib. 
reconciles the pope and the king 
of Naples a second time ... 191 
regulates the government of Flo¬ 
rence .192 

his high reputation .195 

his ardour in collecting ancient 

manuscripts .205 

establishes the Greek academy at 

Florence.213 

domestic character .229 

accused of being addicted to 

. licentious amours.231 

vindicated. ib. 

conduct towards his children ... 233 
discharges his debts, and quits 
commerce for agriculture ... 23S 
favours learned ecclesiastics ... 252 
encourages the arts ... 262 et seq. 

erects a bust of Giotto .263 

raises a monument to Fra Filippo 265 
augments his collection of an¬ 
tique sculptures .272 

establishes a school for the study 

of the antique.273 

favours Michael Angelo .274 

other artists favoured by him ... 279 

attempts to revive Mosaic.233 

intends to retire from public life 287 
is taken sick, and removes to 

Careggi.289 

conduct in his last sickness ... 290 
interview with Pico and Poli¬ 
tiano .291 

with Savonarola.292 

his death . ib. 

his character .293 

review of his conduct as a states¬ 
man . ib. 

attachment of the Florentines to 

him.295 

circumstances attendingdiis death, ib. 
testimonies of respect to his me¬ 
mory .296 

monody on his death, by Poli¬ 
tiano .302 

Lorenzo de’, duke of Urbino ... 323 

his death and monument. ib. 

Lorenzo de’, son of Pierfrancesco, 

called Lorenzino .325 

assassinates the duke Alessandro 32S 






INDEX, 


PAGE 

Medici, Lorenzino de\ motives and 

consequences of his attempt... 329 

is assassinated at Venice.331 

Lucretia, Lorenzo’s mother, her 

poetical talent . 33 

Nannina, daughter of Cosmo ... 23 

Piero de\ son of Cosmo, marries 

Lucretia Tornabuoni . 23 

his conduct after the death of \ 

Cosmo . 37 

promotes the interests of learning 42 

his death and character . 61 

Piero de’, son of Lorenzo il Mag- 

nifico born ..232 

his character .236 

visits pope Innocent VIII. ... 243 

marries Alfonsina Orsini.249 

visits Milan.250 

expelled from Florence .300 

his death and character .311 

sonnet by him .312 

Salvestro de’ . 4 

Veri de’ . ib. 

Merula, Giorgio, his controversy 

with Politiano .211 

Methodists arrive at the same point 

as the Platonists . 85 

Michelozzi, Michelozzo, accompa¬ 
nies Cosmo in his banishment 9 

designs the Medici palace. 30 

Milan, its government. 64 

Miscellanea of Politiano.210 

Montesicco, Giambattista, an ac¬ 
complice in the conspiracy of 

the Pazzi. 96 

his death .102 

Morgante Maggiore of Luigi Pulci 130 
Mosaic, attempts to revive it ... 283 
Muratori, criticism on Lorenzo ... 147 
Museum Florentinum, its origin ... 272 

Naldo de Naldis, his Latin poetry 225 

Naples, its government. 63 

Nardi, Bernardo, attacks the town 

of Prato. 67 

Natural objects, the use of in 

poetry .135 

Nencia da Barberino, rustic poem 

of,Lorenzo de’ Medici .158 

Neroni, Dietisalvo, his insidious 

advice to Piero de’ Medici ... 37 

banished from Florence . 39 

Niccoli, Niccolo, a promoter of 

learning. 19 


501 

PAGE 

Niccom, Niccolo, founds the library 

of IS. Marco . 19 

collects the remains of ancient 

art ... ... 207 

Nicholas V. founds the Vatican 

library . 20 

Nicholas of Treves brings a copy 

of Plautus to Rome . 13 

Nori, Francesco, his assassination 98 
Nutricia of Politiano .166 

Olgiato, Girolamo, assassinates 

the duke of Milan. 91 

Opera, origin of the .160 

Orazioui of Lorenzo de’ Medici ... 151 

Orfeo of Politiano.160 

Orsini, his models of Lorenzo ... 105 
Otranto captured by the Turks ... 123 
retaken by the duke of Calabria 173 
Ottavio, Francesco, dedicates a 
book to Piero de’ Medici ... 45 


Paleologus, John, emperor of the 

East, at Florence. 

Paul II. visited by Lorenzo 

his character . 

a persecutor of men of learning 

his death . 

Pazzi, conspiracy of the . 

origin of the attempt. 

the family of . 

reasons of their enmity to the 

Medici . 

arrangements for the plot. 

the conspirators attack the palace 
repulsed by Cesare Petrucci 

memorials of it. 

Francesco, his death ... 

Giacopo de’, his death . 

Guglielmo de’, banished . 

Perugia, battle of. 

Petrarca, his writings . 

his sonnets. 

his Latin writings . 

collects ancient medals . 

Petronius, his works discovered... 


16 

36 

64 

ib. 

74 

93 
ib. 

94 


95 

96 
99 

100 
105 
10 L 
ib. 
102 
115 
126 
146 
199 
270 
14 


Petrucci, Cesare, defends the pa¬ 
lace . 99 

Pico, Giovanni, of Mirandula, his 

opinion of Lorenzo.125, 164 

his history and character.220 

last interview with Lorenzo ... 291 

his death ... 301 

Pietra-Santa captured.180- 




502 


INDEX 


PAGE 

Pisa, its academy established ... 79 

poem thereon by de Maximis ... 226 
Pisani, Nicolo and Andrea, their 

works in sculpture.267 

Pitti, Luca, his conspiracy against 
the Medici, and its punish¬ 
ment . 37, 39 

The Palace Pitti . 39 

Platina, persecuted by Paul II.... 75 

Plato, revival of his philosophy 18, 84 
Platonism, the use to which it was 

applied . ... 84 

Platonic academy, its progress ... 84 

festival . 88 

effects of this institution . 89 

celebrity of its members . 90 

Platus, Platinus, of Milan, a Latin 

poet .226 

Plautus, his works discovered ... 13 

Pletho, Gemisthus . ... 17 

Poetry, observations on its nature 

and aim . 133 

Poetical personification, observa¬ 
tions on.141 

Poggio studies underChrysoloras... 11 

discovers the writings of many of 

the ancient authors.12 

visits England . 14 

his praise of Cosmo de’ Medici... ib. 
his quarrel with Filelfo and others 27 
industry in collecting antique 

sculptures .271 

Giacopo, engaged in the conspi¬ 
racy of the Pazzi. 96 

his death .100 

Poggio-Cajano, description of ... 239 
Polxtiano, Agnolo, his Giostra of 

Giuliano de’ Medici ... 45, 47 

his birth and education . 72 

temper and character . 37 

his ode to Gentile d’Urbino ... 107 
his musical drama entitled Orfeo 160 

his Nutricia .166 

ode Ad Horatium Flaccum .206 

his industry as a commentator... 208 
authors commented by him ... 209 
corrects the Pandects of Justi¬ 
nian.210 

his Miscellanea . ib. 

controversy with Merula.211 

controversy with Scala .218 

his translation of Herodian ... 224 

his translation of Homer. ib. 

character of his Latin poetry ... 227 


PAGE 

Politiano, Agnolo, accompanies 
the family of Lorenzo to Pistoia 233 
his letters to Lucretia, the mo¬ 
ther of Lorenzo .234 

dissensions between him and Ma¬ 
donna Clarice.235 

she expels him the house. ib. 

he retires to Fiesole, and writes 
his poem, entitled Rusticus ... ib. 
his last interview with Lorenzo 

de’ Medici .291 

absurd account of his death ... 301 

his monody on Lorenzo .302 

celebrated by cardinal Bembo ... 304 
authentic account of his death... 305 
Pollajuolo, Antonio, his medal 

on the conspiracy of the Pazzi 105 
introduces the study of anatomy 265 
Pontifical government, effect of ... 64 

Prato, unsuccessful attack upon, by 

Bernardo Nardi . 67 

Printing, invention of. 21 

introduction into Florence ... 204 
Processions, grand public,atFlorence,l 61 
Prose writing, Italian, its condition 

about 1450 128 

Pulci family.129 

Bernardo . ib. 

Luca, his Giostra of Lorenzo de’ 

Medici . 45, 46 

his other writings .130 

Luigi, his Morgante . ib. 

sonnets .131 

La Beca da Dicomano . ... 158 

Quintilian, his works discovered 13 

Raimondi, Marc Antonio, his en¬ 
gravings .2S4 

Rappresentazione antichi .159 

Recuperationes Fesulance of Matteo 

Bossi .254 

Reformation, its rise .317 

Riario, Piero, his dissipation ... 82 

Girolamo . ib. 

engages in the conspiracy of 

the Pazzi . 93 

assassinated .257 

Raffaello, an instrument in the 

Pazzi conspiracy . 93 

escapes with his life.100, 109 

Rimini, assailed by Paul II., and 
saved by the aid of Lorenzo 
de’ Medici . 75 




INDEX 


503 


PAGE 

Rimini, defended by Lorenzo 

against the pope .176 

Rome, its government. 64 

Rosmunda, a tragedy, by G. Rucellai 160 
Rucellai, Bernardo, marries Nan- 

nina, sister of Lorenzo.250 

Giovanni, his Rosmunda .160 

Kustici, Gianfrancesco, an emi¬ 
nent painter .279 

Riulicus, a Latin poem of Politiano 235 

Salviati, Francesco, archbishop of 
Pisa, engages in the conspiracy 

of the Pazzi. 96 

his death .101 

Averardo, favoured by Lorenzo 

de’ Medici .109 

Giacopo, husband of Lucretia, 
daughter of Lorenzo ... 109, 250 
Salutati, Coluccio, congratulates 
Demetrius Cydonius on his 

arrival in Italy .202 

San Gallo, Giuliano da, an emi¬ 
nent architect.2S1 

Sarzana, attacked by the Floren¬ 
tines, and captured .188 

Satire, jocose Italian, its rise ... 159 

Savonarola, Gir., his character... 253 

visits Lorenzo in his last sickness 292 

commotions excited by him at 

Florence.307 

his disgrace and execution ... 310 

Saxus, Pamphilus, his verses to the 

memory of Politiano .306 

Scala, Bartolomeo, draws up a 
memorial of the conspiracy of 

the Pazzi.112 

his character .217 

controversy with Politiano ... 218 

Alessandra, her learning and ac¬ 
complishments .222 

Sculpture, progress of .269 

state amongst the ancient Romans 270 
researches after ancient sculpture 271 
Selve d'Amore of Lorenzo de’ Me¬ 
dici . ... 135,147 

SroRZA, Constantino, general of 

the Florentines .114 

his death .176 

Galeazzo Maria, duke of Milan, 
assists Florence against Venice 41 

his character . 64 

visits Florence . 41,71 

assassinated .. 91 


PAGE 

Sforza, Galeazzo, his nuptials with 

Isabella of Arragon .250 

Lodovico, called II Moro, his am¬ 
bition . 92 

its success. 93 

invites the French into Italy ... 298 
Signorelli, Luca, his paintings... 266 
Silius Italicus, discovery of his 

poem . 13 

Simoneta, Cecco, opposes the au¬ 
thority of Lodovico Sforza .. 92 

his death . 93 

Simonetta, mistress of Giuliano 

de’ Medici . 51 

Sixtus IV. succeeds to the pontifi¬ 
cate . 76 

engages in the conspiracy of the 

Pazzi . 93 

his extreme violence.109 

excommunicates Lorenzo and 
the magistrates of Florence ... 110 
endeavours to prevail on the Flo¬ 
rentines to deliver up Lorenzo 111 

perseveres in the war. ib. 

makes peace with Florence ... 123 

his ambition and rapacity.164 

leagues with the Venetians 
against the duke of Ferrara... ib. 
deserts and excommunicates the 

Venetians .177 

his death and character .178 

Soderini, Niccolo, banished from 

Florence. 39 

Sofonisba, a tragedy, by Trissino ... ICO 
Sonnet. Italian, its origin and de¬ 
fects.144 

Squarcialupi, Antonio, a cele¬ 
brated musician .228 

Statius, his works discovered ... 13 

Strozzi, Filippo, opposes the autho¬ 
rity of duke Cosmo de’ Medici 332 

his death . 333 

Synod convened at Florence ... Ill 
reply to Sixtus IV. ib. 

Tacitus, discovery of his works ... 14 
Toscanelli, Paolo, erects the Flo¬ 
rentine Gnomon .227 

Traversari, Ambrogio, visits 
Cosmo de’ Medici in his banish¬ 
ment. 10 

his character . ib. 

studies under Emanuel Chryso- 
loras ... . ib . 





504 


INDEX, 


PAGE 

Trissino, his Sofonisha .ICO 

Turks, their expulsion from Italy 173 

Uccelij, Paolo, studies perspective 265 
UgoXjINI, Baccio, the improv visa- 

tore .161 

Urbino, Itaffacllo de’, his obliga¬ 
tions to Michael Angelo ... 278 

Valerius Flaccus, his works dis¬ 
covered by Poggio. 13 

Venice makes war upon Lorenzo... 41 
its government, resources, and 
designs . 62 


PAGE 

Verini, Ugolino, his poem, in honour 

of Lorenzo’s first love . 58 

his Latin poetry.225 

Michael, his accomplishments 

and early death .226 

Vicentino, Valerio, an engraver 

on gems.286 

Virginia, a tragedy, by Bernardo 

Accolti .160 

Volpaija, Lor. de’, constructs a 
time-piece for Lorenzo de’ 

Medici .228 

Volterra, its revolt and sackage ... 77 

Zambino of Pistoia, his library ... 234 


THE END- 




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